Nevada Policy

Archives: Interviews

‘I do not like using the veto pen’: Nevada governor Sets New Record

Research Analyst, Anahit Baghshetsyan, was interviewed about Nevada Policy’s take on Lombardo’s vetoes this session.

Political Parties are Private Organizations — That’s Why Independent Voters Have No Say

In this op-ed, Director of Research, Geoffrey Lawrence, explains why Nevada Policy is opposed to the open primary system.

New questions swirl around Clark County Public Works Department

Geoffrey Lawrence, Director of Research, was quoted in an article by the Review-Journal.

Charter schools feel threatened by big education bill at Nevada Legislature

Policy Analyst, Anahit Baghshetsyan, was interviewed about Nevada Policy’s stance on charter schools and the EDUCATE Bill.

Nevada governor threatens education budget veto over school choice

Anahit Baghshetsyan was interviewed by The Lion about Gov. Lombardo’s threat to veto all education bills this session.

Nevada film tax credit proposal promises jobs, spurs debate

Anahit Baghshetsyan’s testimony on AB 238 was featured.

Nevada film tax credit proposal promises jobs, spurs debate

Anahit Baghshetsya’s testimony before the Legislature was featured in this story.

Legislators may allow Clark County to raise fuel taxes without public vote

Nevada Policy’s Anahit Baghshetsyan provides information about AB 530.

From Boardroom to Courtroom: Can Nevada Compete

Anahit Baghshetsyan’s article for Nevada Business

Wife of Top Clark County Official on Team of Lucrative Government Project

Geoffrey Lawrence, Director of Research, was interviewed about a conflict of interest with a Clark County official.

Nevada Policy’s Policy Analyst, Anahit Baghshetsyan, shares one way to fix Nevada’s education system.

Legal loophole allows former Nevada government employees to continue contract work in retirement

Geoff Lawrence, Director of Research, was interviewed about Nevada’s PERS system.

Lawmakers aim to make it easier for out-of-state health workers to practice in Nevada

Anahit Baghshetsyan, Policy Analyst for Nevada Policy, is interviewed about interstate compact bills.

Policy Analyst Anahit Baghshetsyan was interviewed by KUNR about interstate licensing compacts.

Anahit Baghshetsyan’s op-ed piece for the Reno Gazette Journal about how solve Nevada’s housing crisis.

Anahit Baghshetsyan’s update on legislative session for Nevada Business.

Measures could add mental health providers to state, Elko County

Policy Analyst Anahit Baghshetsyan was interviewed about bills that could impact mental health care in Nevada.

Geoff Lawrence and Anahit Baghshetsyan co-wrote a piece for Nevada Business on how to protect Nevada’s small businesses.

Director of Research, Geoff Lawrence, explains which industries might be affected by the incoming administration.

Eric Bihr, Director of Programs, recently provided an update on bills to watch for the 2025 legislative session.

Policy director, Geoff Lawrence, was interviewed about CCSD’s hiring trend.

Las Vegas Review-Journal article featuring interview with Policy Director, Geoff Lawrence

Daily Signal article featuring quotes by Nevada Policy President, John Tsarpalas

Interview by Nevada Policy President, John Tsarpalas

Op-ed for Nevada Business by Nevada Policy’s Eric Bihr

Forfeiture reform presents rare chance for legislative cooperation

This article was originally published by the Reno Gazette-Journal

Politics are turbulent in Nevada these days. But engulfed in an otherwise raging sea of political cynicism, there now lies a unique opportunity during Nevada’s 80th legislative session for lawmakers to achieve a meaningful and long-overdue bipartisan success: civil-asset forfeiture reform.

Indeed, there is reason to believe 2019 may be Nevada’s best chance yet to end the systemic abuses of the law-enforcement practice which financially incentivizes police to seize — and profit from — personal property on the flimsiest of grounds, all while denying the property’s owner of the right to due process for its return.

For those unfamiliar with its ubiquitous abuses, “civil asset forfeiture” refers to when police seize an individual’s personal property based on the mere suspicion of criminal wrongdoing. Oftentimes, property can be seized (and ultimately forfeited) even if its owner is neither arrested nor convicted of any crime.

To top it off, law enforcement is entitled to a generous portion of the proceeds generated by forfeited property, literally creating an incentive to “police for profit.”

Most forfeitures are for tiny amounts, making it cost-prohibitive for victims to pay the legal fees necessary (if they can even afford them) to challenge the unlawful taking of their property.

In 2017, the Senate Judiciary Committee heard Senate Bill 358, which would have minimized the lawlessness of forfeiture as commonly practiced. Critically, the bill would have required a criminal conviction to precede any forfeiture action. It also would have eliminated the profit motive by sending most of the proceeds to the state education fund, rather than law enforcement.

But despite its widespread and bipartisan support, SB358 never advanced out of committee.

The 2019 Legislature should now revisit forfeiture reform, especially because this issue should unite Nevada’s entire political spectrum.

From a right-leaning perspective, civil forfeiture presents major constitutional issues. Due process is upended by requiring victims to prove their innocence in order to get their property back. An individual’s personal property should never be taken and sold off unless a crime has been charged and proven.

From a left-leaning perspective, advocates for social justice should take umbrage with the fact that civil forfeiture disproportionately targets people of color and poverty, as documented by an NPRI study in 2017.

These facts illustrate that civil asset forfeiture is one of the greatest — albeit perhaps least acknowledged — civil rights issues of our time.

The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights agrees, noting in particular the necessity of public trust in law enforcement and its motives. Citing NPRI’s original research, the commission recently wrote:

“As in other states, law enforcement keeps a portion of this money [in Nevada], which creates an inherent conflict of interest. Public trust in the police is dangerously undermined when police are perceived to be acting primarily in their own financial interests, rather than in the interests of public safety.”

Reforming the laws which govern forfeiture can and should be a bipartisan affair, a seizing (pun intended) of the low-hanging legislative fruit. Here’s to hoping that Nevada’s 2019 Legislature recognizes a good opportunity for mutual success when it sees one.

Daniel Honchariw, MPA is senior policy analyst for Nevada Policy, and currently serves as its registered lobbyist for the 2019 Legislature.

Nevada’s government/ private sector employee pay gap

Nevada’s Public Records Law Needs Teeth

This article was originally published by Nevada Business Magazine.

Transparency is an essential part of a representative government; without it, some would rule while others would simply be ruled over.

This is why the federal government and every state in the nation has passed laws that explicitly address the public’s right to access government records and information. For more than 100 years, Nevada has had some form of public records law on the books.

And it’s only gotten better with time.

Currently, the law is emphatic in declaring the importance of ensuring public access to government records and contains numerous mandates for how government agencies must respond and provide access to these records.

Unfortunately, it has one glaring weak-spot: the lack of any penalties for government officials who choose to ignore it.

Thus, despite the clear mandate for government transparency in Nevada, an increasing number of government agencies are brazenly deciding the rules simply don’t apply to them.

In October, for example, the Nevada Policy Research Institute had to sue the Clark County School District after it refused to hand over emails necessary to verify a former employee’s allegation that she had been unlawfully terminated after reporting test falsification within the district.

CCSD’s total disregard for the law was on complete display in its denial, where it simultaneously asserted that the requested emails were “confidential personnel records” while also citing exemptions from the federal Freedom of Information Act — which, of course, applies exclusively to federal government agencies, not local school districts!

Even if the district was telling the truth about some of the emails being confidential or containing confidential information, the law still requires it to disclose the non-confidential portions of those emails. CCSD, however, refused to do even that.

Now, of course, the district will be defending its absurd denial in court — wasting valuable tax dollars that should have gone towards students and classrooms rather than keeping taxpayers in the dark.

Sadly, this isn’t the first time CCSD has stonewalled attempts to shed some light on potential abuses — nor is the district the only government agency willing to ignore the plain language of Nevada’s public records law.

The Public Employee Retirement System has twice gone to court for attempting to keep secret the payout amounts it makes to retired public-sector workers. Other agencies too have increasingly adopted a “well, let them sue” attitude in denying records requests from the public, resulting in watchdog groups, news outlets and the general public with no effective way to keep their eye on government’s activities.

And it’s not hard to see why this trend is continuing.

After all, even if a denied request ultimately goes to trial, it can take years before the records are finally released, as the government is more than willing to spend tax dollars pursuing every appeal and stall tactic available to them.

And when the court case is all over, what happens next? Well, the agency shells out more tax dollars to pay attorneys fees, requests a larger budget for the next biennium to make up for what it spent on litigation and generally returns to “business as usual” denying future requests.

No lasting penalties for the agency, no ongoing promise for more transparency and, most importantly, no accountability for the government employees who knowingly and deliberately decided to ignore the law and deny the records in the first place.

When we taxpayers violate the law — even mundane or minor laws — we face penalties and sanctions. From speed limits to property taxes, citizens and taxpayers face a litany of potential penalties for failing to adhere to the letter of the law.

So why should government officials be treated any different?

The solution to the culture of non-compliance spreading through Nevada governments is simple, bipartisan and critical to ensuring state law is enforced: The legislature needs only treat the public records law like every other law and include penalties for those who break it.

That is to say, courts must be allowed to hold the government official who made the determination to withhold the record, charge an exorbitant fee, or similarly obstruct access in a bad-faith manner personally liable for the prevailing requester’s fees.

Only then will Nevadans receive the transparent and open government that has been promised to them for over 100 years.

Nevada high court rules for public access to retirement records

Metro trying to keep public in the dark about its use of civil forfeiture

The facts behind Nevada’s education spending

America’s tax bet on small business is a sure thing

http://www.rgj.com/story/opinion/voices/2018/01/25/americas-tax-bet-small-business-sure-thing-tsarpalas/1067711001/

Lack of transparency at Tax Department hinders commerce tax repeal debate

http://www.rgj.com/story/opinion/voices/2017/09/28/lack-transparency-tax-department-hinders-commerce-tax-repeal-debate-honchariw/715023001/

Jeff Sessions and the resurgence of civil-asset forfeiture

http://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/jeff-sessions-and-the-resurgence-of-civil-asset-forfeiture

Minorities a prime target of Las Vegas police seizures, report finds

Even Nevada’s law-abiders should fear renewed assest forfeiture efforts

http://www.rgj.com/story/opinion/voices/2017/08/02/even-nevadas-law-abiders-should-fear-asset-forfeiture-plans-daniel-honchariw/534768001/

Make collective bargaining public to avoid another sexual misconduct scandal at Clark County School District

5 lessons from the Faraday Future fiasco

CCSD’s sexual-misconduct epidemic shows need for bargaining transparency

http://nevadajournal.com/2017/06/20/ccsds-sexual-misconduct-epidemic-shows-need-bargaining-transparency/

Part Eight: CCSD’s systemic problem and its expensive consequences

http://nevadajournal.com/2017/06/01/temp/

Nevada’s police body cam law needs penalties

http://www.rgj.com/story/opinion/voices/2017/05/30/nevadas-police-body-cam-law-needs-penalties-daniel-honchariw/347620001/ 

Shocking numbers connected to salaries of Las Vegas city workers

http://www.lasvegasnow.com/news/shocking-new-numbers-connected-to-the-salaries-of-las-vegas-city-workers/676497041

What is a conflict of interest? Lawsuit against Reno lawmaker might decide

http://www.rgj.com/story/news/politics/2017/04/07/what-conflict-interest-lawsuit-against-reno-lawmaker-might-decide/99317304/

Los Angeles drowning in retiree pension, health costs

Overtime pushes hundreds of Clark County salaries past $100K

CCSD’s systemic problem and its expensive consequences, part seven

http://nevadajournal.com/2017/05/11/ccsds-systemic-problem-and-its-expensive-consequences-7/

CCSD’s systemic problem and its expensive consequences, part six

http://nevadajournal.com/2017/04/26/ccsds-systemic-problem-and-brts-expensive-consequences/

CCSD’s systemic problem and its expensive consequences, part five

http://nevadajournal.com/2017/04/19/ccsds-systemic-problem-and-its-expensive-consequences-5/

Is civil forfeiture a boon for law enforcement?

http://nevadajournal.com/2017/04/18/civil-forfeiture-boon-law-enforcement/

CCSD’s systemic problem and its expensive consequences, part four

http://nevadajournal.com/2017/04/12/ccsds-systemic-problem-and-brits-expensive-consequences/

CCSD’s systemic problem and its expensive consequences, part three

CCSD’s systemic problem and its expensive consequences, part two

http://nevadajournal.com/2017/03/29/ccsds-systemic-problem-and-its-expensive-consequences/

CCSD’s systemic problem and its expensive consequences, part one

http://nevadajournal.com/2017/03/20/ccsds-systemic-problem-and-its-consequences/

Nevada Piggy Book: Required Reading for Taxpayers

Nonprofit Accuses Nevada Senator of Violating Constitution

https://www.usnews.com/news/nevada/articles/2017-02-22/nonprofit-accuses-nevada-senator-of-violating-constitution

Lawsuit claims Nevada senator is in violation of state constitution

http://www.reviewjournal.com/news/politics-and-government/nevada/lawsuit-claims-nevada-senator-violation-state-constitution

One View: Nevada needs full-time recovery, not part-time

http://www.rgj.com/story/opinion/voices/2017/01/30/one-view-nevada-needs-full-time-recovery-not-part-time/97262634/

Report questions violent crime statistics released by Las Vegas police

http://www.reviewjournal.com/crime/report-questions-violent-crime-statistics-released-las-vegas-police

Nevada retirement system must release pension information, judge rules

http://www.reviewjournal.com/news/politics-and-government/nevada/nevada-retirement-system-must-release-pension-information-judge

LVMPD going rogue on violent-crime statistics?

http://nevadajournal.com/2017/01/23/lvmpd-going-rogue-violent-crime-statistics/

This little ‘Piggy’ is getting fat at the public trough

http://elkodaily.com/news/opinion/commentary/commentary-this-little-piggy-is-getting-fat-at-the-public/article_d7e88e68-176f-5800-a103-0b099f48ead7.html

Report doesn’t mention Nevada’s ailing labor force

http://www.rgj.com/story/opinion/readers/2016/12/30/letter-report-doesnt-mention-nevadas-ailing-labor-force/95914968/

State agency orders feds to return stream to church retreat property

http://lasvegastribune.net/state-agency-orders-feds-return-stream-church-retreat-property/

State requires more accountability from Southern Nevada police agencies

http://nevadajournal.com/2016/11/23/state-requires-more-accountability-southern-nevada-police-agencies/

State orders feds to return water to private ministry

http://pvtimes.com/news/state-orders-feds-return-water-private-ministry

Government pension plans are headed for disaster

https://mises.org/blog/government-pension-plans-are-headed-disaster

Firms cash in on lawmakers’ craving for ‘Champion of Small Business’ label

http://nevadajournal.com/2016/10/31/firms-cash-lawmakers-craving-br-champion-small-business-label/

Nevada Leads on Public-Sector Pension Yield

http://www.wsj.com/articles/nevada-leads-on-public-sector-pension-yield-1477593125

One View: Nevada ESA ruling a win in more ways than one

http://www.rgj.com/story/opinion/voices/2016/10/23/one-view-nevada-esa-ruling-win-more-ways-than-one/92658028/

For every $2 million in ‘More Cops’ taxes, Metro has added only one officer

http://nevadajournal.com/2016/10/26/every-2-million-more-cops-taxes-metro-has-added-only-one-officer/

Pension crisis: Fully funded ones a rarity

http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2016/10/25/pension-crisis-fully-funded-ones-rarity.html

Las Vegas think tank critical of call for another More Cops tax

http://www.reviewjournal.com/crime/las-vegas-think-tank-critical-call-another-more-cops-tax

Metro wants lawmakers to believe in ‘magical number’

http://nevadajournal.com/2016/10/13/metro-wants-lawmakers-believe-magical-number/

CATO Institute gives Nevada Governor an ‘F’

http://nevadajournal.com/2016/10/06/cato-institute-slams-nevada-governor-f-grade/

Transparency an item for sale by Metro PD’s officers union?

http://nevadajournal.com/2016/09/29/transparency-item-sale-br-metro-pds-officers-union/

Updates to federal labor law burden Nevada business anew

http://nevadajournal.com/2016/09/28/updates-federal-labor-law-brburden-nevada-business-anew/

Nevada’s shrinking labor force: The view from inside small business

http://nevadajournal.com/2016/08/29/nevadas-shrinking-labor-force-br-view-inside-small-business/

Unions hate Right-to-Work. Let’s give the worker a choice

http://thehill.com/blogs/congress-blog/labor/291408-unions-hate-right-to-work-lets-give-the-worker-a-choice

When unions march lockstep with Democrats

http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2016/aug/15/unions-march-with-democrats/

Unions Stifle Worker Freedom

http://www.forbes.com/sites/realspin/2016/08/18/unions-stifle-worker-freedom/#4025f0936103

Senate liberals, targeting climate change ‘deniers,’ demand to know donors to 22 think tanks

Preserving the right to work

http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2016/aug/2/preserving-the-right-to-work/

Need for Pension reform more urgent

http://www.reviewjournal.com/opinion/need-pension-reform-becoming-more-urgent

Metro’s ‘More Cops’ spending policy unclear even while agency pursues more funding

http://nevadajournal.com/2016/07/15/metros-more-cops-spending-policy-remains-unclear-breven-while-agency-pursues-more-funding/

Does Tahoe’s North Shore fit the profile of a job-hungry, low-income community?

http://nevadajournal.com/2016/06/16/alleged-economic-development-entity-opens-office-among-tahoe-ultra-rich/

Green-energy mandates are holding back the economy — and environmentalism

Nevada should drop its renewable energy mandate

http://mesquitelocalnews.com/2016/06/nevada-should-drop-its-renewable-energy-mandate/

Nevada Lawmakers consider wooing taxpayers with subsidies

At this rate, the State of Nevada will have blown $112.5 million for zilch

http://nevadajournal.com/2016/06/01/rate-state-nevada-will-brhave-blown-1125-million-zilch/

Supporters of a move to repeal Nevada’s new commerce tax not ready to quit

http://www.reviewjournal.com/politics/government/supporters-move-repeal-nevada-s-new-commerce-tax-not-ready-quit

Deal for $1 that upended Nevada’s education system has cost us dearly

https://lasvegassun.com/news/2016/may/15/deal-for-1-that-upended-nevadas-education-system-h/

Window on government employee pension is eye opening

Are you one of the millions of employees who Obama wants punching time-clocks?

http://nevadajournal.com/2016/04/27/are-you-one-millions-employees-who-obama-brwants-punching-and-out-work-time-clock/

Window on government employee pensions is eye-opening

Think tank crunches salary numbers of Nevada’s public employees

http://www.reviewjournal.com/news/las-vegas/think-tank-crunches-salary-numbers-nevada-s-public-employees

State gives GOED’s favored few ‘vouchers’ redeemable for cash

http://nevadajournal.com/2016/03/31/state-gives-goed-favor-few-vouchers-redeemable-cash/

Tax hikes? How about wiser spending in state and local government?

http://www.reviewjournal.com/opinion/tax-hikes-how-about-wiser-spending-state-and-local-government

Nevada Legislature excuses itself from public records law

http://www.reviewjournal.com/politics/government/nevada-legislature-excuses-itself-public-records-law

Why did the State of Nevada decide to help fund a Catholic-run orphanage and school in Virginia City?

http://nevadajournal.com/2016/03/01/19th-century-orphan-care-fightbrstill-hobbles-nevada-education/

How the 1882 Nevada Supreme Court came to endorse state-based religious discrimination

http://nevadajournal.com/2016/02/29/19th-century-orphan-care-fight-brstill-hobbles-nevada-education/

Education Savings Accounts empower parents, not special interests

19th Century orphan-care fight still hobbles Nevada education

http://nevadajournal.com/2016/03/02/19th-century-orphan-care-fight-still-hobbles-nevada-education/

Scalia death creates uncertainty over several issues affecting Nevada

Nevada legislators to study taxicabs’ governing bodies

http://www.reviewjournal.com/politics/government/nevada-legislators-study-taxicabs-governing-bodies

Nevada follows national trend in families seeking alternatives to public schools

http://lasvegassun.com/news/2016/jan/27/nevada-mirroring-national-tend-in-families-seeking/

ESAs will be a blessing to students, schools

Five years later, owners of church retreat still await justice

http://www.elynews.com/2016/01/15/five-years-later-owners-of-church-retreat-still-await-justice/

Picking winners or boosting the economy, the question of the catalyst fund

http://knpr.org/knpr/2016-01/picking-winners-or-boosting-economy-catalyst-fund-question

The Minimum Wage is not just Anti-Business– It’s Anti-Worker as well

http://www.nevadabusiness.com/2016/01/the-minimum-wage-is-not-just-anti-business-its-anti-worker-as-well/

Spending money to entice business is bad bet

NV Energy’s plan would destroy thousands of jobs

http://lasvegastribune.net/nv-energys-plan-destroy-thousands-jobs/

Where are tax incentives for small business?

http://elkodaily.com/news/opinion/commentary-where-are-tax-incentives-for-small-businesses/article_c0f036a6-7ed9-5c42-8e11-af126475fd07.html

 

One View: State shouldn’t turn blind eye to Clean Power Plan costs

http://www.rgj.com/story/opinion/voices/2015/12/16/one-view-state-shouldnt-turn-blind-eye-clean-power-plan-costs/77440166/

Commentary Faraday deal is government picking winners and losers

http://elkodaily.com/news/opinion/commentary-faraday-deal-is-government-picking-winners-and-losers/article_10a0abf7-e756-50bf-b95f-1cf630edee9b.html

Governor seeks to assure lawmakers Faraday’s a good deal

http://lasvegassun.com/news/2015/dec/12/governor-seeks-to-assure-lawmakers-faradays-a-good/

Minimum wage hike proposal would have opposite effect of its intention

Report Card Shows which Lawmakers Stood up for Taxpayers: Only 20 of 63 Kept their Commitments to Taxpayers

Ballot proposal seeks to raise minimum wage to $13

http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2015/nov/24/ballot-proposal-seeks-to-raise-nevada-minimum-wage/

Ballot proposal seeks to raise minimum wage to $13

http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2015/nov/24/ballot-proposal-seeks-to-raise-nevada-minimum-wage/

Proposed power plants would raise consumer costs

How big government tax-hikers are like disgusting stale popcorn

http://nevadanewsandviews.com/how-big-government-tax-hikers-are-like-disgusting-stale-popcorn/

Republican woman love liberty

https://www.newsreview.com/reno/republican-women-love-liberty/content?oid=19024114

So who are the families applying for Education Savings Accounts?

http://nevadanewsandviews.com/npri-so-who-are-the-families-applying-for-education-savings-accounts/

Conservative think tank praises 20 Nevada legislators

http://www.reviewjournal.com/politics/conservative-think-tank-praises-20-nevada-legislators

Governor, GOP leaders given low marks by conservative group

http://www.rgj.com/story/news/2015/10/30/governor-gop-given-low-marks-conservative-group/74864924/

The creed of the ‘common school’

http://nevadajournal.com/2015/11/01/creed-common-school/

 

Candidates should state position on federal lands

http://elkodaily.com/news/opinion/commentary-candidates-should-state-position-on-federal-lands/article_b1983e67-e0bd-54c8-8ad5-306fbefa0707.html

New NV Energy power plant would raise customers’ rates, study shows

Language in Nevada state constitution reveals 19th century anti-Catholic consensus, agenda

http://nevadajournal.com/2015/09/23/language-nevada-state-constitution-revealsbr19th-century-anti-catholic-consensus-agenda/

CCSD teacher union’s membership falls away

Who really has rights to Nevada land?

Union members have a choice, and they don’t even know it

http://www.heritage.org/research/commentary/2015/8/union-members-have-a-choice-and-they-dont-even-know-it 

Updated: ACLU sues state to kill $5K school payments

http://www.rgj.com/story/news/education/2015/08/28/updated-aclu-sues-state-kill-school-payments/71292208/ 

Analysis: ACLU lawsuit declines to mention adverse U.S. Supreme Court rulings

100-day rule for ESAs stresses families out

Avid for Stimulus money, pols short-circuited oversight, got green-energy flops in return

 

When Sen. Harry Reid and President Barack Obama return to Las Vegas Monday for Reid’s 8th Annual National Clean Energy Summit, there’ll be a ghost with them on the dais.

Call it the “Ghost of Stimulus-Act Past.” Or perhaps “The Spirit of Green-Energy Subsidy Failures Past.”

No matter what it’s called, the thing is out of the grave and again stalking the land.

It’s back because every million-dollar-plus renewable-energy loan that Nevada gave to green-energy companies, using its Stimulus Act dollars, subsequently failed and is now the target of “claw back” legal actions by the state.

The work-comp logjam is leaking

http://nevadajournal.com/2015/08/03/work-comp-logjam-leaking/

Busting myths about Nevada’s groundbreaking Education Savings Accounts

Nevada parents want school choice

http://nevadajournal.com/2015/07/18/nevada-parents-display-massive-desire-school-choice/

Make Education Savings Accounts as inclusive as possible — right away

http://www.reviewjournal.com/opinion/editorials/make-education-savings-accounts-inclusive-possible-right-away

‘Hammond Vouchers’ will end government monopoly over education

http://elkodaily.com/news/opinion/commentary-hammond-vouchers-will-end-government-monopoly-over-education/article_1a6f015e-9402-57be-9513-c312e764b92c.html

Learning the minimum wage lesson

City pension payouts up 11 percent

http://www.nbcsandiego.com/news/local/City-Pension-Payouts-Up-11-Percent-306854351.html

Nevada governor socks taxpayers with huge tax hike

http://news.heartland.org/newspaper-article/2015/06/08/nevada-governor-socks-taxpayers-huge-tax-hike

How state lawmakers broke the ‘Grand Bargain’

http://nevadajournal.com/2015/06/09/how-state-lawmakers-broke-grand-bargain/

1990s work-comp laws attacked injured-worker costs on all fronts

http://nevadajournal.com/2015/05/27/1990s-work-comp-laws-attacked-brinjured-worker-costs-all-fronts/

Political incentives naturally drove Nevada workers’ comp into the ditch

http://nevadajournal.com/2015/05/20/political-incentives-naturally-drovebrnevada-workers-comp-ditch/

Nevada’s current work-comp system a product of earlier near-bankruptcy

http://nevadajournal.com/2015/05/11/nevadas-current-work-comp-system-br-product-earlier-near-bankruptcy/

PERS releases Social Security numbers of over 100 retired and current judges

http://nevadajournal.com/2015/02/04/pers-releases-social-security-numbers-over-100-retired-and-current-judges/

Expert critics of Common Core to face NDE officials in unique public events

http://nevadajournal.com/2015/01/08/expert-critics-common-core-face-nde-officials-unique-public-events/

Federal education officials: Nevada can’t charge dad to look at children’s records

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/12/30/federal-education-officials-nevada-cant-charge-dad-look-childrens-records/

CCSD watch list for year-round schools grows

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=nooqsytirsuc

Battlelines: Why unions are preparing for assault in Legislature

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=srgiatittpce

Nevada group’s top 10 labor reforms

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=foh91urNao9f

Nevada Supreme Court tosses separation-of-powers case

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=Culwnltool7r

Nevada voters aren’t stupid

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=9nuvshrsntet

State Controller’s employee compensation database limted by lack of transparency

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=iceolpcoelan

Bramby

jlkjalkheohja

Democrats not being honest with Nevada minimum wage hike

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=jgwatemr3uae

Nevada voter turnout of 45.5 percent a new low

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=pte4onenNuvu

Ask Joe: Where can I find a politician’s salary?

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=isaopxfeeoko

Commentary: Education reform should top GOP agenda

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=cyc6boaan9nm

Nevada county school district spends over $13K to discuss sex-ed program

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=l3aceemdegsx

What should ‘revenue reform’ look like?

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=beeuqo9e0oas

Former NSEA staffer accuses union of racial discrimination

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/11/11/former-nsea-staffer-accuses-union-racial-discrimination/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

CCSD spent over $13,000 discussing controversial sex-ed program

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/10/30/ccsd-spent-over-13000-discussing-controversial-sex-ed-program/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

CCSD schools bursting at the seams

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=hMtolhmcsrcn

Medicaid patients to be surprise victims of margin tax

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=pcucticepiid

Geoffrey Lawrence talks margin tax

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=oe0mco5eoaxq

School district under fire for $100K check

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=1irce43ierg1

Charter-school parents fear the creeping CCSD mindset

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=iuuo0adetdnn

Charter-school parents fear the creeping CCSD mindset

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/10/22/charter-school-parents-fear-creeping-ccsd-mindset/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Medicaid patients to be the surprise victims of margin tax

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/10/21/medicaid-patients-be-surprise-victims-margin-tax/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Wow! Over 700 school district employees exit Nevada State Education Association

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=glsStrsaisst

We need real education reform, not higher taxes

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=mdpussignacc

CCSD has spent $2.1 million on outside legal counsel since 2011

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=e3stC1elnluo

Over 700 school district employees exit Nevada State Education Association

http://www.npri.org/track/trackurl.asp?q=o4atn0tdclpo

Harry Reid’s gifts to ‘greedy’ insurance companies hidden behind anti-insurer rants

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/10/08/harry-reids-gifts-greedy-insurance-companies-were-hidden-behind-populist-anti-insurer-rants/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

CCSD police dispatcher transferred from post as new details emerge in Angela Peterson death case

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/09/29/ccsd-police-dispatcher-transferred-post-new-details-emerge-angela-peterson-death-case/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Mom-and-pop business worries about indirect impacts of margin tax

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/09/24/mom-and-pop-business-worries-about-indirect-impacts-margin-tax/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Administrator on CCSD payroll working for another state government?

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/09/03/administrator-ccsd-payroll-working-another-state-government/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

I’m a ‘poor teacher’? Don’t buy it

http://eagnews.org/im-a-poor-teacher-dont-buy-it/

NPRI suit seeks Tahoe-Douglas sewer pay records

http://www.sacbee.com/2014/08/21/6645371/npri-suit-seeks-tahoe-douglas.html#mi_rss=AP State News

Once a prominent union member, now he’s a union target

http://watchdogwire.com/nevada/2014/08/26/once-a-prominent-union-member-now-hes-a-union-target/

Once a prominent union member, now he’s a union target

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/08/26/once-prominent-union-member-now-union-target/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Commentary: Doling out tax favors doesn’t improve state’s economy

http://elkodaily.com/news/opinion/commentary-doling-out-tax-favors-doesn-t-improve-state-s/article_b9201c58-2817-11e4-a4ee-0019bb2963f4.html

Panel discusses the right not to join a union as part of National Employee Freedom Week

http://www.statebudgetsolutions.org/publications/detail/panel-discusses-the-right-not-to-join-a-union-as-part-of-national-employee-freedom-week

Tahoe district sued for salary information

http://www.recordcourier.com/news/local/12679461-113/records-district-public-request

CTA v. teachers’ First Amendment rights

http://blog.pacificlegal.org/2014/cta-v-teachers-first-amendment-rights/

Poll shows 83 percent of Nevadans support Right-to-Work

http://elkodaily.com/free/commentary-poll-shows-percent-of-nevadans-support-right-to-work/article_ccba140c-2278-11e4-ac2a-001a4bcf887a.html

Editorial: Talk of Tesla special session is premature

http://www.rgj.com/story/opinion/editorials/2014/08/13/editorial-talk-special-session-premature/13975015/

It’s Teacher Freedom Week

http://news.heartland.org/newspaper-article/2014/08/13/its-teacher-freedom-week

NEFW Spotlight: Teachers File Lawsuit Against their Union

http://www.aaeteachers.org/index.php/blog/1369-nefw-spotlight-teachers-file-lawsuit-against-their-union-

NV: State’s $1.2 million gift to SolarCity provides ‘no net benefit’ to Nevadans — Economist

http://watchdogwire.com/nevada/2014/08/12/states-1-2-million-catalyst-fund-gift-to-solarcity-provides-no-net-benefit-to-nevadans-economist/

How do you leave a union you don’t know you belong to?

http://www.fresnobee.com/2014/08/08/4060679/how-do-you-leave-a-union-you-dont.html

Margins tax could scare off potential job creators, like Tesla Motors

http://mesquitelocalnews.com/2014/08/margins-tax-scare-potential-job-creators-like-tesla-motors/

‘You have every right to fight for your kids’

http://watchdogwire.com/nevada/2014/08/04/virginia-walden-ford-you-have-every-right-to-fight-for-your-kids/

CCSD explains why ‘Open Book’ website now less user friendly

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/08/07/ccsd-open-book-website-increasingly-less-open/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

‘You have every right to fight for your kids’

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/08/04/you-have-every-right-fight-your-kids/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Nevada teacher union eyes new priority for ‘organizing’

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/07/23/nevada-teacher-union-eyes-new-priority-organizing/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Geoffrey Lawrence talks new education study

http://www.mynews3.com/content/video/default.aspx?videoID=5214733

Another CCSD email fail

33 ways to improve achievement – at no cost

http://www.tahoedailytribune.com/northshore/12147441-113/education-nevada-achievement-pay

Local think tank fights censorship, Expands campaign informing teachers of workplace rights

http://watchdogwire.com/nevada/2014/07/09/campaign-offers-teachers-support-staff-resources-opt-out-union/

Margin Tax is the epitome of bad tax policy

http://www.americanlegislator.org/margin-tax-epitome-bad-tax-policy/

Save your money, dump the union

http://www.newsreview.com/reno/save-your-money-dump/content?oid=13913887

Victor Joecks talks teacher union opt-out campaign

http://www.stationcaster.com/player_skinned.php?s=1851&c=8621&f=3005193

Think Tank: Government censors intercept emails informing workers of rights

http://watchdogwire.com/nevada/2014/06/27/think-tank-government-censors-intercept-emails-informing-workers-of-rights/

Million-dollar pensioner highlights role payouts play in California’s fiscal mess

http://www.dailynews.com/opinion/20140701/million-dollar-pensioner-highlights-role-payouts-play-in-californias-fiscal-mess-guest-commentary

Nevada Teachers’ union dues support progressive agenda

http://www.truthrevolt.org/news/nevada-teachers-union-dues-support-progressive-agenda

Is Obamacare in a death spiral?

http://www.tahoedailytribune.com/news/opinion/11962904-113/obamacare-nevada-patients-health

An overlooked problem with the margin tax

http://elkodaily.com/news/opinion/commentary-an-overlooked-problem-with-the-margin-tax/article_6629f730-fb53-11e3-a48f-001a4bcf887a.html

Overlooked problem with the margin tax

http://keystonenevada.com/2014/06/17/political-update-june-17-2014/

Opinion: Margin tax campaign financed almost entirely by Nevada teachers

http://thisisreno.com/2014/06/opinion-margin-tax-campaign-financed-almost-entirely-nevada-teachers/

Raises approved in new Henderson fire contract

Commentary: Teacher-funded union backs groups pushing social agenda By Chantal Lovell

http://elkodaily.com/news/opinion/commentary-teacher-funded-union-backs-groups-pushing-social-agenda/article_81cfb572-f826-11e3-bd26-0019bb2963f4.html

Michael Tanner talks Spring Celebration, Obamacare

http://www.stationcaster.com/player_skinned.php?s=1851&c=8201&f=2926743

Why Nevada teachers are leaving the union

http://news.heartland.org/newspaper-article/2014/06/11/why-nevada-teachers-are-leaving-union

Fire Chief of 17 person district takes home $395K; District seeks property tax increase

http://unionwatch.org/fire-chief-of-17-person-district-takes-home-395k-district-seeks-property-tax-increase/

We want it, they could get it

http://www.expressnews.com/business/local/article/We-want-it-they-could-get-it-5536414.php#/0

Culinary Union found in violation of federal labor law

http://www.mynews3.com/content/video/default.aspx?videoID=5143826

Alternative energy projects: Who pays for these boondoggles?

A key definition in the margin-tax scheme would have catastrophic impact

NPRI Policy Luncheon speaker sits down with Ray Hagar

http://www.nevadanewsmakers.com/video/default.asp?showID=1920

Andy Matthews explains Texas’ margin tax mistake

http://www.mynews3.com/content/video/default.aspx?videoID=5119389

Candidates for Washoe County Sheriff state their positions

http://www.dailysparkstribune.com/news/article_4ed4ef66-e52f-11e3-9f3d-001a4bcf887a.html

Assembly District 2 GOP primary sees 2010 rematch

Clark County School District lawyers spend millions of taxpayer dollars on other lawyers

http://watchdogwire.com/nevada/2014/05/29/clark-county-school-district-lawyers-spend-millions-of-taxpayer-dollars-on-other-lawyers/

CCSD has spent $2.1 million on outside legal counsel since 2012

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/05/29/ccsd-has-spent-21-mil-outside-legal-counsel-2012/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Las Vegas reconsiders parks and recreation fee increases

Victor Joecks talks Henderson budget, unions

http://www.mynews3.com/content/video/default.aspx?videoID=5121905

Records: North Las Vegas judge misused city money in fighting lawsuit

http://www.reviewjournal.com/news/crime-courts/records-north-las-vegas-judge-misused-city-money-fighting-lawsuit

LV Metro comps culinary union over $195,000 in police costs

http://watchdogwire.com/nevada/2014/05/20/lv-metro-comps-culinary-union-over-195000-in-police-costs/

LV Metro comps Culinary Union over $195,000 in police costs in 9 months

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/05/20/lv-metro-comps-culinary-union-over-195000-police-costs-9-months/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Texas lawmaker cautions against business margins tax in Nevada

http://www.reviewjournal.com/politics/government/texas-lawmaker-cautions-against-business-margins-tax-nevada

Texas’ margin tax mistake

http://www.ralstonreports.com/tv/51314-craig-estes

Culinary, other union threatened, intimidated non-union workers — rulings

http://watchdogwire.com/nevada/2014/05/14/culinary-other-union-threatened-intimidated-non-union-workers-rulings/

Let’s talk about ending subsidies

http://www.newsreview.com/reno/lets-talk-about-ending-subsidies/content?oid=13440911

Firm auditing NVPERS pays $35 million settlement for not detecting 20-year-long Illinois embezzlement

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/05/14/firm-auditing-nvpers-pays-35-million-settlement-not-detecting-20-year-long-illinois-embezzlement/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

NLRB finds Culinary Union threatens, attempts to intimidate non-union workers

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/05/13/nlrb-finds-culinary-other-strip-union-threatens-attempts-intimidate-non-union-workers/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Study: Margin tax could compel competing businesses to file taxes jointly

http://lasvegassun.com/news/2014/may/07/study-says-margin-tax-might-compel-competing-busin/

Nevada AFL-CIO opposes proposed margins tax to fund public schools

http://www.reviewjournal.com/politics/nevada-afl-cio-opposes-proposed-margins-tax-fund-public-schools

Collective bargaining mandate triggers budget headaches for Henderson, NLV

http://www.reviewjournal.com/opinion/collective-bargaining-mandate-triggers-budget-headaches-henderson-nlv

Organized labor joins anti-Education Initiative coalition

Why Average Pension Numbers Are Misleadingly Low

http://www.capoliticalreview.com/top-stories/why-average-pension-numbers-are-misleadingly-low/

Cliven Bundy is a racist, but federal ownership of state land is still a serious problem

http://www.forbes.com/sites/realspin/2014/04/30/cliven-bundy-is-a-racist-but-federal-ownership-of-state-land-is-still-a-serious-problem/

Why teachers are leaving the teachers union

Margin tax could mean the death of long-time Las Vegas construction firm

http://watchdogwire.com/nevada/2014/04/28/margin-tax-could-mean-the-death-of-long-time-las-vegas-construction-firm/

Unions limit workers’ freedom of association

http://www.tennessean.com/story/opinion/contributors/2014/04/30/unions-limit-workers-freedom-association/8480669/

EDITORIAL: A $10,000 question

http://www.reviewjournal.com/opinion/editorial-10000-question

Margin tax could mean the death of long-time Las Vegas construction firm

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/04/28/margin-tax-could-mean-death-long-time-las-vegas-construction-firm/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

BLM’s Nevada cattle aggression linked to solar power plans

http://news.heartland.org/newspaper-article/2014/04/25/blms-nevada-cattle-aggression-linked-solar-power-plans

Henderson budget study that omits employee pay raises questions

http://www.reviewjournal.com/news/henderson-budget-study-omits-employee-pay-raises-questions

Henderson’s higher pay scale for employees questioned

http://www.reviewjournal.com/politics/government/henderson-s-higher-pay-scale-employees-questioned

TransparentNevada updated with 2013 data

http://www.mynews3.com/content/video/default.aspx?videoID=5056250

Bundy skirmish a flashpoint in larger issue

http://elkodaily.com/news/opinion/commentary-bundy-skirmish-a-flashpoint-in-larger-issue/article_8853661a-cb52-11e3-abd1-0019bb2963f4.html

Dad told seeing state’s records on his kids will cost him $10 grand+

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/04/24/dad-told-seeing-states-records-his-kids-will-cost-him-10-grand/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Curious about compensation of top Southern Nevada government officials?

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/04/21/curious-about-compensation-top-southern-nevada-government-officials/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Group reveals government employee salaries

http://lasvegas.cbslocal.com/2014/04/17/group-reveals-government-employees-salaries/

When a firefighter can commute from Alabama, there’s a problem

http://www.reviewjournal.com/columns-blogs/glenn-cook/when-firefighter-can-commute-alabama-there-s-problem

Nevada pension law must be changed

http://www.rgj.com/story/opinion/readers/2014/04/10/nevada-pension-law-must-changed/7441963/

Henderson holds meetings to explain property tax hikes

http://www.jrn.com/ktnv/news/Henderson-holds-meetings-to-explain-property-tax-hikes-254480341.html

In education, it’s the results, not the money

http://www.reviewjournal.com/columns-blogs/sherman-frederick/education-it-s-results-not-money

Teacher union membership dwindling, according to NPRI

http://www.nbcnews.com/id/54892889/#.U0wJWuZdXmR

State of Nevada website gets D- for transparency

http://www.lasvegassun.com/news/2014/apr/08/state-nevada-ranks/

EDITORIAL: Strapped North Las Vegas should outsource park maintenance

Chantal Lovell: PERS retirees receive highest payouts

http://www.rgj.com/story/opinion/columnists/2014/04/01/chantal-lovell-pers-retirees-receive-highest-payouts/6970203/

Celebrating the Constitution: the long-term benefits of its short-term inefficiencies

Washoe Education Association membership falls from 62.7 percent to 60.5 percent

http://thisisreno.com/2014/03/washoe-education-association-membership-falls-62-7-percent-60-5-percent/

NPRI welcomes Legislature into its case against Catalyst Fund subsidies

http://thisisreno.com/2014/04/opinion-npri-welcomes-legislature-case-catalyst-fund-subsidies/

Nevada’s public-private pay gap

http://www.npri.org/blog/detail/health-of-nv-private-sector-lags-behind-public-school-sector

Small business owner: Margin tax would impose 32% marginal tax rate

http://watchdogwire.com/nevada/2014/03/25/small-business-owner-margin-tax-would-impose-32-marginal-tax-rate/

No reform in sight for state’s richest-in-nation pensions

http://elkodaily.com/news/opinion/commentary-no-reform-in-sight-for-state-s-richest-in/article_289e111c-b48b-11e3-b5d0-001a4bcf887a.html

Small business owner: Margin tax would impose 32% marginal tax rate

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/03/25/small-biz-owner-margin-tax-would-impose-32-marginal-tax-rate/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Would-be tax hikers trying to avoid transparency

http://www.reviewjournal.com/opinion/would-be-tax-hikers-trying-avoid-transparency

Sunshine Week: Shining the light on Nevada PERS, or trying to

http://watchdogwire.com/nevada/2014/03/18/sunshine-week-shining-the-light-on-nevada-pers-or-trying-to/

Circumventing the Consitution

http://www.mynews3.com/mediacenter/local.aspx?videoID=4993398

Pay of Nevada’s public-school employees, versus private sector, is 4th highest in U.S.

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/02/27/average-income-nevada-public-school-sector-brexceeds-national-average-same-sectors-elsewhere/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

The actual history of Nevada’s ban on state gifts to private companies

http://nevadajournal.com/2014/02/20/actual-history-nevadas-ban-state-gifts-private-companies/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Nevada’s Catalyst Fund: Millions pledged without signed contracts

LAS VEGAS — With much ado and fanfare, Nevada public officials have aggressively touted subsidies from the state’s $10 million Catalyst Fund incentive program to numerous companies that say they will expand in or relocate to Nevada.

Despite the publicity, however, signed agreements for nearly $7.1 million in committed Catalyst Fund monies do not yet exist and exactly how the Catalyst Fund money flows remains hidden from public view.

The 2011 Nevada Legislature created the Fund as a discretionary grant program to subsidize private businesses that expand in or relocate to Nevada. It is administered by the Governor’s Office of Economic Development, known as “GOED.”

From March to September 2013, the GOED board — chaired by Gov. Brian Sandoval, with members including Lt. Gov. Brian Krolicki, Secretary of State Ross Miller and others —designated nine private companies to receive nearly $5.7 million in state Catalyst Fund grants. Through Jan. 28, 2014, officials insisted to Nevada Journal that signed agreements for those nine awards did not exist. Only when faced with this publication’s deadline did GOED produce one signed agreement for $200,000.

Late in 2013, GOED approved two more subsidy packages totaling more than $1.6 million. Again, no signed agreements exist.

Officials tout subsidies

The absence of signed contracts, however, has not prevented elected officials from publicly promoting the deals and taking credit for government-subsidized job creation in high-profile press events.

At an Aug. 14 ribbon cutting in Las Vegas for a new office of Catalyst Fund recipient SolarCity, Gov. Sandoval was flanked by U.S. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, U.S. Representative Joe Heck, Clark County Commissioner Steve Sisolak and five state legislators.

Reid, according to Las Vegas CBS KXNT, said Nevada had “spared the company the ‘bureaucratic garbage’ it might have encountered in the other states.” SolarCity, which received a $1.2 million GOED award, is also a major recipient of federal largesse.

Previously, in June, Nevada Journal — in accord with Nevada’s Public Records Act — had requested copies of all signed agreements, which would have included SolarCity’s $1.2 million GOED subsidy.

On July 8, according to GOED Executive Director Steve Hill, no agreements yet existed for the three applicants approved by the GOED board in March. The reason, he said, was because “they [had] not been approved by the three municipalities.”

Three days later, the GOED board approved subsidies for Ardagh Metal Packaging U.S.A. and three additional companies.

A week after the August photo-op with SolarCity, Gov. Sandoval welcomed Ardagh Metal Packaging U.S.A. to Northern Nevada at a press conference at the Atlantis Casino Resort & Spa in Reno. Also present were Storey County Commissioner Marshall McBride, officials from the Economic Development Authority of Western Nevada (EDAWN), local residents, and other business owners.

But while officials were posing for those August photo-ops, GOED officials continued to tell Nevada Journal that binding executed contracts — with the final signatures needed from the local governments — had yet to be received.

GOED defends delays

The state legal counsel for GOED, Ann Pongracz, told Nevada Journal that long delays for the public to see such contracts and learn how its money is being spent should not be a concern.

Citing her experience as an in-house lawyer for Sprint for 25 years before joining the Nevada Attorney General’s Office, Pongracz said she was “a little troubled by these assumptions that it’s unusual to take a year to get a contract executed.

“For any major customer deal,” she continued, “the customer deals, routinely, could take one, two, sometimes five years to get done. That didn’t mean anything was wrong. It just meant that there was a lot of moving parts.

“So, it’s not a simple process. There are a lot of different people, different organizations involved. I really don’t think it means there’s anything wrong.”

Pongracz is correct when she describes what GOED is doing as “not a simple process.”

Confusion characterizes process

While many specifics remain unknown — GOED insists that no written procedures regarding the Catalyst Fund application or workflow processes exist — what Nevada Journal has uncovered after seven months of interviews, inquiries and public-records requests is a yo-yo-like process in which Catalyst Fund applications bounce around between regional development authorities, local municipalities and GOED — and maybe back again.

Officially, at least, once a business selects a site for its relocation or expansion, it submits an application, typically assisted by a Regional Development Authority, to the local municipality, identifying its project on a state form provided by GOED.

The municipality then, for its part, submits this application, along with the municipality’s own application, to GOED for board approval.

This process is both confirmed and contradicted in the “Catalyst Fund Overview” document on GOED’s own website. According to page one, Regional Development Authorities take Catalyst Fund applications to the local municipality, which then takes them to GOED.

First, the business that desires the incentive will apply, with assistance from the pertinent designated Regional Development Authority, to the local government in which the business is or will be located…

The second step is an application from the local government, again in collaboration with the pertinent designated Regional Development Authority, to GOED.

Page two, however — “Procedures for Applying for Catalyst Funds” — states that the RDA itself submits the application to GOED:

To apply for a grant or loan from the Catalyst Fund, a Regional Development Authority (as defined in NRS 231.1571) must submit an application to GOED on the application form prescribed by the [GOED executive director]…

Moreover, page two cites for its authority NRS 231.1571 — a statute, the content of which, even the Legislative Counsel Bureau could not locate.

This contradiction notwithstanding, according to Clark County’s former economic development manager Lesa Coder and the City of Henderson’s public information officer Kathleen Richards, local governing bodies are not required to approve this application prior to its submission to GOED.

Applications, say Coder and Richards, were — in their experience — routinely compiled and submitted through local agency staff, without local governing board approval, on the understanding that these applications were non-binding.

GOED: Our approval is — and is not —the final step

Nevertheless, say GOED officials, if that application is then approved by the GOED board, GOED’s grant contract with the municipality is then triggered  and the relevant sum of Catalyst Fund money is considered encumbered — placed in “reserve.”

However, GOED agendas never state that a grant agreement is being approved or offered. Instead, they always state that an “application” is up “for possible action.” This could present a legal problem, since Nevada’s open-meeting laws mandate that all actions of a public body, such as the GOED board, must be clearly agendized in advance.

So does a GOED board approval of a municipality’s application actually constitute a legal agreement for the disbursement of money — as it is represented in GOED’s press releases and numerous media stories?

State law — NRS 231.1577 (3) — says, in relevant part, “If the applicant is requesting more than $100,000, the board may approve the application and make a grant or loan of money from the Catalyst Account to the applicant.”

Because of that language, the board appears to face a choice at this point. Either it can approve the actual grant agreement in an additional, separate board action, or it must consider its approval of the application to constitute approval of the grant contract — despite local governments’ understanding that the applications are non-binding.

The latter is the case, according to Wendy Pope, project manager for GOED. It is the approval of the application that “produces the contract,” she told Nevada Journal.

No further approval by the board is required, says board counsel Pongracz, and the contract, once signed by the municipality, does not go back to the board.

The reason for that, according to Pongracz, is because GOED uses a pre-determined form contract. Although that contract form may be revised over time, she says, only one version is in use until a newer version is adopted.

“Everybody whose application is approved by the board in a specific period of time will get the same form contract,” Pongracz explained in a December meeting with Nevada Journal.

While GOED’s press releases announcing the approval of the nine catalyst applications indicate that the deals are final, GOED officials insist that “approved” contracts remain unsigned pending the support of local governments.

Adding to the confusion are the different accounts given by GOED officials as to what happens after the board approves a local government’s application. In some accounts, the municipality is then essentially finished with GOED and then turns to negotiate locally with the prospective grant-receiving business. In other accounts, the municipality continues to negotiate with GOED — the reason for which is unclear.

Inconsistency and confusion abound

At the level of Nevada’s local governments, similar confusion exists. Municipalities sometimes characterize their role as essentially passive — to “act as a pass-through for the funds offered by the state,” in the words of Henderson spokeswoman Kathleen Richards. But they present themselves as actively working out terms with the recipient businesses.

As with the GOED board, all actions of a county commission or city council must take place in a public meeting, in accord with Nevada’s open-meeting law. However, with the exception of first-grant-recipient Take-Two Interactive Solutions approved in GOED’s December 2012 meeting, not until December 2013 did any other Catalyst Fund agreement ever appear on any local government agenda. And even in that case, the City of Henderson has still not executed any written agreement with GOED.

Representatives at both the municipality level and the state level say — despite GOED’s press releases — that is because the municipalities and GOED are still negotiating their agreements.

When asked for comment, GOED spokeswoman Jennifer Cooper wrote to Nevada Journal that three “contracts are complete and most, if not all, of the remaining contracts will be completed within the next 30 days — well in advance of necessary deadlines.”

When Nevada Journal asked Cooper to send it the three completed contracts, Cooper only sent one new contract, dated Jan. 6, 2014, and the signed Take-Two contract already received.

Another point of inconsistency has to do with whether GOED’s executive director, or the municipality, is first to sign the local government agreement with GOED. 

GOED officials assert that once the application is approved, GOED sends the form agreement to the municipalities for signature. Municipalities then go through their approval process, sign the agreement — as first signatory — and then send it back to GOED for Executive Director Hill’s signature.

However, in the first instance of a GOED-municipality fully executed agreement — the Take-Two software deal — it was Hill who was the first signatory.

RDAs fight transparency

Some municipalities have simply refused to get involved at all, while others have made a point of remaining at arm’s length, leaving the entire business in the hands of the local regional development authorities, which are under contract with GOED.

Reno, which submitted a Catalyst Fund application, keeps no records, referring reporters to EDAWN. And in Northeastern Nevada, Pam Borda of the Northeastern Nevada Regional Development Authority told Nevada Journal that area local governments "indicated absolutely no desire" to use the Catalyst Fund.

Frequently, RDAs pose a final obstacle to public transparency and accountability. Though defined by the state as local governments — and thus, as such, subject to Nevada’s Public Records Act — some RDAs have flatly denied Nevada Journal access to public records.

Mike Kazmierski, president and CEO of EDAWN, answered one request by asserting “that EDAWN has no obligations under the Nevada’s [sic] public records law.”

He stated that EDAWN was a “private, non-profit” which was not in any way a government entity…”

The Nye County Regional Economic Development Authority responded similarly: "Because NCREDA is a private nonprofit corporation under NRS 82.016 and not a governmental entity," wrote Pam Webster, NCREDA president, "it is not subject to the public records act and therefore your request for the NCREDA documents is denied." (Emphasis added.)

However, a 2012 opinion from the office of Nevada Attorney General Catherine Cortez Masto that sought to characterize the Catalyst Fund as constitutional stated that “by definition,” a regional development authority “must be a local government.”

The Las Vegas Global Economic Development Alliance (LVGEA), too, has failed to honor the state public-records law. A month after Nevada Journal’s public-records request to LVGEA, the organization’s president and CEO, Tom Skancke, sent a letter saying LVGEA would respond to the request within ten business days, “or, not later than the end of business, December 3, 2013.”

Nevada Journal did not receive any response from LVGEA until January 30, 2014, when the publication was advised by the Greenberg-Traurig law firm that, "the Alliance is not subject to the requirements of NRS 239"—Nevada's public records chapter.

EDAWN currently has a $1.2 million two-year contract with the state. LVGEA, the largest regional development authority in the state, currently has a $2.9 million two-year contract with the state.

Since the Governor’s Office of Economic Development was established in 2011, it has earmarked $8.2 million for contracts to fund regional development authorities.

Given the historical tendency of government-subsidy programs to be beset by political cronyism, the need for transparency and public accountability regarding the Catalyst Fund would seem acute. Yet the people of Nevada remain in the dark.

A senior writer with the Franklin Center for Government and Public Integrity, Kevin Palmer, in an article published by the Las Vegas Sun, noted the classic temptation that the Catalyst Fund law has placed before elected officials:

By placing such great power in the hands of the Board of Economic Development, the fund allows the politicians and unelected bureaucrats who comprise the board to stack the deck in favor of businesses that have donated to their campaigns. Each of the nine members of the board — ranging from elected officials to six bureaucrats appointed by Carson City politicians — have deep ties to the corporate community, and can now use the powers of the fund to steer money to their preferred businesses.

Karen Gray is a reporter/researcher with Nevada Journal. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

Read more:

___

Update: After this article’s deadline and on January 31, GOED supplied the third, completed contract it promised Nevada Journal on January 28. The $125,000 contract between GOED and the City of Reno is for Lincoln Cutting Systems, Inc.

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Think tank calls Las Vegas police pay ‘inflated’

http://www.seattlepi.com/news/article/Think-tank-calls-Las-Vegas-police-pay-inflated-4348359.php

Teachers Health Trust seeking arbitration to force increase in health premiums

http://www.lasvegassun.com/news/2013/mar/19/teachers-health-trust/

Republicans want Las Vegas high-speed rail spiked

http://www.mynews3.com/content/news/story/Republicans-want-Las-Vegas-high-speed-rail-spiked/_o1PV4Sbk0a4xMWnKCYVeA.cspx

As Jones leaves CCSD, he leaves questions in his wake

http://nevadajournal.com/2013/03/25/jones-leaves-ccsd-he-leaves-questions-his-wake/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Behind Jones’ departure: A loss of authority

http://nevadajournal.com/2013/03/21/behind-jones-departure-loss-authority/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Moving company owner, after sting, pans Nevada’s ‘arduous’ licensing process

http://nevadajournal.com/2013/03/20/moving-company-owner-pans-nevadas-arduous-licensing-process/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Health trust CEO, financial consultant anxious about Obamacare’s effect on finances

http://nevadajournal.com/2013/03/19/health-trust-ceo-financial-consultant-anxious-about-obamacares-effect-finances/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

The reality of open records in Nevada

http://watchdogwire.com/nevada/2013/03/15/willfully-obtuse-and-dumb-the-real-story-of-open-records-in-nevada/

Phil’s story: Nevada government forcing businesses to wait ‘years’ for building permits

http://nevadajournal.com/2013/03/13/phils-story-nevada-government-forcing-businesses-wait-years-building-permits/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Only the big fish allowed to swim in Nevada’s online gambling pool

http://www.lasvegassun.com/news/2013/mar/03/only-big-fish-allowed-swim-nevadas-online-gambling/

Jones defends school reforms but problems remain

http://www.lvrj.com/news/jones-defends-school-reforms-but-problems-remain-196750911.html

Analysis: Most five-star CCSD schools earn only B’s and C’s

http://nevadajournal.com/2013/03/08/analysis-most-five-star-ccsd-schools-earn-only-bs-and-cs/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Left and Right agree: Film subsidies won’t create ‘useful industry’ in Silver State

http://nevadajournal.com/2013/03/06/left-and-right-agree-film-subsidies-wont-create-useful-industry-silver-state/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Help for homeowners slow to reach masses in Nevada

http://www.rgj.com/article/20130303/BIZ02/303030052/Help-homeowners-slow-reach-masses-Nevada

And so the shrieking and hollering begins

http://www.lvrj.com/opinion/and-so-the-shrieking-and-hollering-begins-194619391.html

Legislature once again has taxpayers bracing for another hit

Jim Guthrie and class size reductions

http://www.tahoebonanza.com/article/20130304/NEWS/130309992/1061&ParentProfile=1050

Lawrence discusses pre-K on Ralston Reports

http://www.mynews3.com/content/video/default.aspx?videoID=3958264

Contradictions from Reid on renewable energy

http://elkodaily.com/news/opinion/commentary-contradictions-from-reid-on-renewable-energy/article_95b41418-8084-11e2-909e-0019bb2963f4.html

Chasing a few part-time jobs is a bad bet for scarce funds

http://www.rgj.com/article/20130224/OPED01/302240022/Chasing-few-part-time-jobs-bad-bet-scarce-funds

Nev. Senate bill proposes tax incentives for film industry

http://www.nevadaappeal.com/ARTICLE/20130223/NEWS/130229930/-1/RSS

New robo-signing brief: Misconduct by AG Masto’s office could ‘seriously damage public confidence’ in that office

http://nevadajournal.com/2013/02/25/new-robo-signing-brief-misconduct-ag-mastos-office-could-seriously-damage-public-confidence-office/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

School choice, not pre-K, boosted Florida

http://news.heartland.org/newspaper-article/2013/02/21/school-choice-not-pre-k-boosted-florida

Democrats in Senate propose tax incentives

http://www.lvrj.com/news/democrats-in-senate-propose-tax-incentives-191874971.html

Nevada Senate Democrats propose incentives for jobs

http://www.rgj.com/viewart/20130219/NEWS11/302190054/Nevada-Senate-Democrats-propose-incentives-jobs

Senate Democrats say four bills will spur job growth; details are unclear

http://www.nevadaappeal.com/article/20130220/NEWS/130229986&parentprofile=search

Concealed weapons on college campuses

http://www.lvrj.com/opinion/concealed-weapons-on-college-campuses-191980271.html

Nevadans can’t afford new or higher taxes

http://www.rgj.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=2013302170026

Victor Joecks talks minimum wage on KNPR

http://www.knpr.org/son/archive/detail2.cfm?SegmentID=9746&ProgramID=2712

Geoffrey Lawrence talks minimum wage on ‘Live and Local with Kevin Wall’

http://lasvegas.cbslocal.com/2013/02/13/live-and-local-with-kevin-wall-021313-minimum-wage-state-of-the-union-and-legislation/

Mob Museum fails to meet original attendance expectations, dramatically misses former mayor’s ‘800,000’ mark

http://nevadajournal.com/2013/02/14/mob-museum-fails-meet-original-attendance-expectations-dramatically-misses-former-mayors-800000-mark/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Diluting state’s public records law

http://www.lvrj.com/opinion/diluting-state-s-public-records-law-190984561.html

Teachers Health Trust CEO confirms trust could go under ‘at some point’ without revenue increase

http://nevadajournal.com/2013/02/11/teachers-health-trust-ceo-confirms-trust-could-go-under-some-point-without-revenue-increase/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Why school choice should top lawmakers’ education agenda

Media contends attorney general-sponsored bill will reduce government transparency

http://www.lvrj.com/news/media-contends-attorney-general-sponsored-bill-will-reduce-government-transparency-190311631.html

Victor Joecks on The Agenda

http://www.mynews3.com/content/video/default.aspx?videoID=3932822

CCSD police violate student’s Fifth Amendment rights with illegal search, say parents

http://nevadajournal.com/2013/02/07/ccsd-police-violate-students-fifth-amendment-rights-illegal-search-say-parents/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Local business owners share their stories, debunk notion that Nevada is a ‘business-friendly state’

http://nevadajournal.com/2013/02/06/local-business-owners-share-their-stories-debunk-notion-nevada-business-friendly-state/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Geoffrey Lawrence talks about the 2013 Legislative session with Kevin Wall

http://lasvegas.cbslocal.com/2013/02/04/live-and-local-with-kevin-wall-021413-education-the-state-legislature-and-gun-control/

Another Union Health Trust About to Go “Belly Up”

 

http://www.eiaonline.com/intercepts/2013/02/04/another-union-health-trust-about-to-go-belly-up/

 

Victor Joecks talks school choice on Ralston Reports

http://www.clipsyndicate.com/video/playlist/4410/3925728?title=pets_and_animals

 

Power brokers wield clout in, out of Nevada Assembly, Senate

http://www.lvrj.com/news/power-brokers-wield-clout-in-out-of-assembly-senate-189554581.html

Legislature tax battle: GOP still has the power

http://www.lvrj.com/news/legislature-tax-battle-gop-still-has-the-power-189445371.html

CCSD police and principal illegally searched and detained our son, say parents

http://nevadajournal.com/2013/02/05/ccsd-police-and-principal-illegally-searched-and-detained-our-son-say-parents/

Empowering parents to choose best school

http://www.lvrj.com/opinion/empowering-parents-to-choose-best-school-189340001.html

Victor Joecks talks school choice with Kevin Wall

http://lasvegas.cbslocal.com/2013/01/30/live-and-local-with-kevin-wall-013013-the-republican-party-the-economy-and-school-choice/

Charter schools, vouchers on education leaders’ wish list

http://www.lasvegassun.com/news/2013/jan/31/charter-schools-vouchers-education-leaders-wish-li/

‘State of the State’ was short on solutions

http://elkodaily.com/news/opinion/commentary-state-of-the-state-was-short-on-solutions/article_444e7a86-675d-11e2-98be-001a4bcf887a.html

Geoffrey Lawrence talks economic development on Nevada Newsmakers

http://nevadanewsmakers.com/video/default.asp?showID=1638

Geoffrey Lawrence talks economic development on ‘The Agenda’

http://www.mynews3.com/content/video/default.aspx?videoID=3907617

Teachers Health Trust losing millions a year, teachers told it will be ‘belly-up in 60 to 90 days’

http://nevadajournal.com/2013/02/01/teachers-health-trust-losing-millions-year-teachers-told-it-will-be-belly-60-90-days/

Scott’s story: How government put his business ‘through a circus’

http://nevadajournal.com/2013/01/29/scotts-story-how-government-put-his-business-through-circus/?utm_source=npri.org&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=npri.org

Geoffrey Lawrence talks ‘State of the State’ with Kevin Wall

 

http://lasvegas.cbslocal.com/2013/01/22/live-and-local-with-kevin-wall-012213-local-law-enforcement-the-state-of-the-state-and-food-trucks/

Kyle Gillis talks CCEA with Kevin Wall

 

http://lasvegas.cbslocal.com/2013/01/24/live-and-local-with-kevin-wall-012413-the-clark-county-school-district-rock-of-ages-and-the-gripe-line/

 

Nevada spending much more than before 2003 tax hikes

http://elkodaily.com/news/opinion/commentary-nevada-spending-much-more-than-before-tax-hikes/article_6ed4814a-6110-11e2-82a0-0019bb2963f4.html

 

So you want to date a supermodel?

http://www.lvrj.com/opinion/so-you-want-to-date-a-supermodel-187646951.html

 

State to study health of public employee pension plan

http://www.lvrj.com/news/state-to-study-health-of-public-employee-pension-plan-187846421.html

 

School transparency: New budget website is a work in progress

http://www.lvrj.com/opinion/school-transparency-new-budget-website-is-a-work-in-progress-187846901.html

 

Clearing the path for Nevada’s entrepreneurs

http://www.lvrj.com/opinion/clearing-the-path-for-nevada-s-entrepreneurs-187707311.html

 

Undone laws would be beneficial

http://www.elynews.com/opinion/article_eb3f7c10-6103-11e2-b7a0-0019bb2963f4.html

 

As Nevada housing market brightens, some storm on horizon; Pessimists say a bubble will pop

http://www.washingtonpost.com/business/as-nevada-housing-market-brightens-some-storm-on-horizon-pessimists-say-a-bubble-will-pop/2013/01/24/05ab21b4-6675-11e2-889b-f23c246aa446_story.html

Teachers see CCEA health-benefits review as attempt to push union membership

http://nevadajournal.com/2013/01/24/teachers-see-ccea-health-benefits-review-attempt-push-union-membership/

Pat’s story: How regulators harm the Las Vegas Zoo

http://nevadajournal.com/2013/01/22/pats-story-how-regulators-harm-las-vegas-zoo/

Things lawmakers should ‘undo’ in 77th session

http://elkodaily.com/news/opinion/commentary-things-lawmakers-should-undo-in-th-session/article_086a4a0a-5f82-11e2-b784-001a4bcf887a.html

New website showcases school district budget

http://www.8newsnow.com/story/20600827/new-website-showcases-school-district-budget

Carolyn’s story: How onerous licensing requirements hurt would-be entrepreneurs

http://nevadajournal.com/2013/01/16/carolyns-story-how-onerous-licensing-requirements-hurt-would-be-entrepreneurs/

Think tank to state: Keep your hands off business

http://www.lvrj.com/news/think-tank-to-state-keep-your-hands-off-business-186982931.html

Geoffrey Lawrence on Ralston Reports

http://www.mynews3.com/content/video/default.aspx?videoID=3903926

Amy’s story: How Nevada restricts real estate professionals

http://nevadajournal.com/2013/01/15/amys-story-how-nevada-restricts-real-estate-professionals/

State Democrats seek improvements in education

State Democrats seek improvements in education

State Dems announce education agenda

http://elkodaily.com/news/state-and-regional/state-dems-announce-education-agenda/article_947b06ae-5aca-11e2-a00e-0019bb2963f4.html

Sandoval puts education high on his 2013 agenda

http://www.lvrj.com/news/sandoval-puts-education-high-on-his-2013-agenda-186669891.html

Victor Joecks on To the Point

http://www.clipsyndicate.com/video/playlist/25534/3900207?title=to_the_point

Geoffrey Lawrence on Live and Local with Kevin Wall

http://lasvegas.cbslocal.com/2013/01/09/live-and-local-with-kevin-wall-010913-joe-heck-gun-control-officer-involved-shootings/

Why it’s morally wrong to expand medicaid: Government should protect property, not redistribute it

Sandoval: Medicaid decision not political – News – ReviewJournal.com

Sandoval: Medicaid decision not political

Live And Local With Kevin Wall 12/12/12: Governor Sandoval, Medicaid, And Right To Work « CBS Las Vegas

Live And Local With Kevin Wall: Governor Sandoval, Medicaid, And Right To Work

Gov. Brian Sandoval finds support on Medicaid | Reno Gazette-Journal | rgj.com

Gov. Brian Sandoval finds support on Medicaid

Five Nevada entities listed on Recovery Act’s ‘noncompliance’ report

LAS VEGAS — Five Nevada entities receiving federal "stimulus" or "Recovery Act" grants totaling over $1.9 million were listed as "noncompliant" during the third quarter, according to a report published by the Recovery Accountability and Transparency Board.

The five grants created a total of five jobs in Nevada, according to Recovery Act data, and three of the grants went to local county governments.

 The most expensive grant was a $775,995 grant made in September 2009, titled "The Washoe County Sheriff's Office Community Work Program." Channeled through the Department of Justice, it was supposed to unfreeze three full-time deputy positions for the WCSO's Alternative to Incarceration Unit.

"System issues" uploading the reports resulted in the grant being pegged as still noncompliant in October 2012, said Valerie Moser, an administrator in the Sheriff's office. The issue has been resolved, she said.

"WCSO checked with [its DOJ representative] again today and she has confirmed she shows WCSO as in compliance," said Moser in an email response after Nevada Journal inquired about the grant's status.

The largest grant that didn't go to a public entity was a $618,360 grant received by Mike Lemich, Inc., the parent company of Country Construction, based in Ely.

Lemich, a White Pine County Commissioner, is a registered Democrat. He did not return Nevada Journal's calls requesting comment.

The grant was issued by the Department of the Interior in June 2010 for a tree thinning project "to reduce forest fire risk and provide biomass and fuel wood to the local community." It funded two jobs.

Douglas County, according to Recovery.gov, received a $195,000 grant in September 2009 for "development and implementation of County Energy Policy" and to "retrofit building and street lighting."

Kathy Lewis, Douglas County's Management Analyst, says the grant ended in June and county personnel didn't think they were required to file a third-quarter report.

"We were notified that the last report in June was not complete and should have been corrected in September in the federal reporting system," said Lewis. "Since we missed the September deadline, we will do a final report for December 2012, which is due in January 2013."

The Lyon County Sheriff's Office experienced similar confusion. It received a $50,186 grant for increased "street enforcement" that was completed in June. The grant didn't create any full-time jobs but covered deputies' overtime pay.

A spokeswoman for Lyon County Sheriff Allen Veil told Nevada Journal the office would clarify any missing reports in its December 2012 report.

CCSN McFarland Housing, Inc., a nonprofit senior citizen housing development located in Las Vegas, received $327,968 and failed to report the last two quarters on the grant, according to Recovery.gov.

The grant, authorized by the Department of Housing and Urban Development for a "green retrofit program for multifamily homes," created zero jobs. Attempts to contact CCSN McFarland Housing were unsuccessful.

Ed Pound, communications director for the Recovery Accountability and Transparency Board, says the noncompliance report is intended as a "wall of shame" for the listed entities and that any further punishment lies with the federal agencies responsible for the grants.

"The President issued a memo in April 2010 that basically gave the agencies power to suspend or revoke funds if the recipient has a pattern of noncompliance," said Pound.

"Our goal in publishing the report is to show taxpayers where their money is going and bringing pressure on recipients to properly track their funds."

Overall, 35 Nevada entities have been cited for noncompliance since the Recovery Act was passed in February 2009, including large entities such as Clark County, Carson City and the Nevada System of Higher Education.

Carson City, Douglas County and CCSN McFarland have all been cited more than once over the years.

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

New ratings leave no school behind, push many to top – News – ReviewJournal.com

Let’s Quit Killing Jobs in the Silver State: Legislators Should Remove Obstacles to Job Creation

Not all ballot issues are created equal

Not all ballot issues are created equal

Clark County school rankings notably go up; none go down – News – ReviewJournal.com

AG covered up conflict of interest in robo-signing case, says brief

LAS VEGAS — Evidence that Nevada Attorney General Catherine Cortez Masto and her office engaged in rampant prosecutorial misconduct in the pursuit of two mortgage-servicing industry employees grew even stronger this week.

Masto's chief deputy attorney general John Kelleher — lead prosecutor in the November 2011 high-profile felony prosecution of two Lender Processing Services (LPS) title officers — was inflamed with a powerful personal conflict of interest when he set out to get a grand jury to indict LPS employees Gary Trafford and Geri Sheppard, assert their attorneys.

 "The reach of misconduct in this case by the Nevada Attorney General's Office (‘AG') extended even further than previously known," states a new brief filed by the defense attorneys:

[T]he lead prosecutor had a serious, undisclosed, disabling conflict of interest tied directly to Trafford. Specifically, in September 2011, the lead prosecutor received a notice of default ("NOD") identifying Trafford's employer as the processor of foreclosure documents for the lead prosecutor's personal residence.

Two days later, the AG sent its chief investigator to the home of [LPS employee] Tracy Lawrence, where she was threatened with arrest if she did not assist in the AG's attempt to make a case against Trafford.

To support their claim, defense counsels summarize an audio recording of the AG's chief investigator, Todd Grosz, uncovered during discovery:

On Thursday, September 8, 2011 — just two days after the NOD on Mr. Kelleher's home was filed — the AG's chief investigator, Todd Grosz, and his partner went to the home of Trafford's colleague, Tracy Lawrence, on "short notice." … As soon as he stepped in the door, Mr. Grosz said that he was "under the gun" and was "being pressed" by the AG's office. …Importantly, Mr. Grosz also told Ms. Lawrence at the outset: "We have a prosecutor who is pissed. He wanted us to hook you up today…. He wanted us to arrest you now." …The AG's investigators then proceeded to "interview" Ms. Lawrence for information to use against Trafford.

Lawrence, the LPS employee who testified in the grand jury proceedings conducted by Kelleher, committed suicide shortly thereafter.

The most serious allegations against Masto, personally, is that she knowingly concealed from both the court and defense counsel Kelleher's "disabling" conflict of interest — even though she was well aware of it.

According to the defense brief:

Ten months after the NOD was filed for the lead prosecutor's home, Attorney General Cortez Masto revealed in an online report that the lead prosecutor had been removed due to a conflict of interest concerning his "personal foreclosure crisis." …However, the AG's office never disclosed this conflict to the Court, Trafford or his counsel. Instead, research by the defendants' counsel turned up the lead prosecutor's personal foreclosure documents and exposed the apparent connection between the lead prosecutor's conflict and Trafford's prosecution.

What defense counsel had discovered online in October was an 8 News Now story reported by Colleen McCarty in April. It revealed that Kelleher had resigned from the AG's office after Masto, in March, had replaced him as head of the office's 23-person criminal unit.

"Cortez Masto ordered the move based on what she called a conflict of interest surrounding Kelleher's personal foreclosure crisis," reported McCarty.

Many of the model rules of ethical conduct adopted by the American Bar Association and, subsequently, by the Nevada Supreme Court as the rules of professional conduct for Nevada attorneys appear to have been violated by both Kelleher and Masto.

Rule 1.7, on conflicts of interest, states that "a lawyer shall not represent a client if the representation involves a concurrent conflict of interest," which is defined as "a significant risk that the representation of" his client "will be materially limited by … a personal interest of the lawyer."

Moreover, under Rule 1.8, when "lawyers are associated in a firm," the prohibition that "applies to any one of them shall apply to all of them."

Under Rule 3.1, it is a violation for a lawyer to "bring … a proceeding, or assert or controvert an issue therein," where there is no "basis in law." However, notwithstanding a clear understanding in Nevada law that the document-signing activities of Trafford, Sheppard and Lawrence did not constitute forgery, say the defense attorneys, Masto and Kelleher nevertheless arraigned the three LPS employees on forgery charges.

Rule 3.3 prohibits a lawyer knowingly making "a false statement of fact or law to a tribunal or fail[ing] to correct a false statement of material fact or law previously made to the tribunal by the lawyer."Neither Kelleher nor Masto, however, according to the defense brief, ever sought to correct the record regarding Kelleher's repeated mischaracterization of Nevada law before the grand jurors.

Rule 3.4, "Fairness to Opposing Party and Counsel," prohibits an attorney from concealing "material having potential evidentiary value." However, both Kelleher and Masto concealed from grand jurors and the court Kelleher's massive conflict of interest. Additionally, Kelleher — the grand jury transcript reveals — repeatedly blocked grand jurors' efforts to learn whether Tracy Lawrence signing Gary Trafford's name with his authorization, truly constituted "forgery" under state law.

The same rule also prohibits an attorney from "knowingly disobey[ing] an obligation under the rules of a tribunal." Masto, as an officer of the court — much less as the state attorney general — would normally have been thought to have had a clear obligation to inform both opposing counsel and the court of what she acknowledged was Kelleher's personal conflict of interest.

Rule 3.8 requires prosecuting attorneys to "refrain from prosecuting a charge that the prosecutor knows is not supported by probable cause," and also "make timely disclosure to the defense of all … information known to the prosecutor that tends to negate the guilt of the accused …, and, in connection with sentencing, disclose to the defense and to the tribunal all unprivileged mitigating information known to the prosecutor."

Under Rule 5.1, "Responsibilities of … Supervising Lawyers," Masto shares responsibility for Kelleher's violation of the Rules of Professional Conduct, as she had "direct supervisory authority" over him and effectively ratified his conduct by failing to inform the court of his egregious conflict of interest, which her actions later showed she clearly knew about.

"[I]t is evident that Trafford is the victim of an overzealous prosecution and unfairly biased grand jury presentation by a prosecutor whose own foreclosure documents were processed by Trafford's employer," state the LPS manager's attorneys.

"Indeed, the law is clear that a prosecution team cannot administer justice or preserve the fairness and impartiality required of grand jury proceedings when its lead team member has a conflict of interest."

For precedent, they cite a U.S. Supreme Court case, United States v. Gold, which held that a prosecutor who makes a presentation to the grand jury while operating under a conflict of interest is an "unauthorized" person before the grand jury — requiring immediate dismissal of the indictment.

According to a supplemental brief filed by the AG's office November 26, Judge Carolyn Ellsworth, hearing the case for the 8th Judicial District on October 27, "expressed a concern about the wording of the indictment. Specifically, the counts … which contain[ed] the term ‘forgery' were of concern to the Court. In particular, the Court found that there could be no forgery if the person whose signature was signed had given consent."

Masto's office was asked for comment but did not respond by deadline.

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

Read more:

Live And Local With Kevin Wall 11/27/12: The Fiscal Cliff, Norquist Pledge, And Guns « CBS Las Vegas

Nevada restaurant owners on Obamacare: ‘We can’t pay for this’

LAS VEGAS — Nevada restaurant owners — increasingly anxious about the future of their businesses under the Affordable Care Act — are echoing statements by national restaurant chains about the excessive costs the law will impose on them.

"I don't know what secret [the politicians] know, where they just assume we can write them a check," said Sam Facchini, owner of Metro Pizza in Las Vegas.

 "We can't pay for this. Most of us [restaurant owners] operate on a thin margin and trying to stay in compliance [with the law] will make things much tighter."

The biggest concern restaurant owners have with the law — commonly referred to as "Obamacare" — is Section 1513, the Employer Mandate. Going into full effect in January 2014, it requires businesses with 50 or more full-time employees to provide federally "qualified" health insurance or pay penalties of up to $2,000 per employee.

Nevada will be hit hard, according to the Nevada Restaurant Association, since the state's restaurant industry is the second highest contributor to state taxes and employs nearly 150,000 people.

Because the law defines "full-time employee" as an employee working 30 hours per week, some businesses — including Darden Restaurants, parent company of the Olive Garden and Red Lobster eateries — have stated that, to avoid penalties, they may shift more employees to part-time work.

Other restaurant corporations, including Papa John's and Applebee's, have taken much heat from the political Left for speaking candidly about the law's consequences for their businesses.

"They were public about it, but it's a reality within our entire industry," said Facchini. "Thirty hours is not reflective of any industry, let alone our industry, where there's a lot of different shifts and time frames required depending on how business is doing."

Facchini participated in a nation-wide group of restaurant owners invited to the White House last year to discuss the best ways to implement the law. Despite the meeting, he said, the law, as written, still requires employers to fund it.

The Supreme Court's June ruling upholding the constitutionality of the law, however, does provide an escape hatch for employers in most states — those that, unlike Nevada, chose to not set up one of the nominally state-run but federally controlled exchanges.

As Cato Institute Senior Fellow Michael Tanner detailed in the New York Post:

[S]tates that don't set up exchanges could also escape the "employer mandate."

That is, ObamaCare requires employers with 50 or more workers to provide health insurance or pay a fine … er, tax. But that tax only kicks in if at least one employee qualifies for subsidies under the exchange. Since subsidies can only be provided via a state-authorized exchange, a state that refuses to set one up could end up blocking the employer mandate altogether.

Early in 2011, Nevada Gov. Brian Sandoval and legislators rushed to authorize one of the Obamacare exchanges. Thus the job- and cost-saving option available to most employers in the country is not available to Nevada's restaurant owners or other large employers in the state.

"What happens when [lawmakers] realize we can't afford to pay for it, or that $2,000 isn't enough to pay for it?" asks Facchini.

"Do they kick it up to $2,500? $3,000? The costs will eventually hit the employees and customers."

Metro Pizza employs approximately 200 workers in Nevada, which could mean upwards of $400,000 worth of penalties, should the company not comply with the law. Darden Restaurants — employing nearly 1,500 people across the state — could face $3 million in penalties.

Todd Clore, owner of Todd's Unique Dining in Henderson, says the law encourages more employers to try to avoid its provisions than comply with them.

"We're all looking for ways to avoid it," he said. "It changes the way we operate, from hiring to payroll to pricing, and it hurts small guys the most."

Jim Rees, co-owner and partner of Hash House A Go Go, which has five locations in Nevada, says cutting employee hours below the 30-hour threshold may be the only way to avoid penalties.

"I'd hate to see great employees forced to work two or three jobs because a law makes it impractical for an employer to let them work more hours," said Rees. "The two things we hate doing are cutting employees and raising prices, but the way the law's written means we could have to deal with both of those outcomes."

Recently, a Denny's franchise owner in Florida received criticism for announcing he may charge customers a 5 percent "Obamacare surcharge." Industry members, however, say the concept isn't sour grapes, but an economic reality.

"If a company's costs increase, it has to make up for the increase somewhere, and that usually comes from a price increase," Facchini said. "Restaurant customers are much more price sensitive than customers in other industries, and they'll only tolerate so much before eating somewhere else."

Many restaurant owners acknowledged Obamacare could force them to cut staff hours, but the law could also prevent owners from opening new restaurants and hiring more employees.

Rees recently opened a new Hash House in Connecticut but thinks industry expansion will be weighed more carefully once the law is in effect.

"[Obamacare] does make you consider if you can add more employees without taking a hit," he said. "A new restaurant is exciting for a lot of parties involved, but when you see companies already searching for ways to accommodate current employees under the law, you wonder if they can justify bringing in new ones."

Facchini said the law's objective of increasing insurance coverage is well-meaning, but it will backfire.

"The way it's funded is fraught with all kinds of peril," Facchini said. "If a company folds because it can't afford to operate, then you have more people without jobs and insurance, which is the opposite of what lawmakers wanted to accomplish with this [law]."

Clore is among the owners who hope the law will be revised before its provisions take effect in 2014.

"It's such a complicated law that my gut says we're going to see some changes before it becomes enforceable," Clore said. "Someone's going to realize we're just little guys trying to run restaurants and have already taken big enough hits."

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Energy-cost ‘savings’ from solar bus shelters would take 33 years to make taxpayers whole

LAS VEGAS — Earlier this year, officials from the Regional Transportation Commission of Southern Nevada touted savings generated by new solar-power bus shelters.

It turns out, however, that a shelter's lifespan is significantly less than what would be required to repay taxpayers' investment.

 A press release from RTC General Manager Jacob Snow boasted that the "new transit shelters feature energy-saving LED lighting and solar panels that enable the shelters to power their own illumination without being connected to the local power grid."

"As a result," stated Snow, "these 150 new bus shelters are estimated to save taxpayers about $54,000 a year in energy costs."

Given that rate of savings and the total $1.8 million federal taxpayer investment, it would take at least 33 years for taxpayers to recoup their investment.

However, according to the RTC — which responded to a Nevada Journal inquiry — the shelters have an estimated lifespan of only 20 years.

The RTC's solar-powered bus-shelter project is being funded by a grant from the Federal Transit Administration. According to the Southern Nevada agency, the FTA grants "must be allocated to transit enhancement projects such as transit shelters."

Currently, 100 of the shelters scheduled have been installed, with another 50 awaiting permits from Clark County and scheduled for 2013.

All 150 shelters, according to the RTC's March press release, were originally projected to be completed by Dec. 31.

The RTC is currently drawing up plans for another 150 solar-powered shelters, as a "Phase III" of its project. No timetable, however, has yet been announced for Phase III.

The $1.8 million Federal Transit Administration grant is distinct from the two $68 million Recovery Act, or "stimulus," grants the RTC has received since 2009.

The two Recovery Act grants supported construction of bus rapid transit projects on Boulder Highway and Sahara Avenue, respectively. The projects had a peak employment of 168 jobs, according to Recovery Act data, meaning each job cost taxpayers just over $400,000.

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Setting up the next CCSD campaign for higher taxes

LAS VEGAS — If voters on Tuesday approve the six-year, $0.212 property-tax hike sought by the Clark County School District, they'll also be opening the door to a possible 30-year lifespan for the new, higher tax rate.

CCSD officials want the tax hike for capital programs. If passed, the new tax will raise school district property-tax levies from $1.3034 per $100,000 assessed valuation to $1.5154.

 Currently, property owners are assessed $0.75 per $100,000 of assessed valuation for CCSD general operations such as salaries, and $0.5534 for capital debt-service, more commonly referred to as the 1998 bond program. If voters approve the new tax Tuesday, property owners will be assessed $0.7654 for capital debt-service.

This "bridge," as the new tax is commonly referred to by school district officials, is said to be a six-year, pay-as-you-go plan, expected to raise $669 million to $720 million for capital projects, including two new schools, four new gymnasiums, various modernizations and land acquisitions.

Not widely known, however, is that school board trustees have the option — at any time during those six years — of going to voters and asking to have the tax rolled over into a traditional 10-year bond program, under which the district would be authorized to issue bonds for 10 years without voter approval.

The increased $0.7654 tax rate would continue until the debt was paid.

Last April, then-trustee John Cole asked the district's hired bond counsel, "Would there be an option… to flip out of a bridge like this and to flip into a normal bond structure?"

"Yes, you could," advised John Swendseid of the law firm Sherman & Howard. "At any time that you desire, you could put a question on the ballot for a rollover. 

"And if the voters approve a rollover for a traditional bond issue like" the 1998 issue, continued Swendseid, "you can decide to discontinue the bridge and go with the rollover …."

Such a rollover would not be unprecedented. In fact, the current $0.5534 tax-rate is a rollover.

According to Jeff Weiler, chief financial officer for CCSD, a rollover in the next six years would be very similar to what was done in 1996, when voters last raised the tax rate to $0.5534.

In that instance, the school district had sought a tax-rate increase for a two-year bond program.  Then, in what Weiler characterized as "part two," the school board came back in 1998 and asked voters to roll over the new increased rate for a 10-year bonding program. CCSD financial reports indicate that taxpayers will be repaying the current outstanding general obligation bonds through 2028.

Projections by CCSD this past April show no bonding capacity for the district until 2018 under the current $0.5534 tax rate. 

However, if the district's current tax-increase initiative is approved by voters Tuesday, the district could repeat its 1996 ploy and come back to the voters again, asking for a 10-year bond program and rollover of the new, higher rate of $0.7654. That, CCSD estimates, would generate an additional $3.7 billion to $5.1 billion in liability for taxpayers.

During the six years of the "bridge" funding, CCSD would have three general-election opportunities to seek a rollover of the tax increase.

This chart — presented by CCSD CFO Jeff Weiler to the school board April 26 — illustrates projected district bonding capacity under both the current .5534 tax rate and the proposed .7654 rate.  Because the board opted for a pay-as-you-go program, the 2012 bond program reflected in black should be considered blue and interpreted as bond capacity.

Karen Gray is a reporter/researcher with Nevada Journal. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com and http://npri.org.

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Election integrity complaint charging misuse of parent email filed against CCSD trustee Deanna Wright

LAS VEGAS — Clark County School District officials were publicly taken to task last week for using parents' email addresses — obtained through parent/trustee email communications — for politicking.

Joe Spencer, parent of a CCSD third grader, confronted trustees and Superintendent Dwight Jones during last week's school board meeting, after he received campaign electioneering emails from CCSD staffers and a third party.

 Two emails sent by school district staff, on behalf of Trustees Deanna Wright and Erin Cranor, advocated the passage of Question 2 — the district's ballot initiative seeking higher property taxes. Another email from a third party solicited campaign support for Wright, who's in a heated race to retain her trustee seat.

"I had some communications with Trustee Wright via email," said Spencer, "and suddenly I'm getting [these messages]."

Spencer had contacted Wright, his school board representative, about the issue of mandatory uniforms at his daughter's school.

"So, now, political emails are coming to me that I didn't sign up for … [and] which I didn't ask anybody to put me on any list for," said Spencer.

What was more disturbing, he told the board — as well as what led him to lodge an Election Integrity Violation Report with the Secretary of State — was receiving an email from what appeared to be Wright's campaign or her friends.

In an interview yesterday, Wright acknowledged that Spencer did contact her in late August, introducing himself as a new parent to CCSD and seeking to discuss district uniform policies.  She says she also told him she would contact him "when things slowed down between my campaign and family and trustee stuff."

However, says Spencer, "The fact is" that Wright took nearly a month to reply to his email, and only after he followed up through Facebook.  Wright's posting there says she "would be happy to visit with [him] about the SSA [uniform] policy," but that she had "a packed weekend" and would "call soon." However, she never called.

Wright also told Nevada Journal she typically takes a parent's email address when she is contacted and gives it to staff for the databank. Initially, says Wright, she asked parents first.  Over the years, after never being told no, she stopped asking.

"This is the only time, ever," says Wright, "that I've heard of a parent not wanting to get the newsletter and the information that we [CCSD] send out."

Kevinn Donovan, the opposing candidate seeking Wright's seat, says he is aware of the complaint, but does not know the specifics. As a parent with four children in the system, he said, trust is key in a parent-trustee relationship, or any other trustee relationship. "A sense of privacy is critical to that trust," said Donovan.

The mass campaign email received by Spencer was sent from a Yahoo! email account. It begins, "Friends," … the "campaign vibe is heating up" and "Deanna [Wright] is in a tough fight to win re-election." 

The email urged supporters to join canvassing efforts to "encourage and educate people on the importance of this race and Deanna's accomplishments."

"I have a great concern as to why not only is my email address being published on a list for whatever political activities and discussions you want to have," Spencer told board members and district staff, "but it went outside of the school district. 

"And that's just to me," continued Spencer. "That is just way over the line; that she [Wright] took my email address … and divulged it outside of the school district."

As is typical for this school board, no one on the dais responded to Spencer. Wright, however, was absent.

Next, school board President Linda Young told the audience that the board values the public and, thus, provides three opportunities for input.

"For those of you that sign up for any of our non-consent or consent agenda items," said Young, "it is the intent of this board, the people sitting up here, that we are very interested in hearing your comments. We are very interested in hearing your thoughts. We have three spots on this agenda for you to speak."

What Young failed to mention, however, is that it is by the trustees' choice that they do not respond to the public at board meetings. The board, in the fall of 2009, pointedly attempted to amend its policy-governance rules to end two-way dialogue with board constituents. 

This occurred six months after the board moved to a line-item public speaking format, which allows the public to comment on each agenda item as discussed by trustees. The board — including, at the time, current-trustees Young, Edwards, Garvey and Wright — proposed policy changes to prohibit certain types of speech altogether and  restrict trustee responses to public speakers whose comments were "to an item on that meeting's agenda."

After public criticism, the board did not adopt those changes. Instead, on Jan. 14, 2010, it removed from board policy trustees' authority to respond to the public and deleted all written references suggesting trustees might respond to public speakers.

Since January 2010, the former standing-agenda items that referenced the trustees' option of responding to public comments have all been removed from the agenda format.  Frequently, today, one will hear trustees and the superintendent tell the audience they cannot respond to public speakers.

The board currently is in the process of adopting another policy change that would impose new barriers upon public discourse at board meetings.

If the amendment passes on Nov. 8, trustees — even though they are independently elected representatives — will be required to ask and receive permission from the board president to recognize a public speaker for additional time. The proposed policy will also leave to the discretion of the board president the amount of additional time a speaker may receive, "for, at most, an additional 2 minutes."

Extension of time, states the proposed board policy, should be "requested and granted with restraint." (Emphasis added.)

No trustee expressed concern regarding the amendment when it was unanimously passed for the first time, Oct. 11 — even though trustees acknowledged that "you can't do extended comments in three minutes."

When Nevada Journal inquired how this proposed amendment would "enhance transparency and community engagement in the government process," district Chief Communication Officer Amanda Fulkerson informed Nevada Journal that she had forwarded the questions to board President Young. Fulkerson repeated that, "the District and Superintendent supports an atmosphere where public opinion is valued and shared and we appreciate every member of our community who is actively involved in education issues."

Young, however, did not respond to multiple emails requesting comment.

Spencer is not surprised by the board's non-responsiveness. "After all," he says, "Wright never followed up on my initial email concern and it's been two months."

Wright did, however, email Spencer over the weekend.

"Once you email a public official your email is now public record," Wright wrote. "Anyone can make a public records request and gain access to all of Trustee Cranor, myself or any other Trustees' emails.   

"Usually when parents contact us it is because they want to be kept informed and get information on meetings and other district happenings."

Wright notes that she receives many campaign emails for which she didn't sign up.

"Somewhere along the line, I looked at something or asked for information or wrote a letter through email, and my email got on those lists.

 "You know what," she said, "if I don't like it, there's a place at the bottom that says, ‘unsubscribe.' It is the way of the world. That's all I'm going to say."

CCSD, however, does not offer an unsubscribe option on its email notifications.

Karen Gray is an education reporter/researcher with Nevada Journal. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com and http://npri.org.

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CCSD advocacy spending for Question 2 appears to violate state ethics law

LAS VEGAS — The Clark County School District has spent the past month talking up Question 2, the "pay as you go" capital-improvement ballot question, but the district’s latest efforts may have crossed a line set by Nevada’s state ethics law.

About 10 days ago, CCSD mailed out 250,000 full-color “informational” brochures to parents.

 The district, which is prohibited from using taxpayer dollars to support a ballot question, did pay for the brochures, acknowledged Cynthia Sell, CCSD's communications director, in an email to Nevada Journal.

"A brochure titled 'Pay-As-You-Go Plan for Capital Improvements,'" writes Sell, "was produced and paid for by CCSD."

Sell has not responded to Nevada Journal request for sales orders or invoices stating the costs of the four-color brochures.

CCSD has publicly characterized its brochures as "informational," but included no language setting forth the case against a 'yes' vote.

"This is the informational brochure," Joyce Haldeman, CCSD's associate superintendent of Community and Government Relations, told parents attending an Oct. 9 CCSD trustee Mega Parent Advisory Committee (PAC) meeting. "It's actually going to be mailed to homes. In fact, you might have one in your mailbox today."

District officials have assured the public the district will not use taxpayer dollars to advocate for the question but say “it's always important to have a Vote Yes campaign.”

"The Clark County School District does not and will not use its dollars to do a 'vote yes' campaign," Haldeman told parents during the Mega PAC meeting.

"On the other hand," she continued, "it is our responsibility to make sure people are informed about it."

"A real nexus," said Haldeman — as she showed parents materials advocating the passage of Question 2 and directed them to sign-up sheets — “is when we have parent volunteers who are willing to help spread the word.”

After mailing its brochures to parents, the district last Friday utilized its ParentLink system to call parents’ telephone numbers and leave messages saying:

Ballot Question Two would support the schools. To find out about the Clark County School District’s Ballot Question Two, which would support vital repairs and equipment at schools, go to CCSD.net/q2 for information.

The robotically delivered messages outraged some parents, who contacted the Nevada Policy Research Institute to complain.

Said one mother of a CCSD student, “I object to my taxpayer funds (the automated phone system) being used for political purposes. Second, I believe that the School District has unfair advantage over the opponents to this ballot question because they have unfettered and exclusive access to the phone list of all parents having children in Clark County schools… Third, I do not believe it appropriate that the School District access a database of parent numbers (that are provided for emergency purposes and issues directly related to their children’s educations) to make political phone calls.”

This past weekend, CCSD trustees held a "Yes on 2" volunteer walk, which they explicitly announced was "to distribute door hangers and yard signs to registered voters encouraging them to support Question 2."

Using district resources, personnel, email system and databases, school board Trustees Carolyn Edwards, Deanna Wright, Lorraine Alderman and Erin Cranor sent out messages Tuesday and Wednesday, Oct. 16 and 17, advocating for the passage of Question 2, and directing parents and the public to contact the school district's Community and Government Relations department to obtain "Yes on 2" volunteer information and campaign materials.  

Said the email sent out by Edwards, Wright and Alderman:

"As a CCSD Trustee, I am able to advocate on behalf of important issues affecting our students…

"This Saturday, volunteers around Clark County will gather to distribute door hangers and yard signs to registered voters encouraging them to support Question 2. If you or anyone you know would like to participate, please call Community and Government Relations at 799-1080 or go to http://www.ccsd.net/district/capital-improvement-plan/volunteer.php. …

If you cannot participate in the walk on Saturday but would still like a yard sign, or if you would like to distribute door hangers to your neighborhood on a different day, please feel free to contact Community and Government Relations at 799-1080…

I hope you will join me in supporting this initiative…”

Nevada’s ethics law, at NRS 281A.520, prohibits both public officers and public employees from "requesting or otherwise causing [a] governmental entity to incur expense or make expenditure to support or oppose ballot question or candidate in certain circumstances." (Emphasis added.)

CCSD told Nevada Journal on Thursday, Oct. 18, that the School Improvement Committee (SIC) political action committee will be reimbursing the district for any costs related to the materials. However, NRS 281A.520 carves out no exception — based on a private party’s later reimbursement — to its limits on public employees’ ballot initiative activities.

In contributions and expense reports through Oct. 12, filed with the Secretary of State’s office, the SIC PAC lists no expenses related to advertising, volunteers or staff, indicating the PAC has not so far paid for any campaign materials, CCSD employee time or transportation costs. The only listed expense is a June 26 payment to a Washington, D.C., polling company, Anzalone Liszt Research, which boasts of its service to Democrat campaigns.

According to Caren Jenkins, executive director of the Nevada Commission on Ethics, any alleged violation would have to be brought before the Commission in an evidentiary hearing. She declined to address the lawfulness of CCSD conduct.

However, should the Commission rule that a willful violation had occurred, explained Jenkins, it could sanction the charged official or employee $5,000 and recommend removal from office.

Not only did CCSD trustees utilize district employees during the work day to answer phones and coordinate volunteers for the Saturday, Oct. 20 campaign walks, but CCSD warehouse staff, equipment and facilities were also used to load/unload, transport and store the advocacy materials, specifically, “Yes on 2” signs, T-shirts, door hangers and the “informational” brochures.

At least six pallets of “Yes on 2” materials were stored at the district’s Eucalyptus Avenue warehouse and then transported to the district’s West Sahara Avenue headquarters.

Last week, Mike McGrath, CCSD purchasing coordinator at the Eucalyptus Avenue warehouse, told Nevada Journal, “We brought [Yes on Q2 door hangers and yard signs] in here from someplace, I'm not even sure where we picked it up from, and then we were told to take it to [CCSD's headquarters on] Sahara.

Requests to CCSD requesting documentation for staff time and labor costs supporting the "Yes on 2" campaign efforts remain unanswered.

The School Improvement Committee PAC, which the district says will pay for all the campaign materials, is funded by contractors supporting the tax-increase ballot question.

Seven of the largest donors listed on contribution reports for the School Improvement Committee PAC are all construction and architecture firms currently under contract to CCSD.

Question 2, if passed, would allow the district to direct $669 million worth of new construction and refurbishment projects to its contractors.

Calls to Sandy Miller, the former Nevada First Lady and the chair of the School Improvement Committee PAC, inquiring about the PAC's expenses, went unreturned.

After Haldeman told parents she hoped for "hundreds of volunteers" for the Oct. 20 walk, Nevada Journal contacted the district's Community and Government Relations number and learned the parents were to meet at one of four schools to begin the walks.

Notwithstanding the directives of trustees and the transparent activities of Haldeman, she and other district officials, including Superintendent Dwight Jones, insisted the walk was to "inform" voters. Differing from the trustee statements, the invitation on the district's website (screenshot) simply said volunteers were to "be walking local neighborhoods to answer questions about ballot Question 2." (Emphasis added.)

In addition to district directives to principals to call parents, some principals have also asked their staff to encourage “yes” votes. A teacher from one school, requesting anonymity, told Nevada Journal that the teacher’s principal "highly encouraged" staff members to, during their upcoming parent-teacher conferences, tell parents to vote “yes” on 2.

Nevada Journal has also been informed that some high school teachers are encouraging students to join the campaign for Question 2, telling them it will count toward a class volunteer-service requirement.

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. Nevada Journal reporter/researcher Karen Gray also contributed some reporting. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Analysis: Schools on CCSD capital improvement list already received over $470 million from previous bonds

LAS VEGAS — The 42 schools that would receive dedicated capital funds if Clark County voters approved Question 2, a $669 million property-tax increase pushed by the Clark County School District, have already received more than $470 million from previous school bond campaigns, according to a Nevada Journal analysis of data from the Clark County School District. Additionally, these schools received more than $20 million for capital projects from the federal stimulus.

Even the number of schools are subject to change, however, as CCSD officials conceded last week that capital projects "will be added, deleted or modified as necessary," potentially adding or subtracting numerous schools from the total.

 In the 1990s, CCSD conducted three successful bond campaigns, which generated more than $6.1 billion. The 1994 bond raised $605 million; the 1996 bond raised $643 million; and the 1998 bond raised $4.9 billion.

While some of this money was used to build more than 100 new schools, current schools also received significant amounts of bond dollars — including the schools district officials now claim need even more funding. Those 42 schools each received an average of $11.7 million, an amount that yielded significantly more purchasing power in the past than does the same nominal sum of inflated dollars today.

For example, CCSD has already spent $27.9 million in bond funds at Eldorado High School, $18.5 million at K.O. Knudson Middle School and $9.9 million at Laura Dearing Elementary School.

Schools slated for electrical upgrades have already received 96 million bond dollars

If voters approve this tax increase, 10 schools are slated for "electrical system upgrades." In a taxpayer-financed brochure currently being sent to parents, CCSD states that "[s]chools built before the computer era lack the basic infrastructure to allow the use of technology in the classroom." CCSD records obtained via public-information requests show that those upgrades would cost just $9.8 million, which is less than 1.5 percent of the proposed $669 million tax increase.

Additionally, Nevada Journal's analysis reveals that CCSD has already spent more than $96 million from past bonds at those schools. This includes B. Mahlon Brown Middle School, which has already received $14.1 million in bond money but would get an additional $1.1 million for electrical work. Past bond spending included $1.5 million for planning, design and administration, $1.3 million for furniture and equipment and a $3.1 million classroom addition.

Despite taking in $10.5 million from past bonds, district officials say Red Rock Elementary School needs $700,000 for electrical work. With previous bond monies, CCSD spent $1.7 million on planning, design and administration and more than $350,000 for asphalt work. J. D. Smith Middle School, built in 1952, is listed for a $2.1 million electrical upgrade even though it has already received $10.9 million in total funds, including more than $300,000 in electrical repairs from the 1994 plan. It has also received more than $1 million for classroom upgrades and spent $1.2 million for planning, design and administration.

Projects change without warning

Nevada Journal previously reported that Grant Sawyer Middle School, a mere 19 years old, received $10 million in HVAC repairs four years ago and was listed for another $8.8 million HVAC replacement. Last week, however, CCSD said Grant Sawyer was "bumped" to use 1998 bond-program funds as of Aug. 1, 2012, and that other schools on the original list, such as Beckley, McWilliams and Culley elementary schools, were only listed due to "clerical error."

CCSD has released at least three different project lists since announcing its tax-increase campaign — a list in May, a different list on Sept. 20 and a slightly changed list on Sept. 24.

Despite the changing lists, Superintendent Dwight Jones recently told the Las Vegas Sun that "We made the [projects] list public so that folks absolutely know what projects will happen for sure."

That statement conflicts with admissions the district made to various governmental approving bodies when it acknowledged the "fluid" character of all the projects it has been listing, calling them a "list of anticipated projects [describing] the specific projects to be completed by the proposed pay-as-you-go financing initiative…" (Emphasis added.)

CCSD has also written that "[p]rojects will be added, deleted or modified as necessary to meet enrollment and changing program needs within the District in ‘revisions' to the Capital Improvement Plan (CIP)."

Requests to the district seeking costs for new projects on the updated list, such as permanent classrooms and a new gymnasium for Sandy Valley middle and high schools, were not answered.

Three prices, one gym

Last week, CCSD challenged several projected costs from Nevada Journal's previous report, specifically the $11.9 million cost for the new Moapa Valley High School gym, with CCSD lobbyist Joyce Haldeman claiming she was "not sure where [Nevada Journal] came up with the $11.9 million figure."

The $11.9 million figure was provided by CCSD, in response to a public-records request.

Haldeman then wrote that the Moapa Valley gym is now "budgeted to cost $8 million." Haldeman's $8-million claim came after the Board of Trustees had already approved the gym at just $5.6 million, as the gym is now being funded with contingency funds from the 1998 bond. The same gym has now had three different price tags.

HVAC replacements or repairs not funded at school with A/C failures

Last December, Christine Ahrens, principal of Smith Middle School, told the Las Vegas Review-Journal the school had leaking roofs and  a faulty HVAC system that forced staff members to "buy Popsicles for the kids" in order to keep students cool.

School board Trustee Loraine Alderman called Smith's condition "disconcerting" during the Dec. 8, 2011 school board meeting. "The needs are many, and there are no resources."

Jeff Weiler, CCSD's chief financial officer, bemoaned the district's financial situation and inability to help schools like Smith.

"We're pinching every penny, asking schools to limp along," Weiler told the RJ.

Despite Smith's problems and Alderman's acknowledgement of them, Smith isn't scheduled to receive anything for HVAC repairs.

Smith, however, did receive more than $1.2 million in HVAC repairs from the 1994 and 1998 plans, and nearly $39,000 for roof repairs from the 1996 bond.

In its response to Nevada Journal's report, CCSD did correctly note that three schools, Chaparral High School, E.W. Griffith Elementary School and Walter Long Elementary School, which experienced HVAC problems at the beginning of the year, are scheduled to receive capital projects funding. These schools are not scheduled to receive any dedicated funding for HVAC repairs, however, just moneys for modernizations and an electrical system update.

An examination of a CCSD-provided list of the 32 schools that experienced HVAC problems at the beginning of the year reveals that not one is projected to receive any dedicated funding for HVAC repairs or replacement. Last week, Haldeman even admitted that many of the "HVAC systems that experienced outages during the first week of school did so because of maintenance issues that are not capital related…"

Unknowns remain

The district has stated that the "final cost of each project will be determined as plans are finalized, construction bids are awarded, and projects are completed."

Thus, the ultimate identity of the different district projects, their costs, and how much bond money has already been spent at those schools, remain unknown for voters who will decide the ballot question in November.

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. Nevada Journal Research Karen Gray also contributed some reporting. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

For Assembly – Opinion – ReviewJournal.com

Nevada News Bureau » Blog Archive » Nevada Agencies Request $6.46 Billion In New Budget, Up $279 Million From Current Spending Plan

VIDEO – FOX5 Vegas – KVVU

Six Questions: CCSD’s Dwight Jones on tax proposal to fix aging schools – Las Vegas Sun News

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‘NO’ ON QUESTION NO. 2: Call for tax hike smells a lot like bait-and-switch – Opinion – ReviewJournal.com

CCSD’s jumbled priorities seen in tax increase proposal

LAS VEGAS — Clark County School District trustees contend the 21-cent property-tax increase they're seeking is necessary to repair and modernize 41 schools.

"The district needs to repair or replace critical infrastructure," said district officials in a recent press release, "such as air conditioning, heating, plumbing, electrical and security systems at some of CCSD's older schools."

 Quite frequently, however, the district's plans for how to spend the tax-increase money differs significantly from the district's public talking points — appearing arbitrary or even political.

One example is the construction of new state-of-the-art gyms at high schools that already have gyms — at the same time that other schools, with more pressing needs, are going wanting.

The "capital needs" list approved by trustees in May and offered to justify their tax-increase campaign specifies that four high schools would get brand-new gymnasiums, even though they already have existing gyms. Indian Springs, Laughlin, Moapa Valley and Virgin Valley are the high schools.

At a projected cost of $11.9 million each, those four new gyms alone would cost $47.6 million. To compare, UNLV's massive, new Mendenhall Center, a 38,000 sq. foot, state-of-the-art gymnasium comparable with facilities at Duke and Louisville, cost just $11.6 million.

Yet schools such as Pat Diskin Elementary — which last month suffered a complete failure of its heating, ventilation and air-conditioning (HVAC) system, forcing the school's closure and disrupting after-school activities — do not make the list.

And it's not because Diskin air conditioning is a new problem.

According to district sources, the Diskin HVAC system has been a failure ever since first being installed in 1995. A model never designed to cope with the heat of Southern Nevada but installed anyway, it has required repairs every year since, Nevada Journal was told.

Nevertheless, Diskin, built in 1973, is not among the seven schools named on the district "needs" list for complete HVAC-system replacement. All of those schools were built in the early 1990s.

For example, Grant Sawyer Middle School, built in 1993, received a $10 million HVAC overhaul just four years ago, yet it is on the district's "needs" list to receive an $8.8 million HVAC replacement. And Greenspun Middle School, built in 1991, received a $1.9 million HVAC upgrade in 2009, according to CCSD records — yet it too is slated for an $8.8 million HVAC upgrade on the district's "needs" list.

A list provided by the school district shows Diskin is just one of 32 schools that suffered air-conditioning outages during the first week of the 2012 school year. None of those schools are slated to receive HVAC repairs on the district’s proposed “needs” list, prepared by the district’s facilities department and approved by trustees.

When the Clark County Debt Management Committee met June 7, other schools were cited as in dire need of repair. One was Lois Craig Elementary in North Las Vegas.

School district staff, County Commissioner Tom Collins told committee colleagues, "have deferred maintenance and deferred maintenance to where they go out to Lois Craig and take duct tape to hold up conduits for refrigeration and put plywood to hold up the damn steps to the portables."

Craig Elementary is not on the 2012 list.

Collins, who is seeking reelection to the county commission in November, was also influential in adding the Moapa Valley gym to the 2012 "needs" list.

Indeed, election politics frequently appears an important element in the push for the 21-cent property-tax increase.

Collins' election opponent is former school board trustee Ruth Johnson, who — according to current Trustee Chris Garvey, also up for re-election and also representing Moapa Valley — "promised" Moapa Valley a new gym during the school's 2008 graduation ceremony.

Garvey, at the Aug. 1 school board meeting, offered a motion to remove the new Moapa Valley gym project from the 2012 capital needs list and grant it immediate funding under 1998 bond funds that remain in district coffers.

The action, approved by fellow trustees 4-to-3 after a contentious discussion, revealed profound "flexibility" in estimates of school-district project costs.

When the new Moapa Valley gym was on the district's alleged "capital needs" list, its cost was projected at $11.9 million, according to district records.

When intended to be funded through "contingency" funds left from the 1998 bonding, however, the same exact project was estimated to cost a mere $6.6 million.

District spending on non-pressing issues has been the subject of parent complaints during past school board meetings. In 2010, CCSD approved a $640,143 construction bid to replace the tennis courts and basketball equipment at Durango High School. This bid sparked outrage among parents, specifically Marzette Lewis, president of the Westside Action Alliance Korp Uplifting People (WAAK-UP). Lewis was upset because the district had over $600,000 to spend on new tennis courts but "couldn't" allocate funds to build covers for the West Prep portable classrooms, leaving elementary-school students waiting for class in the rain.

"You can spend millions of dollars for all these replacements but you can't find $1,500 for some kind of canopy, some kind of enclosure for West Prep," said Lewis during the Jan. 28, 2010 board meeting.

West Prep has 25 portables for 400 elementary-school students and school advocates have been trying to get a new building since 2006. West Prep wasn't included in previous capital improvement plan revisions but is finally listed to receive a $12 million "complete conversion."

By CCSD estimates, converting a 400-student elementary school will cost only $100,000 more than a new high school gym.

Gibson Middle School was another school brought to the board's attention by students and parents. During a Feb. 24, 2011 meeting, students complained of roof leaks, plumbing backups, and unsafe floors.

"I bet you don't have to deal with old plumbing in your building," a Gibson student told the board during the meeting, a reference to the district's $14.5 million administrative building on West Sahara Avenue — frequently referred to as "The Pink Palace." It has tiled showers, marble floors and remote-controlled curtains.

Gibson students also pointed out that their classrooms have chalkboards, while most other schools in the district have upgraded to whiteboards. And if they'd known, they could have also mentioned the new electronic whiteboards, called Promethean boards, that retail at $995 each and which other schools in the district were receiving.

In an internal email obtained by Nevada Journal, Silverado High School's principal celebrated the boards:

God Dag!! The ASC3 [Area Service Center 3] folks would like to give us more of the Promethean boards like they did last fall. If you would be interested in having a Promethean board mounted in your classroom, please send me an email. I'll see how many I can get for us.

Nevada Journal's requests to the district to tour Silverado and to review the ASC3 budget received no response.

The Promethean-boards email was sent in February 2011, the same month the Gibson students addressed the board about their building's troubles. The email indicates Silverado had received Promethean boards "last fall," meaning that the school had received the high-priced boards after Lewis had complained that the school board "couldn't find $1,500 for some kind of canopy" for West Prep's rained-on students.

Inequities appear par for the course in CCSD spending — a point that Trustee Lorraine Alderman acknowledged in May.

"From the outside, things might look functional, but you never really know what's going on, on the inside," she said.

"[With] a lot of these older buildings … the walls are still sturdy but the air conditioning's not working, the roofs need replaced, the infrastructure … they still have problems with internet connectivity in their building because it still needs to be upgraded.  They still have a microphone system there where it's the old stick-out-the-speaker-and-use-the-wire-and-mic.

"So, talk about equity issues. Every school in our district needs to be able to have the same quality as our newer schools."

School Board President Linda Young weighed in, in a similar vein. "We've got some buildings, here, on not-quite life support, but they're pretty close to it," she said.

Basic High School, which has received $28 million in renovations since 1994, including a $2.3 million gym addition, is targeted to receive another $27 million for major modernizations from the new tax if passed by voters in November.

By comparison, five elementary schools slated for "major modernizations" under the new tax, will each receive less than the cost, $11.9 million, of the district's planned new gyms.

Many schools on the list are scheduled to receive money to repair problems supposedly fixed with previous bond money. Thirteen schools are listed as needing "electrical system upgrades" ranging from $700,000 to $2.1 million. Ten of the schools, however, already received money for "electrical upgrades" from previous capital improvement plans.

Beckley Elementary received a total of $421,665 in electrical upgrades from the 1994 and 1998 plans, and McWillians Elementary received $257,961 from the 1998 plan. Culley Elementary received $604,935 from the 1998 plan, but is listed to receive another $700,000 from the proposed 2012 plan.

The Las Vegas Sun reported last month that the district, in pursuit of the tax increase, would be launching a "multimedia advertising campaign" consisting of 250,000 mailers, several community meetings, and door-to-door efforts. District officials insisted, however, that not it, but a PAC supporting the initiative would pay for the mailers.

The district's new-tax initiative, if passed by voters this November, would raise property taxes another 21 cents per $100 of assessed valuation.

Update (10/16/2012): Changed wording to reflect schools with HVAC problems not receiving funding for HVAC repairs.

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. Nevada Journal's Karen Gray also contributed to this report. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

The school bureaucracy has been cut back – Opinion – ReviewJournal.com

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$1.3 billion for 288 jobs: The failure of government-subsidized renewable energy: Another reason why government shouldn’t pick winners and losers in the economy

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Teachers leaving Union in Clark County | Siobhan McAndrew’s Report Card

Live And Local With Kevin Wall 09/26/12: The War On Women, CCSD, And Mitt Romney « CBS Las Vegas

Whistleblower sues CCSD, two administrators

Whistleblower Elena Rodriguez — whom readers may recall from a series of interviews aired earlier this year by Contact 13 Investigative Reporter Darcy Spears — has filed a lawsuit against the Clark County School District and two district administrators, alleging retaliation, discrimination and First Amendment violations.

Named defendants in the lawsuit are Anita Wilbur, principal at the Academy for Individualized Studies High School, and Associate Superintendent Dr. Edward Goldman — Wilbur's former supervisor and the district's new chief contract negotiator.

 In her U.S. District Court lawsuit, Rodriquez contends that she faced retaliation for reporting surreptitious recording of students and staff by Wilbur at the Academy for Individualized Studies. Rodriguez, a 22-year school-district employee, also alleges she faced harassing and disparate treatment because of her national origin, and was retaliated against for her actions in complaining about the discrimination to her supervisors and CCSD's Diversity and Affirmative Action division, and for filing a charge of discrimination with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.

"Shortly after she arrived" at AIS High School, says the complaint, "the Plaintiff discovered that Wilbur was using hidden cameras to surreptitiously videotape and record employees, students and parents at the school.

"The Plaintiff informed Wilbur that this was a violation of District rules, an invasion of privacy and a possible violation of state and federal laws which govern wiretapping and student records. The Plaintiff further advised Wilbur that her actions could subject Wilbur and the District to potential financial liability.

"When Wilbur refused to stop using cameras and microphones to spy on employees, parents and students and in fact added more cameras at AISHS, the Plaintiff informed higher ups at CCSD, including the legal department and Goldman, about Wilbur's use of hidden cameras, microphones and surreptitious videotaping."

However, continues the complaint, "Instead of correcting the problem Wilbur, Goldman and CCSD administrators set out to punish and demote the Plaintiff because of her whistleblowing."

CCSD is misusing a new evaluation procedure, says Rodriguez's attorney, Richard "Tick" Segerblom, to "vindictively … get rid of administrators who the administration doesn't like."

Unbeknownst to Rodriguez, Goldman, serving as the district's chief contract negotiator, had negotiated a new evaluation system in the spring of 2011 that "allowed the District to demote an administrator who had received two negative evaluations without regard to seniority and bumping rights." Rodriguez had received a negative evaluation in 2010 after she had complained of racial discrimination and filed an EEOC complaint.

After the administrators union announced the contract change on May 17, 2011, Rodriguez received an "oral warning summary" on May 26, which, according to the complaint, Wilbur used to give her an unsatisfactory evaluation on June 6.

The original intent of the new procedure, explains Segerblom, "was to have the administrators be held to the same standards that teachers are."

However, "the reality is, I think, out of a thousand administrators only two were subjected to the reduction-in-force (RIF)," said Segerblom.

"Goldman eliminated her position," said Segerblom, "notified her in writing and at that time he knew if she got a negative evaluation — which was going to come up in a month or two — that, that would result in a demotion…

"He knew that in actuality, given the contract language that was going to be coming into effect that she would actually end up being demoted out of an administrative position."

Rodriguez had been hired by the school district in 1990 as a support staff employee. By 2002, she worked her way up to an administrator position. According to numerous employee evaluations obtained by Nevada Journal, she was a valuable employee with an impressive work history.

Former CCSD assistant superintendent Keith Bradford said in Rodriguez's 2008 annual evaluation that she "demonstrated excellent leadership" as a liaison between SAP/ERP — the enterprise-resource planning initiative the district contracted for with the European software giant SAP — and the district's Human Resources office and was "instrumental" in helping to accomplish a workable interface in the district's SAP/ERP system.

CCSD spokesperson Amanda Fulkerson stated she wasn't aware of the lawsuit and did not provide any further comments by press time.

Karen Gray is an education researcher and reporter with Nevada Journal. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com and http://npri.org.

County opposes transferring Ash Meadows refuge to fish and wildlife | Pahrump Valley Times

How quickly they forget!

Aging Clark County schools slated for upgrades – News – ReviewJournal.com

Firefighter doing well

District targets two urban-core elementary schools for replacement – Las Vegas Sun News

Nevada doctors share how Obamacare harms patients and physicians

Nevada Journal asked three local doctors about Obamacare and how it affects their practice. The interviews took place on Friday, September 14, 2012 at the Clark County Library, where the three doctors participated in a panel discussion about healthcare sponsored by the 60 Plus Association.


(Click above or here to view the video)

Obama brags on under-performing housing program to below-capacity crowd

LAS VEGAS — President Barack Obama claimed his housing policies helped over 1 million Americans refinance their homes and saved Americans $3,000 a year during a Wednesday evening rally at the Cashman Center in downtown Las Vegas.

The picture painted by the president, however, contrasts sharply with data released by his own Treasury Department and analyzed with respect to Silver State mortgage holders by Nevada Journal.

 "Grandparents in Reno were able to refinance their home," said Obama in an anecdote to the estimated 8,000-strong crowd in a venue with a seating capacity of 10,000. "We kept our promises. Now I'm asking you to help me build on these promises."

Actually, the president's February 2009 speech announcing the home-refinance program had promised help to "between 7 and 9 million families."

His exact words were:

And we will pursue the housing plan I'm outlining today.  And through this plan, we will help between 7 and 9 million families restructure or refinance their mortgages so they can afford — avoid foreclosure. 

Moreover, while the Treasury Department now speaks of "over 1.2 million homeowner assistance actions," the great bulk of those "actions" — the million-plus so-called "permanent modifications" through the Home Affordable Modification Program (HAMP) — are actually temporary payment-modification plans, under which the sum owed remains as before and payments revert to the original higher level after five years.

Treasury Department data also shows that the Obama administration's mortgage-fix program rejected almost 80 percent of Nevadans who applied and damaged many.

One key close observer — Neil Barofsky, for three and a half years the Special Inspector General for the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) — identified political panic as the source of much of the damage HAMP did to households that tried to enter the program:

The initial low [HAMP] participation numbers caused Treasury officials to panic, making things even worse. They threatened the servicers with public denunciation if they didn't increase their numbers dramatically and called them to Washington over the summer for a very public scolding. They then set a goal of 500,000 preliminary or ‘trial' modifications by November 1, 2009. To meet that goal, Treasury pressured the servicers to dispense entirely with [paperwork rules] and turn to the exact same tactic used by the banks in the lead-up to the financial crisis: undocumented ‘verbal' trial modifications. . .

As we would later discover, that would create a tidal wave of misery for struggling borrowers. (Bailout, page 134.)

"The servicers' performance was abysmal: they routinely "lost" or misplaced borrowers' documents, with one servicer telling us that a subcontractor had lost an entire trove of HAMP materials," wrote Barofsky. His book Bailout was published in July.

Obama criticized Republican nominee Mitt Romney's comments to the Las Vegas Review-Journal that Nevada's housing market needed to "bottom out" and said his administration "wasn't kicking anyone on the street."

"[Kicking people out of their house] doesn't move America forward. It moves us backward," Obama said.

In addition to addressing Nevada's housing crisis, something he barely mentioned during his previous campaign visit in August, the president also criticized Romney's tax plan, reciting his familiar campaign lines about Romney "giving more tax breaks to millionaires who don't need them."

"I don't believe another round of tax breaks will bring back your jobs," Obama said. "I don't think anyone thinks rolling back regulations on Wall Street will help small businesses."

"President Obama's revisionist history on housing is laughable," a Romney spokesman shot back.

"As Nevadans have faced foreclosure, declining home values and seen their hard-earned wealth wiped away, they will not buy the president's spin and will hold him to account for his failed record."

Romney spokesman Mason Harrison noted that the new book by Bob Woodward, The Price of Politics, quotes Obama telling U.S. Senate Majority Whip Dick Durbin the administration would do nothing of significance on the housing crisis:

‘What about the thousands of homeowners who owed more on their mortgages than their homes were worth?' asked Durbin. ‘We will not roll out an aggressive housing plan,' Obama said, and it would not be part of the stimulus bill.  The housing problem was massive and baffling, and none of them had solid ideas for fixing it.  (The Price Of Politics, p. 8)

President Obama also touted Wall Street regulations, but didn't mention the regulatory burden his signature Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act — commonly called Obamacare — places on small businesses. Nevada small-business owners, for example, have noted Obamacare could cost them $80,000 a year and force them to cut the number of their employees.

"We would have to conclude that rather than taking a $70,000 to $80,000 penalty, which would ultimately lead to the closing of both locations, we merely close down one location and continue to operate," Jeff Ecker, a Las Vegas restaurant owner, told Nevada Journal in June.

The president announced a "goal" of creating 1 million manufacturing jobs in the next four years, and called for increased investments in renewable energy in Nevada.

"Thousands of Americans are buildings wind turbines, solar panels," Obama said. "We've doubled the amount of renewable energy usage across the country."

Obama didn't acknowledge that the majority of renewable-energy plants rely on heavy taxpayer subsidies and only produce a small number of full-time jobs. Last month, a Nevada Journal investigation discovered $1.3 billion in taxpayer subsidies and loans to green-energy companies netted only 288 full-time jobs in Nevada.

The buzzword of Obama's speech was "forward," his campaign slogan, and several times he invoked former president Bill Clinton, while claiming higher tax rates during the Clinton administration and increased regulation "created 23 million jobs and turned our deficit into a surplus."

President Clinton, however, actually decreased regulations during his tenure, repealing the Glass-Steagall Act, for example. Clinton-era revenues also benefited from the Internet boom.

The president's appearance was delayed by over an hour due to meetings related to the Libya attacks, and his campaign said his speech was politically "toned down" in the wake of the attacks.

Obama's visit came a day after Romney addressed the National Guard Association convention in Reno. This was the president's second official campaign visit to Nevada following a visit last month at Canyon Springs High School in North Las Vegas.

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

Live And Local With Kevin Wall 09/13/12: Education, Parents, And The Gripe Line « CBS Las Vegas

‘Horrifying results’ of HAMP laid at U.S. Treasury’s door

LAS VEGAS — That the Obama administration’s Home Affordable Modification Program (HAMP) actually worsened the plight of many American homeowners has been well documented — if not widely discussed.

But how much of that needless distress was suffered by Nevada homeowners? And how much of the Silver State’s multiple-year economic disaster can be laid directly at HAMP’s door?

 These questions gain new pertinence following the public release of surveys conducted for the Nevada Association of Realtors’ new report, Nevada’s Face of Foreclosure: An In-Depth Look at Nevada’s Housing Crisis.

Of the Nevadans queried who had personally experienced foreclosure, a remarkable 40 percent said that they had been advised to stop paying on their mortgages “in order to qualify for assistance” from their lender.

So large a proportion strongly suggests that many Nevada homeowners were victims of a “particularly pernicious type of abuse” that an illuminating and tightly documented new book says HAMP facilitated.

 The book is Bailout, published by the Free Press this summer and written by Neil Barofsky, who headed the federal government’s Office of the Special Inspector General for the Troubled Asset Relief Program (SIGTARP) from December 2008 to February 2012.

A high-profile federal prosecutor in the Office of the U.S. Attorney for Manhattan before being tapped for the SIGTARP job, Barofsky — a life-long Democrat — had been an Obama voter and campaign contributor.

Nevertheless, when he stepped down on Feb. 14, 2012, it was big relief to Obama’s treasury secretary, Tim Geithner. An anonymous administration official in the Treasury Department even said the Barofsky resignation “was like a nice Valentine to us.”

Because the Obama administration used TARP funds for HAMP, keeping an eye on all things HAMP had been a significant part of SIGTARP’s oversight job. What led to the unhappiness in Treasury was that Barofsky’s office had pursued its responsibilities aggressively, with no respect for the administration’s political agenda.

 As such, the SIGTARP office documented many of the abuses perpetrated on American homeowners under the Treasury Department’s benign neglect — describing those abuses clearly in the quarterly reports that SIGTARP made to Congress.

The bad advice servicers gave homeowners was just part of the systemic problems with HAMP that Barofsky and his team found. But, as Bailout explains, it was symptomatic of the exploitation of American homeowners that Treasury allowed: 

“[S]ervicers would direct borrowers who were current on their mortgages to start skipping payments, telling them that that would allow them to qualify for a HAMP modification,” he writes in his new book.

In this way, the ex-prosecutor notes, servicers were able to pile up late fees on the borrowers — many of whom might have otherwise been able to qualify for a modification if they had not missed a payment.

“Those led to some of the most heartbreaking cases,” says Barofsky. “Home owners who might have been able to ride out the crisis instead ended up in long trial modifications, after which the servicers would deny them a permanent modification and then send them an enormous ‘deficiency’ bill.

“They were charged for the difference between the modified monthly payments and the original amount of their payments for all of those months, which could be a crippling amount, and were also slapped with a host of late fees. Borrowers who might otherwise never have missed a payment found themselves hit with whopping bills that they couldn’t pay and now faced foreclosure.

“It was a disaster,” says the former prosecutor, now a senior fellow at the NYU Law School. The Obama administration’s Treasury Department permitted servicers “to take all the preliminary legal steps necessary to foreclose at the exact same time that they were supposedly processing the trial modifications.”

Servicers weren’t supposed to foreclose on borrowers while the latter’s trial modifications were pending. But — as reporters from ProPublica and Huffington Post comprehensively documented, and as letters from homeowners made clear — servicers did so anyway.

The telling subtitle of Barofsky’s very readable book is, “An Inside Account of How Washington Abandoned Main Street While Rescuing Wall Street.”

 It documents, step by step, how the ex-prosecutor from the Manhattan U.S. Attorney’s office and his colleagues came to conclude that the Obama administration saw HAMP not primarily as a way to help “between 7 and 9 million families restructure or refinance their mortgages, so they can avoid foreclosure,” as Obama had told the nation in February 2009. Instead, it was seen as a way to bolster the too-big-to-fail banks.

“A lightbulb went on for me,” recounts Barofsky, when he heard Treasury’s Geithner, in a private conversation, justify the administration’s relative indifference to the ineffectiveness of HAMP for homeowners. Geithner said that HAMP “will help foam the runway” for the insolvent megabanks — stretching out foreclosures over a longer time-line, one that they could more easily handle.

Observes Barofsky:

Geithner apparently looked at HAMP as an aid to the banks, keeping the full flush of foreclosures from hitting the financial system all at the same time. Though they could handle up to “10 million foreclosures” over time, any more than that, or if the foreclosures were too concentrated, and the losses that the banks might suffer on their first and second mortgages could push them into insolvency, requiring yet another round of TARP bailouts. So HAMP would “foam the runway” by stretching out the foreclosures, giving the banks more time to absorb losses while the other parts of the bailouts juiced bank profits that could then fill the capital holes created by housing losses.

As it happened, HAMP never even cleared the 1 million modification mark until earlier this year — far below the “7 to 9 million” mark that the president had announced Feb. 18, 2009 in Arizona.

In Nevada, according to the Face of Foreclosure report, between Jan. 1, 2009 and May 31, 2012, the state saw 551,777 foreclosures, and easily 93 percent of them were people’s primary residences.

 Small wonder, perhaps, that Nevadans surveyed for the report show little respect for government foreclosure-prevention programs.

Nevadans who had personally experienced foreclosure were asked the question, “Would you say most government foreclosure prevention programs are improving Nevada’s foreclosure situation, making it worse, or not really having an impact?”

The great majority, 58 percent, opted for “not really having an impact.” Yet, a surprising 20 percent chose “making it worse.” That was over twice the number of those who chose “improving.”

Among Nevadans generally, the questions were answered similarly. Opting for “not really having an impact” were 52 percent, choosing “making it worse” were 20 percent, while “making it better” was selected by 10 percent.

Nationally, too, three-and-a-half years after the administration launched HAMP, the program has been widely recognized to have, at best, made little difference.

“Obama’s efforts to aid homeowners, boost housing market fall far short of goals,” noted a Washington Post headline.

And ProPublica — having compiled arguably the nation’s “most detailed look yet at how the mortgage industry and the government's main effort, the Home Affordable Modification Program (HAMP), have failed homeowners” — reported that:

That was the best case: In many instances HAMP actually increased the misery of homeowners and the odds that they would lose their homes — as documented by SIGTARP in its October 2010 report to Congress.

How could such an ostensibly important program go so wrong?

Barofsky says his first doubts began on Feb. 10, 2009, when Geithner — in a catastrophic news conference that sent the Dow Industrial Average down 400 points during the day — described four new TARP initiatives, one of which would be the housing program that would come to be called HAMP.

After the speech, the SIGTARP team asked Treasury for more information about the new programs. The answer, however, was that the programs “weren’t yet sufficiently formed to give us anything beyond a short stack of press releases issued by Treasury that day.”

That, he said, became Treasury’s standard M.O.:

First, announcements intended to “shock and awe” the media that made for good sound bites but were not particularly well thought out; then, weeks later, scattered and incomplete details that had to be reworked on the fly. And finally, poor program execution that accomplished little, if any, of the originally announced goals. Several of the programs announced that day followed the pattern exactly.

The next instance of the pattern followed quickly: Barofsky “heard on the radio that the president was going to announce a comprehensive mortgage modification program in Arizona the following Wednesday.”

It had been because of his extensive experience prosecuting mortgage fraud in New York that Barofsky had been selected for, and confirmed in, the SIGTARP job. Thus, because he knew “that $50 billion government cheese was going to draw out a lot of rats,” he also knew that such a program would require thoughtful planning and careful structuring. What he saw, however, was a White House “being wildly premature.”

Again, he reached out to Treasury for details, and again his fears were confirmed: No one could yet explain “the nuts and bolts of how the program would work.”

“Now we were really worried,” he writes. “It seemed inconceivable that [the administration] would be able to put together a well-thought-out program in such a short period of time. This once again seemed more like political posturing than an executable plan.”

Events over the next three years would prove that analysis spot-on. For, when Treasury’s plan finally began surfacing, the seeds of disaster were quite visible.

“I was concerned right away,” writes Barofsky, “when the Treasury presenters explained that the largest mortgage servicers would effectively be running the program on behalf of Treasury, earning taxpayer-funded incentive payments each time they agreed to permanently modify a mortgage.”

The problem, he writes, was that Treasury was placing the fate of mortgage modifications in the hands of an industry that had a solid interest in foreclosures, not in modifications:

Importantly for the servicers, when a home is sold in foreclosure, they are typically paid all of their fees and advance expenses before the owners of the mortgages get any of the proceeds of the sale. As a result, though there is a good chance that investors will lose a significant amount of money in the foreclosure of a home, the servicers are in a much better position to recoup their fees and expenses. In that way, the economic incentives of the investors and the servicers often clash. Though it may be better for an investor if a mortgage is modified, the servicer may be better off if a home goes into foreclosure. Treasury’s failure to adequately address this inherent conflict of interest would eventually help cripple its mortgage modification program.

Even when servicers had the very best intentions, however, their industry — upon which the Obama administration planned to rely so heavily — was not at all prepared to bear such a burden.

SIGTARP audits revealed that:

Treasury had failed to ensure that the servicers had the necessary infrastructure to support a massive mortgage modification program. Their business models were built around processing mortgage payments and implementing foreclosures, not modifying mortgages. They had been as caught off guard as we were by the president’s February announcement and were completely unprepared for the deluge of requests following his speech. Worse, though Treasury provided various “directives” to the servicers, they shifted constantly, making compliance all but impossible.

Treasury not only kept changing documentation guidelines, and thus “exacerbating a quickly emerging problem with the servicers’ incompetent handling of borrower documents.” Treasury also kept “changing the terms by which servicers had to evaluate borrowers for modifications.”

Those terms, called the Net Present Value (NPV) test, were “supposed to indicate what made more economic sense for the investor who owned the loan,” a modification or a foreclosure. And if the NPV test showed positive for the investor, the servicer was required to offer a modification.

“But Treasury couldn’t figure out the right formula for the test, which was at the heart of its entire program, changing it nine times in the first year alone.”

With the design and implementation of HAMP having been so badly botched, the program barely got off the ground — whereupon the “initial low participation numbers caused Treasury officials to panic, making things even worse.

“They threatened the servicers with public denunciation if they didn’t increase their numbers dramatically and called them to Washington over the summer for a very public scolding. They then set a goal of 500,000 preliminary or “trial” modifications by Nov. 1, 2009.

“To meet that goal, Treasury pressured the servicers to dispense entirely” with the anti-fraud paperwork SIGTARP had recommended, “and turn to the exact same tactic used by the banks in the lead-up to the financial crisis: undocumented ‘verbal’ trial modifications.

“For ‘verbals,’ the servicer could put the borrower into a trial modification based on a single telephone call but couldn’t convert it into a ‘permanent’ HAMP modification (at which point Treasury would start paying incentives) until the servicer received and processed all of the underlying documents.

“The no-doc liar loans of 2006 might have rightly gone the way of the dinosaurs,” writes Barofsky, “but now Treasury was pushing the servicers to issue their 2009 equivalent: no-doc trial modifications.”

The political pressure from Treasury “on the mortgage servicers over the summer of 2009 to goose their numbers through hundreds of thousands of unverified ‘verbal’ trial modifications,” began producing “horrifying results,” writes Barofsky.

“Our ongoing reports [to Congress] would eventually detail how Treasury’s pressure to loosen their up-front documentation requirements had led to the victimization of many home owners.

“The flood of trial modifications caused the servicers’ systems to first buckle and then break as borrowers seeking to make their modifications permanent flooded the underequipped servicers with millions of pages of documents. The servicers’ performance was abysmal: they routinely “lost” or misplaced borrowers’ documents, with one servicer telling us that a subcontractor had lost an entire trove of HAMP materials.”

The SIGTARP office received hordes of complaints from borrowers saying they’d had to send their documents to their servicers multiple times — on average, according to a survey by ProPublica, six times — after which the servicers would still claim that the documents had never been received and then foreclose.

The massive number of borrowers seeking modifications, writes Barofsky, “also meant that fully qualified borrowers got lost in the storm.”

Servicers would later confess to SIGTARP auditors “that the sheer volume from Treasury’s verbal trial modification surge made it nearly impossible for them to separate the modifications that fully qualified and had a chance to be successful from those that were hopeless.”

To ensure that servicers did not introduce scams into the trial modifications, SIGTARP had recommended to Treasury that the trial modifications automatically convert to permanent status after three payments over three months.

Treasury, however, rejected that proposal, and allowed trial modifications to drag on for extended periods, sometimes more than a year.

That allowed servicers to “put just about any borrowers they chose into verbal trial modifications to pump up their numbers,” notes Barofsky, “and then … refuse to convert them to permanent status as long as just a single document was supposedly outstanding.

“Aggravating the problem,” he says, “was that the design of the program potentially rewarded servicers who ‘lost’ documents: it could be more profitable for a servicer to drag out trial modifications and eventually foreclose than to award the borrowers quick permanent modifications.”

That’s because mortgage servicers profit from fees, particularly late fees, notes Barofsky, “and under HAMP, Treasury allowed mortgage servicers to charge and accrue late fees for each month that borrowers were in trial modifications, even if the borrowers made every single payment under their trial plans. (The rationale was that by not making the full unmodified payment, the borrowers were technically ‘late’ on each payment.)

“If the modifications were made permanent, Treasury required the servicer to waive the fees, but if the servicer canceled the modifications (say, for example, for the borrowers’ alleged failure to provide the necessary documents), the servicer could typically collect all of the accrued late fees once the homes were sold through foreclosure.

“In other words, servicers could rack up fees by putting home owners into late fee–generating trial modification purgatory and then pulling the rug out from under them by failing their modification for ‘incomplete documentation,’ which they did in droves,” writes Barofsky.

He notes that although Treasury eventually changed its practice of allowing undocumented trial modifications, by early 2012 HAMP modification failures still outnumbered successes.

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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‘Panicking’ Obama administration injured U.S., Nevada homeowners

LAS VEGAS — Almost 80 percent of Nevadans who applied to participate in the Obama administration’s Home Affordable Modification Program (HAMP) were excluded for various reasons, according to U.S. Treasury Department data processed by Nevada Journal.

Between February 2009, when the program was first announced, and June 30, 2012, when the most current federal data ends, 89,293 underwater Silver State homeowners had applied for HAMP mortgage modifications, the data indicates.

 Of those, 16,777 reportedly succeeded in procuring the HAMP program’s so-called “permanent” — i.e., five-year — modifications to their mortgages, allowing them lower monthly payments during that period.

Another 1,094 are listed by the government as currently participating in the trial period of at least three months required before a “permanent” modification can be offered them.

And 58 homeowners paid off their loans, according to the Treasury data.

That leaves 68,364 Nevadans who, according to the data, sought to participate, but, for one reason or another, were not allowed into the program. An examination of the data suggests that theoretically, as many as a third of them could actually have been damaged, financially or otherwise, by their involvement with HAMP.

The Treasury department’s data is based on reports submitted by mortgage-servicing companies, according to department spokesperson Andrea Risotto.

However, according to Neil Barofsky, who served three-and-a-half years as Special Inspector General for oversight of the federal TARP program, including HAMP, the integrity of the data in the servicer reports was, at best, highly suspect:

The servicers’ performance was abysmal: they routinely “lost” or misplaced borrowers’ documents, with one servicer telling us that a subcontractor had lost an entire trove of HAMP materials.

Borrowers routinely complained that they’d had to send their documents to their servicers multiple times— a survey by ProPublica found that borrowers had to submit documents on average six times— but the servicers would still claim that the documents had never been received and then foreclose. . . .

Aggravating the problem was that the design of the program potentially rewarded servicers who “lost” documents: it could be more profitable for a servicer to drag out trial modifications and eventually foreclose than to award the borrowers quick permanent modifications. . . . (Bailout, page 151.)

One reason for the servicers’ poor record-keeping and generally poor performance was that Treasury also kept changing its rules, SIGTARP told Congress. The department’s “ever-changing documentation requirements also challenged servicers’ capacity to handle borrower inquiries and applications.” (Page 26).

In Bailout, where Barofsky spoke only for himself, he was less diplomatic:

Worse, though Treasury provided various “directives” to the servicers, [those “directives”] shifted constantly, making compliance all but impossible. Documentation guidelines, for example, were changed routinely, exacerbating a quickly emerging problem with the servicers’ incompetent handling of borrower documents. (Bailout, page 134.)

Another reason, noted SIGTARP, was that Treasury never gave servicers guidance on how to train employees to “execute the program’s modification waterfall [i.e., steps in qualifying a modification], run the latest version of the net present value model, and verify income.”

 The picture drawn by the man charged by Congress with monitoring the Obama administration’s HAMP program is of a Treasury Department that had been staffed by top appointees who were full of arrogance but seriously lacking in practical knowledge about the U.S. mortgage industry.

A major example was how Treasury kept firing off directives to America’s mortgage servicers, decreeing that they turn on a dime and adopt a significantly different and new business model, when they had little incentive to actually do so.

Barofsky explains the problem:

Traditionally, the primary role of a servicer is to collect monthly mortgage payments and to foreclose on properties when such payments are missed. In HAMP, in addition to collecting monthly mortgage payments, servicers now must train personnel to follow the program guidelines in determining a borrower’s eligibility, execute the program’s modification waterfall [explain], run the latest version of the net present value model, and verify income. Indeed, the servicers reported rapid increases in their staffing levels. These new personnel also needed training to implement HAMP, which likely increased the lead time to offer HAMP modifications. As an example, one servicer had not completed formal training as of our September 2009 visit, with the servicer indicating staff was not scheduled to attend training until the month following our visit. It is important for personnel to have proper training to reinforce consistency in the execution of those modifications. Despite the importance to the program’s success, all five servicers interviewed by SIGTARP in connection with the audit reported that they had received no formal guidance from Treasury on how to train their personnel to handle HAMP modification requests. (Page 25. Emphasis added.)

One important consequence today is that the only nationwide data for the HAMP program that America possesses is dubious: It is the data provided Treasury by servicers — known, to quote Bailout, for their “incompetent handling of borrower documents” — and passed on by Treasury to the public.

The major damage that Treasury did to American and Nevada homeowners occurred, in Barofsky’s view, when Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner and others in the administration “panicked” in 2009. Because it was already apparent that HAMP was turning out to be a practical — and thus also political — dud, with few trial modifications taking place,

Treasury pressured the servicers to . . . turn to the exact same tactic used by the banks in the lead-up to the financial crisis: undocumented “verbal” trial modifications. For “verbals,” the servicer could put the borrower into a trial modification based on a single telephone call but couldn’t convert it into a “permanent” HAMP modification (at which point Treasury would start paying incentives) until the servicer received and processed all of the underlying documents.

Our ongoing reports would eventually detail how Treasury’s pressure to loosen their up-front documentation requirements had led to the victimization of many home owners.

The flood of trial modifications caused the servicers’ systems to first buckle and then break as borrowers seeking to make their modifications permanent flooded the underequipped servicers with millions of pages of documents. The servicers’ performance was abysmal: they routinely “lost” or misplaced borrowers’ documents, with one servicer telling us that a subcontractor had lost an entire trove of HAMP materials. Borrowers routinely complained that they’d had to send their documents to their servicers multiple times— a survey by ProPublica found that borrowers had to submit documents on average six times— but the servicers would still claim that the documents had never been received and then foreclose. The sheer volume also meant that fully qualified borrowers got lost in the storm; servicers would later confess to us that the sheer volume from Treasury’s verbal trial modification surge made it nearly impossible for them to separate the modifications that fully qualified and had a chance to be successful from those that were hopeless.

Servicers could put just about any borrowers they chose into verbal trial modifications to pump up their numbers and then could refuse to convert them to permanent status as long as just a single document was supposedly outstanding. Aggravating the problem was that the design of the program potentially rewarded servicers who “lost” documents: it could be more profitable for a servicer to drag out trial modifications and eventually foreclose than to award the borrowers quick permanent modifications. Mortgage servicers earn profits from fees, particularly late fees, and under HAMP, Treasury allowed mortgage servicers to charge and accrue late fees for each month that borrowers were in trial modifications, even if the borrowers made every single payment under their trial plans. (The rationale was that by not making the full unmodified payment, the borrowers were technically “late” on each payment.) If the modifications were made permanent, Treasury required the servicer to waive the fees, but if the servicer canceled the modifications (say, for example, for the borrowers’ alleged failure to provide the necessary documents), the servicer could typically collect all of the accrued late fees once the homes were sold through foreclosure.

In other words, servicers could rack up fees by putting home owners into late fee– generating trial modification purgatory and then pulling the rug out from under them by failing their modification for “incomplete documentation,” which they did in droves.

So, how many Nevada homeowners were hurt by their involvement with HAMP? 

Even if the public Treasury data is taken at face value, no exact answer is possible, because that kind of information was never sought by Treasury or servicers, and thus never documented.

At best, all researchers have access to are rough statistical possibilities, based on an assumption that the Treasury data has some relevance to the underlying realities experienced by homeowners.

On that assumption, Nevada Journal downloaded Treasury data for the states of the Mountain West and then processed it to exclude all non-Nevada information.

According to the remaining information, 68,364 Nevadans sought to participate in the HAMP mortgage-modification program, but were excluded under three general headings:

Were never “approved or accepted” into the program 46,246
Started a trial modification that was subsequently “cancelled” 11,769
Began a trial modification but were subsequently “disqualified” 10,349


Inside the “Not approved or accepted” category were 14 subcategories:

Request incomplete 11,504
Offer not accepted by borrower, or request withdrawn 8,983
Ineligible borrower 8,933
Property not owner-occupied 4,621
Ineligible mortgage 3,875
Default not imminent 3,343
Negative NPV 1,793
Excessive forbearance 1,308
Investor guarantor not participating 1,197
Loan paid off or reinstated 292
Property ineligible for other reason 169
Previous official HAMP modification 142
Unemployment forbearance plan 62
B/K court declined 24


Inside the “cancelled” category were 12 subcategories:

Request Incomplete 4,860
Ineligible Borrower – Current DTI Less than 31% 1,644
Offer Not Accepted by Borrower 1,508
No reason given 1,413
Negative NPV 1,136
Ineligible Mortgage 700
Excessive Forbearance 491
Trial Plan Default 8
Submission Error Correction (Incorrect transaction type) 5
Unemployment Forbearance Plan 3
Federally Declared Disaster 1


Inside the “disqualified” category were 10 subcategories:

No reason given 5,334
Trial Plan Default 4,112
Property not owner-occupied 576
Other ineligible property 137
Offer not accepted by borrower 66
Loan paid off or reinstated 51
Request incomplete 39
Negative NPV 20
Ineligible with a current DTI < 31 percent 10
Excessive forbearance 4


It is noteworthy that, among those Nevadans who applied but were never approved or accepted into the HAMP program, the single largest reason listed, as reported to Treasury by the servicers, was that the Nevadans’ requests were allegedly “incomplete.” At 11,504, that constituted almost 25 percent of applicants.

Similarly, of those 11,769 Nevada homeowners who began trial modifications that were then cancelled — 4,860, or 41 percent — were also reported as “request incomplete.”

Add in the 39 “request incomplete” households in the “disqualified” category, and the number of Nevada households excluded from the HAMP mortgage-modification process for the highly dubious “request incomplete” reason totals 16,403.

Note also that — according to the Treasury data — 5,334 of the Nevada homeowners began the trial modifications, but were then disqualified for no reported reason — the single largest subcategory of the disqualified. Similarly, of those 11,769 Nevada trial modifications begun and then “cancelled,” no reason for the cancellation was given for 1,413 of them.

Thus, according to the Treasury data, 6,747 Nevada households in total were excluded from HAMP for no discernible reason.

At best, Treasury’s own data reveals additional evidence that HAMP was a fundamentally inept and incoherent federal program. At worst, the outer parameters of Nevada households directly damaged by that program — adding those excluded for no discernible reason to those bounced out of it because servicers said their requests were “incomplete” — could arguably be as high as 23,000.

This July, Barofsky weighed in on TARP and HAMP once again, this time in a Bloomberg News commentary. “The missteps by Treasury have produced a valuable byproduct,” he argued, “the widespread anger that may contain the only hope for meaningful reform.”

“Americans should lose faith in their government,” he argued. “They should deplore the captured politicians and regulators who distributed tax dollars to the banks without insisting that they be accountable.

“The American people should be revolted by a financial system that rewards failure and protects those who drove it to the point of collapse and will undoubtedly do so again.”

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Food truck owners react to Las Vegas tabling restrictions

On September 5, 2012, the Las Vegas City Council tabled a motion restricting food trucks from parking near downtown restaurants. Nevada Journal asked food truck owners what they thought about the Council's inaction, and how the proposed restrictions could've affected their businesses.


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Does Mayor Goodman have a conflict of interest vis-à-vis the Las Vegas food-truck ordinance?

LAS VEGAS — The City of Las Vegas will consider an ordinance placing new restrictions on food-truck vendors during tomorrow's City Council meeting, but Mayor Carolyn Goodman, the bill's main sponsor, may have a conflict of interest.

The proposed ordinance would restrict food trucks from selling within three hundred feet of brick-and-mortar restaurants in downtown Las Vegas. Goodman's husband, former mayor Oscar Goodman, owns Oscar's, a high-end restaurant on the second floor of The Plaza Hotel, overlooking the intersection of Main and Fremont Streets, the center of the city's proposed buffer zone.

 Mayor Goodman introduced the ordinance on July 18, originally proposing a 150-foot restriction. After further discussion and meetings with restaurant owners, Councilman Bob Coffin suggested an 800-foot restriction, arguing that the food trucks had an unfair advantage over restaurant owners who pay property taxes. Council members compromised on a 300-foot restriction, and Goodman sponsored the revised ordinance.

According to the public audio and minutes from the July 18 meeting, Goodman never disclosed that her husband's restaurant is located within the proposed zone.

Goodman declined Nevada Journal's request for comment on the subject. A spokesman for the Mayor's office said Goodman would rather wait for the Sept. 5 hearing and listen to public comment on the issue before addressing her own apparent conflict.

Council members originally scheduled a decision on the ordinance for the Aug. 15, 2012 meeting, but later tabled the hearing until Sept. 5. Numerous food-truck owners across the city said they plan to attend the meeting and voice their concerns over the ordinance.

"You'd never ask casinos to not operate within 150 or 300 feet of each other," said Jan Scarborough, owner of The Rusty Pickle food truck. "[The Rusty Pickle has] been asked to cater events by the city as well as other restaurants, and we've always felt we were enhancing the competition for quality food, not taking it away."

Colin Fukunaga, owner of the Fuku Burger truck as well as a brick-and-mortar restaurant in Los Angeles, says he sympathizes with traditional restaurant owners' concerns, and says he's met with local restaurant owners and lawmakers to try to work out the differences without government interference.

"My philosophy is to always try and work things out business-to-business, human-to-human, because as soon as the government gets involved, it complicates everything," said Fukunaga.

"I don't think [Goodman and the City Council] are openly trying to hurt us [food-truck operators]. I just think there's a lack of information about our business and an old 'roach coach' perception that affects how people think about our operation."

The updated version of the ordinance scheduled to be heard tomorrow carves out an exemption for food-truck owners who get "permission" to operate from the owner of the nearby fixed-location restaurant.

However, some food-truck operators still think the restrictions place an unnecessary burden on their business.

"If I'm selling food across the street from you, and your food's better than mine, then you win," said Mike Booth, owner the Sauced Las Vegas food truck. "We're not actively hunting other restaurants' customers. We just try and find a good location and sell some food."

Sarah Payne, Booth's wife who assists him with the food truck, says restaurant owners, especially at high-end restaurants like Oscar's, shouldn't need restrictions on food trucks because the business models are completely different.

"It's two different types of businesses," said Payne. "You don't go out of your house thinking, 'I want a restaurant' and see a food truck and decide to go there instead. You pick one or the other."

The ordinance will be heard during the Council's morning session beginning at 9:00 a.m.

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Obama sends mixed messages on feds’ role in education

NORTH LAS VEGAS — President Barack Obama talked up education reform in a campaign rally at Canyon Springs High School on Wednesday, saying "education starts local."

He went on, however, to advocate an increased federal role in education.

 Speaking to a crowd of supporters estimated by the campaign at 2,700, Obama blamed state budget cuts for "over 10,000 teacher layoffs" across the country and credited his administration's "stimulus" bill for preventing additional teacher layoffs.

"We can't be a country that doesn't support our teachers and give them the right resources in the classroom," said Obama.

He discussed Nevada's recent waiver from No Child Left Behind, a bipartisan bill signed by President George W. Bush that expanded the federal government's role in education by requiring states to administer assessments and meet strict criteria to qualify for federal funding.

"Now Nevada has more room to address its own educational needs," Obama said. "It's very important that we work towards reforming No Child Left Behind to ensure teachers aren't teaching to the test."

Clark County School District Trustee Carolyn Edwards, who spoke earlier in the rally, said Nevada's waiver was essential to improving education.

"A one-size-fits-all approach doesn't work," said Edwards.

Despite conceding that a "one-size-fits-all" education approach doesn't work and acknowledging that education "starts local," most of Obama's ideas for education reform include an increased role for the federal government.

"Governor Romney only wants to keep the Department of Education so it can police teachers," Obama said. "I say we need to protect our teachers and make sure their funding isn't cut at the expensive of a tax break for people who don't need it."

Obama claimed the presumptive GOP presidential nominee planned a 20 percent cut in federal education spending, whereas Obama would "make sure our spending keeps up with other competing countries."

"If teachers aren't paid well here, they'll go to a country where they will be paid well," Obama said.

Obama used an anecdote about a Canyon Springs High School teacher who had 45 students in her classroom, calling the class size "unacceptable" and saying students "can't learn when they don't have a desk."

James Guthrie, Nevada's state superintendent of education, has argued that class size is less important than quality teachers and that education reforms should focus on replacing poor teachers with superior ones.

Even "terminating the lowest five percent of ineffective teachers and replacing them with teachers who are only average in effectiveness would of itself elevate U.S. achievement to among the highest in the industrial world," Guthrie has written.

Obama also addressed student loans, saying student loans should be easier for students to obtain.

"We eliminated the middleman," Obama said. "Students shouldn't have to go through a big bank to be able to afford a quality education in this country."

Obama criticized Romney for being "on the wrong side" of the student loan issue, but both candidates have expressed support for extending low interest rates for government-backed student loans.

Neither candidate, however, has addressed the prospect of increased student loan debt leading to a housing-type bubble.

"Once the government stops interfering with the financing or virtual schools take over, tuition will stop its skyrocketing rate of growth," wrote Victor Joecks, communications director at the Nevada Policy Research Institute, the free-market think thank that publishes Nevada Journal.

"The best thing we can do now is get the government to quit interfering with higher education financing and let parents and their children, after evaluating the real costs and benefits of higher education, make the best decision for each child."

The rally marked the president's sixth visit to Nevada this year but his first official "campaign visit," said a campaign spokesman. It was the president's first visit to a CCSD school since his campaign finally paid the district for its overdue bills from several 2008 campaign events.

Democrat politicians in attendance included Congresswoman and U.S. Senate candidate Shelley Berkley, as well as congressional candidates Steven Horsford and John Oceguera. Horsford is running for Congressional District 4 while Oceguera is running against incumbent Congressman Joe Heck in Congressional District 3.

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Substandard medical screenings increase risk for refugees, Las Vegans

LAS VEGAS — Refugees from around the world come to Southern Nevada, often from countries with diseases not commonly seen in the native U.S.-born population.

How sound is the medical screening refugees receive? Are they getting adequate medical care?

 According to the U.S. Office of Refugee Resettlement, more than a thousand refugees annually relocate to Las Vegas with federal assistance. The top countries of origin, says ORR, are Cuba, Iraq, Eritrea, Bhutan and Ethiopia.

Because the refugees often come "from regions of the world with high rates of certain diseases," notes the federal agency, "refugees face special health challenges." They thus must first undergo medical screening overseas to ensure they are medically eligible for the U.S. Refugee Program. Then, after arriving in the U.S., they are directed to undergo more in-depth medical examination.

One purpose of the U.S.-based screening, says ORR, is to protect the public health of U.S. citizens. A second purpose is to "provide refugees with a level of health and well-being required for and supportive of successful resettlement in the U.S."

Since 1994, ORR's partner in Nevada for refugee services has been Catholic Charities of Southern Nevada (CCSN). For fiscal year 2010-11, the nonprofit administered some $6.7 million in federal refugee funds. CCSN not only serves as ORR's designated State Refugee Coordinator, but also operates the local refugee resettlement office. 

The Southern Nevada Health District, under contract to Catholic Charities since at least 2008, conducts the federally required medical screenings for the refugees — including their health histories and physical examinations.

The refugee medical screenings conducted by SNHD over the last five years, however, do not appear to conform to federal standards.

ORR guidelines state that the refugee medical "screenings should be performed by a qualified licensed health care professional." And by such a professional, ORR means — as demonstrated through ORR's use of federal billing codes — either a physician, a physician's assistant, or a nurse practitioner.

SNHD's contracts with Catholic Charities, however, only state that the district will have "a Community Health Nurse" do "a complete history and physical" on refugees.

All of the district's community health nurses are registered nurses (RNs), according to the Nevada State Board of Nursing, and none are nurse practitioners (NPs), also called, in Nevada, advanced nursing practitioners (ANPs).

The health district's use of RNs for such work would also appear to violate the Nevada Administrative Code's regulations governing nurse practice.

NAC 632.255 states one must at least be certified as an advanced nursing practitioner before "recording medical histories and performing physical examinations" are within one's scope of practice.

Touro University Nevada's School of Nursing, which trains both nurses and nurse practitioners, makes a similar distinction:

The Family Nurse Practitioner Track prepares the graduate to work as a nurse practitioner in a variety of settings. S/he will be able to perform health histories and physical examinations, order and interpret diagnostic tests, diagnose and manage acute and chronic diseases, prescribe medication and treatments, provide patient and family counseling and education regarding lifestyle behaviors. (Emphasis added.)

So, are the refugees sent to Southern Nevada by the federal government getting substandard medical screenings? Could Southern Nevada residents be at greater risk of foreign disease than they know?

Nevada Journal asked both Catholic Charities and SNHD about the apparent discrepancy between Nevada law and CCSN's contract with SNHD.

"Well, it's always been our understanding that we are in compliance with any medical screening guidelines, in terms of having community nurses conduct the screenings," said Carisa Lopez-Ramirez, CCSN's vice president for immigration and migration services.

"It is our understanding that what [the RNs] are performing, is basically asking questions related to medical history. But in terms of the actual physical examination, [the RN] is being monitored by a medical director that oversees that whole program."

Lopez-Ramirez was referring to the part of the agreement with the health district that calls for the "Program Medical Director" to perform a "review of clients' history, physical and laboratory results"

SNHD director of clinics and nursing services Bonnie Sorenson also cited the review provision in SNHD's contract with Catholic Charities.

"The individuals we see in our program," she said, "come to us with a bundle of information that was gathered in an assessment overseas. And all of that is transferred to a nursing assessment form, along with any other additional information collected by the nurse, as well as the screening tests that are done in public health.

"That is all," said Sorenson, "then forwarded to the physician, who reviews it all, does his own history and physical assessment and treatment and diagnosis."

However, Sorenson did not answer when asked, "Does the physician actually examine all of the refugees who come through the system?" Instead, she introduced Community Health Nurse Manager Margarita DeSantos, whom Sorenson described as the "manager of the program."

"What our nurse is doing," said DeSantos, "is a screening nursing assessment…. If the client presents with any complaint, or, if they happen to bring in their overseas form — which many don't — and there is something listed as a chronic condition needing follow up, or, um … then she refers them to a physician that takes that particular refugee's insurance program, and then that physician follows that refugee client under their own practice. All we are doing is a screening nursing assessment."

That SNHD RNs make the initial, critical medical judgments about the state of each refugee's health — acting as gatekeepers before refugees see a physician — is also indicated not only by the remarks of Sorenson and DeSantos, but by the health district's own description of the program in its annual reports.

SNHD's 2010 annual report states that its staff that year "screened 484 refugees," with 109 of them requiring "follow-up for possible communicable diseases: 72 for tuberculosis; 13 for hepatitis B; 10 for ova and parasites; and 15 for sexually transmitted disease." For 2011, the comparable numbers were 492 refugees, 109 receiving follow-up: 72 for tuberculosis; 17 for hepatitis B; 10 for ova and parasites; and 14 for sexually transmitted disease.

The difficulty with such screening by RNs, notes James D. Hook, director of healthcare consulting at the Fox Group, LLC, is that recognizing whether some patient's condition actually is abnormal may at times require a greater level of medical expertise than even a typically competent RN would have.

Hook agrees with Sorenson that "RNs can certainly do physical assessments, up to a point." And, he says, "there's no bright line that says, ‘Below this it's fine, above this you need somebody with more qualifications.'"

But "[i]n terms of doing a physical," he told Nevada Journal, "the question always becomes, if you find something that does not appear normal, what do you do then? And are you so well-qualified and schooled, and experienced and so on, that you can tell what's normal and what isn't?

"Where it's not something that the patient can tell you about," he said, "that's where the issue of being an advanced practice nurse, or a PA or a physician comes into play."

Nevada Journal attempted multiple times to interview internist Dr. Antonio Serru Paez, the local refugee program's medical director, but was unsuccessful.

On Friday, a woman identifying herself as his office manager said the doctor would be available for a short telephone interview Monday afternoon at 4:30 p.m. However, when NJ called at that time, it was stated that Serru Paez was too busy, still seeing patients. Could the reporter call back early Tuesday morning, at 8 a.m., the reporter were asked. However, at 8 a.m. Tuesday, Serru Paez again opted to not come to the telephone. According to his telephone receptionist, Serru Paez was "not yet in the office," although he "sees patients from 8 a.m. to 5:30 p.m."

Nevada Journal's phone number was taken, but no return call was received by publication time.

ORR program spokeswoman Lisa Raffonelli told Nevada Journal that "ORR puts forth general guidelines to states, which then have the flexibility to adapt them to their individual models within the broader ORR program regulations outlined in 45 CFR Part 400."     

The federal Centers for Disease Control — upon which ORR relies heavily for guidance on refugee medical issues — calls "The initial history and physical (H&P) examination … a critically important first step in the assessment of newly arrived refugees. A thoughtful H&P can both assist in identifying disease and help refugees develop a sense of trust in our medical system and in the care being provided" them.

"Depending on their country of origin," says the CDC, "refugees are at increased risk for many diseases, both infectious and noninfectious, not commonly seen in the native US-born population. Conditions such as tuberculosis and sexually transmitted infections are particularly important to recognize early, given their potential public health consequences."

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Obama returns to school district stiffed by his campaign for four years on $25,000 tab

LAS VEGAS — President Barack Obama is set to hold a campaign rally at Canyon Springs High School in North Las Vegas on Wednesday, his first visit to Southern Nevada since Nevada Journal revealed that his campaign left taxpayers here on the hook for the costs of events at local public schools.

Obama's campaign, Obama for America (OFA), left the Clark County School District with nearly $25,000 in unpaid bills from two rallies at Bonanza and Coronado high schools in 2008.

 Neither CCSD nor the Obama campaign would confirm for Nevada Journal the campaign's plans to pay for Wednesday's event.

In 2008, CCSD billed the Obama campaign $53,116.12 for the Bonanza and Coronado rallies. Obama for America originally paid $28,484.40 of the bill, but left $24,631.72 unpaid.

That remainder was not paid until June 2012, following multiple Nevada Journal inquiries. The bill was for 500 hours of school police officer overtime, providing extra security for the rallies.

As Nevada Journal reported in July, Aoife McCarthy, press secretary for OFA's Nevada organization, said she didn't know why the campaign waited four years to pay the 2008 bill.

Contacted anew, McCarthy couldn't confirm by press time if OFA had received an invoice from CCSD for the Canyon Springs rally Wednesday.

Obama's campaign isn't the only one hosting rallies at CCSD schools. Last week, presumptive Republican vice presidential nominee Paul Ryan held a rally at Palo Verde High School, and on July 27, Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Fla., campaigned on behalf of Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney at C.C Ronnow Elementary School.

Mason Harrison, a spokesman for the Romney campaign's Nevada organization, told Nevada Journal the Romney campaign paid for both the Rubio and Ryan events, and said the campaign usually pays for all events ahead of time.

The Obama campaign has been in the news several times for reportedly not reimbursing cities or other public entities for the costs of its events. In February, Obama held a fundraising breakfast in Newport Beach, Calif., and the city sent the Obama campaign a $35,043 invoice to cover extra security costs incurred by the city.

The bill was due June 9, and when Newport Beach received no payment, it sent the campaign a past-due notice.

The Obama campaign directed the city to the Democratic National Committee, which then passed Newport Beach on to the Secret Service, according to Mary Locey, the city's public information officer.

The Secret Service informed Newport Beach it's not responsible for payments, so as of Aug. 21, six months after the fundraising breakfast, Newport Beach taxpayers are picking up the tab.

"I've been kept in the loop [by the city] every step of the way, but as of now, we still haven't received anything," said Locey, "but we're going to keep trying."

In June, the town of Durham, N.H., attempted to bill Obama's campaign up to $20,000 for extra security costs. The Obama campaign declined Durham's request, referring it to the Secret Service, just as with Newport Beach.

The Secret Service's public affairs office didn't return Nevada Journal's calls inquiring as to whether the Secret Service is responsible for security costs incurred by campaign visits.

Ultimately, an anonymous donor covered the Durham security costs.

Town Administrator Todd Selig told CNN that if Obama had been on an official White House visit, costs would have been a "non-issue," but since it was a campaign visit, "the town council felt it appropriate to request reimbursement for helping to provide security."

Both Newport Beach and Durham faced obstacles contacting to the Obama campaign, as did Nevada Journal.

Earlier this year, CCSD did provide Nevada Journal with payment summaries and sales orders sent to the Obama campaign following the 2008 events. An email from 2010 cited multiple district efforts to collect on the debts.

"We have made numerous attempts to collect the outstanding balances to no avail," wrote CCSD's director of intergovernmental relations, Nicole Rourke, to Obama campaign contact Ann Marie Habershaw, in the email.

"I would appreciate your help in resolving this matter," pleaded Rourke.

However, her plea produced no payments.

The payments were not received until nearly four years after the event, following Nevada Journal's enquiries.

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Reid-sponsored Clean Energy Summit touts a government-controlled energy future

LAS VEGAS — The theme of Tuesday's National Clean Energy Summit, hosted by Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, was "the power of choice."

Nevertheless, most of the speakers indicated they want politicians and government — not the choices of American consumers — to determine the country's energy future.

 "All forms of government, from federal down to the state, need to be aligned if we're going to be successful in building a green economy," asserted Reid during the conference.

Held at the Bellagio Resort and Casino, the fifth annual summit featured a keynote address by former president Bill Clinton and several panel discussions facilitated by lawmakers and leaders in the renewable-energy industry.

Most speakers, beginning with Secretary of the Interior Ken Salazar, ignored the private sector's role in clean-energy development and instead celebrated the government's role.

"The [Obama] administration has fast-tracked dozens of renewable-energy projects to make sure we fulfill an all-of-the-above energy policy," boasted Salazar.

Although he touted the Obama administration's "all of the above" energy policy, the secretary declined to mention the administration's blocking of the Keystone XL pipeline and the 800,000-plus barrels of Canadian synthetic oil it would bring U.S. refineries each day.

Nor did Salazar address his own department's resistance to offshore Arctic drilling, or administration signals of hostility toward the shale-gas fracking technology already producing over a third of American natural gas and bringing prosperity in its wake. 

Reid and Salazar did, in the opening press conference, announce the opening of a new wind farm in White Pine County. Spring Valley Wind was privately funded, according to a spokesman for Pattern Energy, the plant's parent company, although it received expedited permitting from the Bureau of Land Management, part of Salazar's Interior department.

Denise Bode, CEO of the American Wind Energy Association, a wind-energy lobbyist organization, called on Congress to continue supporting wind-energy Production Tax Credits that have been in federal law since 1992.

"These truly are the best of times and could be the worst of times for American wind power," said Bode. "Congress must act now to give wind energy a stable business environment to keep producing all this homegrown power, and save 37,000 American jobs by the first quarter of next year."

Several other presenters, including Kevin Smith, CEO of Solar Reserve, and Elon Musk, CEO of Tesla Motors, echoed Bode's calls for more wind tax credits and said renewable energy should receive the same amount of subsidies as oil and nuclear energy.

"I don't see why solar and wind subsidies can't be in line with coal and oil [subsidies]," said Musk, whose electric-car company has received at least $465 million in federal loans from the Obama administration and has yet to show a profit.

"Unless we solve the sustainable-energy problem this century, we'll face [a] massive economic collapse," he predicted.

No presenters at the event suggested a level playing field where no industries received government subsidies.

On the "choice" front, even during a panel titled "Empowering Consumers with more and better Energy Choices," panelist Peter Fox-Penner argued against allowing consumers to make their own energy choices in free and competitive markets.

Fox-Penner, a former Clinton administration official and chairman of the Brattle Group, a Massachusetts-based consulting firm, said the U.S. needs a federally mandated "universal" climate policy in order to increase funding and consumption of renewable energy.

"[The U.S. needs] a climate policy, and it needs to be encompassing," he said.

Reid spent part of the summit criticizing NV Energy for not closing the Reid Gardner (no relation) coal-fueled power plant in Moapa. Reid met with members of the local Paiute tribe who claimed the plant caused health problems in their community. He suggested the plant be replaced by a solar plant.

"They [at NV Energy] know I'm not happy about it," Reid said. "It's unfortunate that NV Energy goes after the cheapest source of power and isn't supporting [the Paiutes'] solar plan."

Reid didn't say how many jobs would be lost if NV Energy closed the plant, but he has a history of stalling coal plant construction. From 2006 through 2009, he fought the utility's plan to construct a coal plant in Ely and eventually killed it and the 200 permanent jobs it would have created.

Former president Clinton, a keynoter for the conference, said the U.S needs to "be prepared to pay the price of time" and that the U.S is lagging behind European countries like Germany and Denmark that have imposed national renewable portfolio standards.

"Imposing national clean-energy standards hasn't hurt them yet," asserted Clinton, "and it won't hurt us." He did not address the recent wave of bankruptcies in Germany's solar industry. Nor did he acknowledge the dramatic halt by financially struggling Spain this year of that country's previous subsidies for renewable energy.

Hyping European renewable-energy models, Clinton claimed Germany made a "smart investment" by investing in solar energy even though Germany, he noted, has fewer days of sunshine per year than any U.S state except Alaska.

"[Germans] made that investment, and it paid off," Clinton said. "There's no reason [the U.S] shouldn't be able to make that same investment."

The German news magazine Der Spiegel, however, attributes the country's large "investment" in solar not to wisdom but to the political clout of that industry's lobby:

Solar subsidies cost German consumers billions of dollars a year and are widely regarded as inefficient. Even environmentalists are concerned that Berlin's focus on solar comes at the detriment of other renewables. But the solar industry has a powerful lobby, and politicians have proven powerless to resist.

Clinton also repeated the common allegation that if every state had a renewable-energy standard it would "put a lot of people back to work."

Ironically, he made the claim the same day a Nevada Journal investigation revealed that over $1.3 billion in federal handouts to geothermal, wind and solar plants in Nevada has led to just 288 permanent, full-time jobs. That's an initial cost of more than $4.6 million per job.

Clinton concluded with a question-and-answer session with John Podesta, once called by the Washington Post Clinton's Mr. Fix-It. Podesta is also the founder of the Center for American Progress, a left-leaning think tank that co-sponsored the summit.

Even during the Q & A session, the former president continued emphasizing the common refrain of conference presenters: that the U.S government must continue subsidizing renewables.

"We have to go to the mattresses on this issue," Clinton said, adopting a phrase from the organized-crime epic "The Godfather." "We can't afford to let any of the subsidies expire."

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Nevada News Bureau » Blog Archive » Clean Energy Summit Sparks Political Events, Debate Over Government Role In Renewables

Clean Energy Summit Sparks Political Events, Debate Over Government Role In Renewables

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$1.3 billion in ‘clean energy’ subsidies produce 288 permanent jobs, quadruple cost of electricity in Nevada

LAS VEGAS — As U.S. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid prepares to host his fifth annual National Clean Energy Summit on Aug. 7, a Nevada Journal examination of Nevada's renewable energy sector shows that over $1.3 billion in federal funds funneled into geothermal, solar and wind projects since 2009 has yielded and is projected to yield just 288 permanent, full-time jobs.

That's an initial cost of over $4.6 million per job.

 Despite this, Sen. Reid continues to hype Nevada as the "Saudi Arabia of renewable energy," even though the renewable energy subsidized with federal dollars and mandated under Nevada's Renewable Portfolio Standard costs consumers and NV Energy, Nevada's publicly regulated utility company, up to four times as much as fossil fuels, such as natural gas.

Even with these government-granted advantages, the few clean-energy jobs in the state of Nevada are still precarious.

Reid-backed geothermal company near bankruptcy

Auditors for Nevada Geothermal Power, a federally subsidized green-energy firm in Nevada, are raising questions about whether that firm is going to fail.

As of last October, Nevada Geothermal Power had 22 employees in Nevada, and, according to the New York Times, had received $145 million in federal subsidies — composed of a loan guarantee of nearly $79 million for its Blue Mountain geothermal project and at least $66 million in grants to the company itself.

The Times called the company a "politically connected clean energy start-up that has relied heavily on an Obama administration loan guarantee," and said it "… is now facing financial turmoil."

Today, three quarters later, the latest company audit again questions the "company's ability to continue as a going concern."

The firm's survival, wrote auditors on March 31, will depend "on its available cash and its ability to continue to raise funds…."

The Times found similarities between the Obama administration's support for "Solyndra, the now-famous California solar company," and Sen. Reid's support of Nevada Geothermal.

Sen. Reid, the story said, "has taken the nascent geothermal industry under his wing, pressuring the Department of Interior to move more quickly on applications to build clean energy projects on federally owned land and urging other member[s] of Congress to expand federal tax incentives to help build geothermal plants, benefits that Nevada Geothermal has taken advantage of."

The most recent "clean energy" company failure in Nevada occurred three weeks ago when Amonix, a North Las Vegas solar manufacturing plant that had received more than $20 million in federal tax credits and grants, closed after only 14 months of operation.

Hailed upon its opening by Sen. Reid, U.S. Rep. Shelley Berkley and Gov. Brian Sandoval, the 214,000-square-foot Amonix facility had, at its height, employed some 700 individuals. In 2010, even President Barack Obama praised the Amonix plant, saying the "stimulus" tax credits it received had made an "extraordinary impact."

Today, the company is bankrupt.

Large handouts, few employees

Even the renewable-energy projects that aren't yet facing bankruptcy aren't doing much to help reduce Nevada's 11.6 percent unemployment rate. That's because most solar photovoltaic plants — plants that convert solar radiation from the sun into electricity — in Nevada employee very few full-time employees.

The Silver State North solar plant, for example, located near Primm, employs only two full-time employees, while the Copper Mountain solar plant in Boulder City employs only five. Combined, these plants have received, or are eligible to receive, up to $92 million in federal loans and subsidies. Copper Mountain is also eligible to received $12 million in tax rebates from the State of Nevada.

That means each supposedly permanent job starts out costing taxpayers about $14.85 million.

Like solar PV plants, geothermal plants benefit from generous subsidies, but unlike them, tend to employ twice as many workers.

According to a report released by Sen. Reid's office, Ormat Technologies — operating the Jersey Valley geothermal plant in Pershing County, the McGinness Hills geothermal plant in Lander County and currently building a third geothermal plant in Elko — received a $350 million loan guarantee and special "fast-track permitting."

These plants, says the office, are expected to create "nearly 65 permanent jobs."

The New York Times reports that Ormat's Washington lobbyist, Kai Anderson, and top company executive Paul Thomsen are former aides to Sen. Reid.

When Terra-Gen Power, a San Diego-based renewable-energy company that owns two geothermal plants in Nevada, was asked about its full-time employees, subsidies or federal loans, it explicitly stated it "declined to answer."

In all, the Nevada Journal review found that 12 renewable-energy projects in Nevada that have received $1.339 billion in federal subsidies and loan guarantees since 2009 will only lead to 288 full-time jobs. That's a cost to federal taxpayers of over $4.6 million per job.

Plant backed by $737 million government loan will have only 50 permanent employees

The Nevada plant that received the biggest government boost is the Crescent Dunes Solar Energy Project, currently being constructed in Tonopah and scheduled for completion by December 2013.

Tonopah Solar, Crescent Dune's parent company, received a $737 million federal loan — the largest single loan received by any Nevada entity from the American Reinvestment and Recovery Act (ARRA), commonly referred to as the "stimulus" bill.

The loan — combining "stimulus" and DOE funds — is over $200 million larger than the loan received by Solyndra, the infamous California solar manufacturing firm that filed for bankruptcy last year.

Andi Plocek, a spokeswoman for Tonopah Solar, told Nevada Journal the company has every intention of paying back the loan once the plant is operational.

She said 100 workers are currently working on construction of the plant, while 600 workers are expected during peak construction times later this year.

While Tonopah Solar was cautious about giving a final number for full-time jobs since the plant is still under construction, a 2009 Plan of Development written by the company estimates 40-50 full-time jobs at the plant following its completion.

Feds fast track renewable-energy project, block oil development

Sen. Reid's report, titled "Playing to Win in Clean Energy," outlines an expedited permitting process for clean-energy plants developed in 2009 by Sen. Reid and Interior Secretary Ken Salazar.

Since 2009, the BLM has fast-tracked 13 renewable-energy projects in Nevada: four solar, one wind and eight geothermal projects.

Salazar, in a July 24 conference call with reporters, touted the fast-track process and announced the BLM had "identified" 17 zones across six Western states, including Nevada, for future solar-energy development.

"We stand at a proud moment in American history," said Salazar. "There was nothing happening in renewable energy before January 20, 2009, and now we've provided a roadmap for solar energy and increased our efforts to make smarter, faster permitting so solar developers win."

Although loans and fast-tracked permitting increased under the Obama administration, the solar-energy loan guarantee programs were included in the Energy Policy Act of 2005 passed during the Bush administration. The 2005 Act laid the groundwork for failed subsidized solar manufacturers like Solyndra and the recently closed Amonix plant in North Las Vegas.

In contrast, Salazar and the Obama administration have worked to stall leasing on federal lands containing oil shale, even though experts estimate the United States' oil shale deposits contain up to five times the amount of the oil reserves found in Saudi Arabia.

Paying twice: Subsidies lead to higher energy prices

In Nevada, consumer energy rates climb higher and higher. According to the Energy Information Administration (EIA), Nevada now has the highest residential electricity rates in the Intermountain West region.

Moreover, so long as present government policies — such as the state's Renewable Portfolio Standard — remain in place, rates will continue upward.

While Sen. Reid helped Salazar fast-track government-approved renewable projects in 2009, he also used his influence as Senate majority leader to delay and ultimately kill a coal power plant planned for White Pine County.

Coal-powered plants produce electricity at a much lower price than do renewable-powered plants, according to the EIA and NV Energy.

Currently, NV Energy pays 3 to 5 cents per kilowatt-hour for natural gas and coal-fueled power, 8 to 10 cents per kWh for geothermal energy and for wind energy and 11 to 13 cents per kWh for solar photovoltaic energy. Wind and solar photovoltaic energy also require backup power for "intermittency issues."

The higher costs from renewable-energy production are passed on to Nevada ratepayers in the form of residential electricity rates that are 26 percent higher than those of other Intermountain West states and 7 percent higher than the national average, says the EIA.

In June, with six solar facilities operational in Southern Nevada, NV Energy, the state's utility monopoly, proposed another rate hike for Southern Nevada ratepayers.

Nevada's Renewable Portfolio Standard requires NV Energy to purchase the higher priced power. The RPS mandates that utility companies must today derive 15 percent of their energy production from renewable-energy sources, derive 18 percent by Jan. 1, 2013, and increase steadily, over the next decade, to derive 25 percent in 2025.

Geoffrey Lawrence, deputy policy director at the Nevada Policy Research Institute, the free-market think tank that publishes Nevada Journal, observes that the RPS is a "regressive tax," hitting low-income families and small businesses the hardest by driving up their energy costs.

"Nevada's RPS has made and will continue to make electricity in Nevada much more expensive than in neighboring states," says Lawrence. "This damages state competitiveness and is a stumbling block to corporate investment and job growth."

The stated purpose of Sen. Reid's National Clean Energy Summit is to "discuss how to empower the public with tools to promote the clean energy economy; increasing jobs and our energy independence."

The summit is cosponsored by the Center for American Progress, a left-leaning, Washington, D.C.-based think tank, by the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, and by MGM Resorts International.

The summit will be held at the Bellagio Hotel and Resort. Former President Bill Clinton is scheduled to give the keynote address.

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Board of Examiners peers into the health-insurance-exchange darkness

LAS VEGAS — Obamacare, the politicians of America and Nevada are discovering, is a realm of the "unknown unknowns."

The phrase comes from a former U.S. secretary of defense who once publicly distinguished the "known unknowns" — the things we currently know we don't know — from the unknown unknowns: the things we currently are not even aware that we don't know.

 Case in point: the long and growing list of questions the Obama administration appears incapable of answering today about its signature legislation, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, in the wake of the June 28 U.S. Supreme Court rulings.

Tuesday, Virginia Gov. Bob McDonnell, representing the public policy committee of the Republican Governors Association, wrote U.S. Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius for the second time.

He was requesting answers to 30 basic questions governors have about the implementation of Obamacare's health-insurance exchanges and expansion of Medicaid, following the Supreme Court's rewrite of PPACA to make it arguably constitutional.

"As you may have seen from the reports from the National Governors Association meeting … ," wrote McDonnell, "a majority of the nation's governors are uncertain about the major decisions which must be made on what kinds of exchanges to implement, whether to expand Medicaid, and how the vast new bureaucracies will be paid for and administered in a nation $16 trillion in debt."

McDonnell said that his first letter — requesting answers to 17 questions regarding health exchanges and 13 questions regarding Medicaid — had only elicited from the Obama administration "a cordial but vague response," which was "wholly inadequate" given "the challenging and detailed work ahead for our nation…"

Here in Nevada tomorrow, the state's governor, secretary of state and attorney general — holding hands, as it were — are scheduled to take a big step together into that uncharted realm of unknown unknowns, drawing the people of Nevada in behind them.

Meeting as the state Board of Examiners, the three constitutional officers are being asked by the board of the Silver State Health Insurance Exchange (SSHIE) to approve a $72 million, four-and-a-half-year contract with Xerox Health Care Solutions, LLC, to provide and maintain a web- and telephone-based "Business Operation Solution (BOS)" call center to implement Obamacare's plan for health care in Nevada.

Eleven days earlier, the same proposal had been on the Board of Examiners agenda although it had not yet been approved by the SSHIE board. At that point, the clerk of the BoE opted to pull the item and send it back to the SSHIE board.

On Thursday evening, in a special telephonic call-in meeting arranged for the specific purpose of ratifying the contract, the SSHIE board endorsed it.

One board member — Dr. Ronald J. Kline, of the Comprehensive Cancer Centers of Nevada — asked whether, given the $72 million cost of the contract, the state should not perhaps own, rather than merely lease, the software behind the BOS.

The answer he was given, he told Nevada Journal, was "that to own it would be much more expensive."

Moreover, Kline said, "Their response was that the $70 million … was less than any other state by a factor of two, if I remember correctly." Later, he added, "I don't think there's anything nefarious here. I mean, I don't know the cost of these programs. If it was $72 million to lease it and $73 million to buy it, I'd say buy it. But my understanding is, that in comparison to other states, this is half the cost of other states, so in that sense it seems like it actually makes sense."

However, a contract described on Xerox's own website would appear to possibly contradict the response given Dr. Kline:

DALLAS — Florida Health Choices, a corporation established by the state to improve access to health care, has selected Xerox (NYSE: XRX) to administer its Insurance Marketplace, a program designed to give small business and eligible individuals more flexibility in finding affordable health insurance and other services. The nine-year contract is valued at $68 million. (Emphasis added.)

One member of the public attending the SSHIE board's telephonic meeting later expressed concern that the board and its staff may be rushing to spend taxpayer dollars without performing adequate due diligence.

The State of Nevada "will never be in a stronger position than we are right now to negotiate the most favorable terms," said Brent Husson, of Employee Benefit Management Services of Nevada, "and we are letting this slip by.

"The ongoing cost of administering the exchange is what will end up being the biggest ticket item in all of this. Right now Xerox is going to charge about $7.30 per member per month, which will be a couple million per month. However, when the contract goes to bid, another company will have to charge well over that amount in order to make up for the cost of developing a new platform, or integrating into the existing one.

"Xerox will know this and be able to raise their fees to just under that amount. The bottom line is that there could be language put into the contract now that would protect Nevada from this, but I do not see that anyone has considered doing it."

Nevada appears to be the single state with a Republican governor that is actually seeking to actively move ahead with implementation of an Obamacare-compliant health insurance exchange, according to data compiled by PoliticoPro.com and Nevada Journal.

While a handful of GOP governors have expressed some support for the idea of state-only health-insurance exchanges, their legislatures, almost universally, have declined to go along.

Most Republican governors, by far, have indicated that they will postpone any decision until after the November elections, which they expect should clarify matters greatly. Should presumptive Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney win the White House, he has pledged to end Obamacare virtually his first day.

Even if Romney does not win, however, some of the governors have said, the additional time itself should allow more clarity to emerge.

Many governors cite the current absence of answers to their many questions about the health insurance exchanges and the Medicaid expansion.

"It doesn't make sense to spend Alaskans' dollars to set up an exchange when so much uncertainty exists about how to implement it and how to gain federal approval," Alaska Gov. Sean Parnell said in July.

In New Jersey, Gov. Chris Christie vetoed the legislature's exchange bill in May and says, given the uncertainty, he would veto it again if it came up before November.

Ohio Gov. John Kasich has said he'd probably let the feds run Ohio's exchange, but is pressing the feds for more guidance on exchange requirements, including the partnership model and the federally facilitated exchange. Lt. Gov. Mary Taylor, who is also the state's insurance commissioner, cites state projections that an exchange would only increase premiums in the state. "Obamacare is wrong for Ohio," she has stated.

South Dakota Gov. Dennis Daugaard said in January that that state won't try to pass legislation this year to set up an exchange. Even after the Supreme Court ruling, he says, the elections are creating so much uncertainty that there's no point in moving ahead.

In Texas, Gov. Rick Perry — whom Sandoval initially supported for the GOP presidential nomination — has made it emphatically clear he "has absolutely no interest in accelerating the implementation of Obamacare," a spokesperson said, and will not create a health insurance exchange before the November elections.

In Virginia, McDonnell, following the Supreme Court rulings, said his state needed more information about the federal exchange before deciding anything. State lawmakers, at his request, have delayed legislation to actually establish any state-based exchange.

Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker in January turned down a $38 million "Early Innovator" federal grant and — declaring the state won't implement an Obama-compliant exchange — has called off all planning activities. However, Wisconsin may endorse a self-funded, privately run exchange, Walker has stated.

Following the Supreme Court ruling, state policymakers across the U.S. are finding that Obamacare, as Cato health-care analyst Michael Tanner puts it, is now a "bigger mess" than ever.

He notes that — now that "Congress can't strip all Medicaid funds from states that refuse the [Medicaid] expansion, as the ObamaCare law threatened" — responsible state policymakers face a genuine dilemma:

If they agree to expand their Medicaid programs anyway, they'll be choosing to pile new costs on their state budgets and new taxes on their constituents.

And if a state doesn't expand its Medicaid program, most of those who would've been eligible for Medicaid will now become eligible for subsidies through Obamacare's health-insurance exchanges. And those subsidies are paid in full by the feds … [which] will cause the federal cost of ObamaCare to skyrocket.

If every state were to refuse to expand its Medicaid program, notes Tanner, federal costs would go up at least $100 billion a year — on top of the more than $823 billion that Obamacare will add to the federal deficit, under estimates that assumed state taxpayers would be picking up some Medicaid costs.

"How will Congress react if billions or perhaps trillions of dollars in new costs are added to the federal budget?" asks Tanner.

"In short," he says, "the Supreme Court's ruling not only guaranteed that ObamaCare will be an issue in this fall's federal elections; it dumped a mess in the laps of governors and state legislators, too."

Jon Hager, executive director of SSHIE, regularly argues that Nevada, however, should press quickly ahead.

"The problem with putting it off until after the election," he told Nevada Journal, "is that it won't give us enough time to implement it by the deadlines. The way the deadlines are written right now, I believe, we have until the middle of November to submit our blueprints and a declaration whether or not we're going to implement an exchange."

Nevada has "until January first of next year, 2013, to get certified" as Obamacare-compliant by the federal Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, while facing a current federal deadline for open enrollment by Oct. 1, 2013.

"The project is so complicated that to be able to start in November and have everything done in 11 months is unrealistic," he said.

Hager contended that Nevada will gain important "flexibility" by quickly establishing an Obamacare-compliant health-insurance exchange — although he acknowledged that "basically state law says that we are going to follow federal law," defined as including any amendments to the law and any "guidance" the federal government chooses to issue in the future.

Examples of such permitted flexibility, he suggested, include:

  • Allowing the state to set up its own Navigator program,
  • Allowing the state to decide whether or not to allow brokers to sell products in the exchange,
  • Allowing the state to "set up our own web portal, with potential links to businesses in Nevada, rather than some product that the feds provide,"
  • Allowing the state to make decisions regarding "our essential health benefits,"
  • Allowing the state to make "decisions regarding the reinsurance and risk-adjustment programs."

Another important consideration Hager offered is that doing a state-based exchange "is allowing us to … have dialogue with the federal government on what works and what doesn't. And what could harm the Nevada market and what may not.

"And so that would allow us to influence the regulation-making process. If we're not part of that conversation, if we just say, ‘You know what, the feds are going to run it,' they could implement regulations that substantially harm the market. And so, one of our goals is to mitigate the risks that may be created by harmful regulations. By being part of that dialogue, we have the chance to provide input to those regulations."

In actuality, assert policy analysts at the libertarian Cato Institute and the conservative Heritage Foundation, "the promise of local control" over Obama-compliant health-insurance exchanges "is a mirage."

Testifying before the New Hampshire legislature, Cato analyst Michael Tanner noted that "The law allows the federal government to commandeer any state-run Exchange that falls short of full compliance with federal dictates."

And, as Nevada Journal noted last week, the same provisions are — following the 2011 Legislature — implicit in Nevada law, since section 1321(c) of the Affordable Care Act "authorizes HHS (1) to ensure that States with Exchanges are substantially enforcing the Federal standards to be set for the Exchanges and (2) to set up Exchanges in States that elect not to do so or are not substantially enforcing related provisions." (Emphasis added.)

Tanner also noted that "The conservative Heritage Foundation once took the position that states should set up a ‘defensive' Exchange to preserve a modicum of control over their Medicaid programs. After reading the administration's Exchange regulations and concluding that the federal government will allow state-run Exchanges no such autonomy, Heritage scholars now counsel states to refuse to establish one of the law's Exchanges and to send all related grants back to Washington."

The federal government will "heap regulations upon state-run Exchanges," said Tanner. "Indeed, it is already imposing greater requirements on them than the law itself does."

Creating a state-run exchange, Tanner told New Hampshire lawmakers, "would not prevent a federal takeover of New Hampshire's health insurance markets, it would lend manpower to that effort."

After listening to Tanner, New Hampshire lawmakers sent a $1 million planning grant back to the federal government in 2011 and passed a bill in June blocking the state from running its own exchange.

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

Las Vegas City Council will hear testimony on redevelopment zone proposal – News – ReviewJournal.com

When politicians and partisans exploit – Sunday, July 22, 2012 | 2 a.m. – Las Vegas Sun News

Live And Local With Kevin Wall 07/18/12: Raising Taxes, And Green Energy « CBS Las Vegas

Nevada’s alleged control over state’s Obamacare insurance exchange an illusion

LAS VEGAS — Gov. Brian Sandoval has repeatedly explained his aggressive drive to implement Obamacare's prescribed health-exchange system in Nevada by saying he wants the Silver State, not the federal government, to control the exchanges.

However the state legislation that Sandoval's administration introduced and that he then signed in 2011 — Senate Bill 440 — gives the state of Nevada no control over the "Silver State Health Insurance Exchange" it established.

 Instead, it — like the subsequent law, Chapter 695I of the Nevada Revised Statutes — simply promised to submissively do whatever the federal government directs.

The actual language of NRS 695I.210, which defines the exchange's duties, is quite clear:

1. The Exchange shall:

. . . .

(e) Unless the Federal Act [PPACA, or "Obamacare"] is repealed or is held to be unconstitutional or otherwise invalid or unlawful, perform all duties that are required of the Exchange to implement the requirements of the Federal Act. (Emphasis added.)

Functionally, therefore, the legislation appears to reduce the allegedly sovereign State of Nevada to an administrative agent of the federal government.

This relationship conditions the additional duties that NRS 695I.210 specifies, since all are limited to "qualified" health plans, "qualified" individuals and "qualified" small employers.

So what is a "qualified" health plan?

According to NRS 695I.080, a "Qualified health plan" has "the meaning ascribed to it in Section 1301 of the Federal Act." That, in turn, requires that health insurance plans conform to the specifications set by section 1311(c) of the act — i.e., the detailed rules that the federal Secretary of Health and Human Services will be setting.

Section 1301 also requires health-insurance plans conform to the health-benefits package requirements specified by section 1302(a) of PPACA.

So the term "qualified," in the enabling legislation for the Nevada state Obamacare exchange, essentially means obeying the federal government. 

Thus a "qualified" individual is defined by NRS 695I.090 as a person who is "seeking to enroll in a qualified health plan."

And a "qualified small employer" is defined by NRS 695I.100 as "a small employer that chooses to make all of its full-time employees eligible for one or more qualified health plans offered through the Exchange…."

So all of the key duties of the Silver State Health Insurance Exchange come down to acting as a state-based agent to enforce Obamacare's enabling legislation in Nevada.

In his 2011 State of the State message, Sandoval told Nevadans that, "We must also plan for a Health Insurance Exchange so that we — and not the federal government — control the program."

While he said he "firmly" believes "that many aspects of the law are unconstitutional," and that he "will continue to fight to have them overturned," Sandoval argued that, "in the meantime, the law imposes many deadlines, and we cannot wait until litigation is resolved."

The legislation that the governor signed into law does not merely commit the State of Nevada to perform all duties required to implement the explicit requirements of PPACA.

It also commits Nevada to implement PPACA "as amended by the federal Health Care and Education Reconciliation Act of 2010, Public Law 111-152, and any amendments to, or regulations or guidance issued pursuant to, those acts."

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

 

Without states’ collaboration, Obamacare fails

LAS VEGAS — Gov. Brian Sandoval's eagerness to implement an Obamacare health exchange in Nevada may well subject state employers to heavy federal penalties that other states' employers won't face.

That's one implication of a gaping loophole in the federal Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA) — popularly called "Obamacare" — now getting increasing attention in Congress and the U.S. business community.

 It is also the subject of a Case Western Reserve University School of Law article released to the public Monday.

Obamacare sought to set up a nationwide network of government-created and government-run health insurance exchanges.

There, supposedly, individuals would shop for and purchase health insurance that was federally approved and controlled — and subsidized with federal tax credits.

Congress wanted states, not the federal government, to set up and run the exchanges. To encourage states to do so, PPACA offers many incentives. Should a state decline, however, the law allows the federal government to set up a federal exchange for that state instead.

So what is the large hole in the legislation?  It results from the decision by the drafters — embodied in multiple provisions throughout the text of the law — to make individuals eligible for a tax credit only if they buy their insurance through a state exchange, not a federal one.

 Thus, should multiple states decline to set up their own exchanges, the essential linchpin of Obamacare collapses. And as of June, only 14 states — one of which is Nevada — had passed legislation to implement the state-based exchanges.

This was not at all the result that congressional Democrats expected in 2010 when they were crafting PPACA. At the time, they'd convinced themselves that the public would strongly support Obamacare, once it was better known.

Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, for example, told The Wall Street Journal that the only reason Missouri voters passed an anti-Obamacare ballot measure by a huge margin was because "people have a lack of understanding of our health care reform bill."

But, he insisted, "The more people learn about this bill, the more they like it."

"The trend is turning all over America today," Reid asserted. "Once you explain what's in the bill, the American people of course like it."

Relying on those assumptions, Congress used one of its customary approaches to implementing new programs nationwide, explain the authors of the Case Western Law working paper, Jonathan H. Adler and Michael F. Cannon.

Thus PPACA — following the model used for Medicaid and the Clean Air Act, among other laws — was written to promise financial incentives to states that chose to comply, and to prescribe federal "fall-back" exchanges to operate in states that did not.

So confident was Congress that virtually all states would hasten to comply that it didn't even allocate any funds to set up the federal exchanges.

But over-optimism about the law's eventual popularity was not the only reason Congress denied federal exchanges the subsidies and tax credits. As Adler and Cannon point out, congressional leaders also had strong political reasons for preferring the state-based approach.

Exchanges based in the states keep the full cost of Obamacare's takeover of one-sixth of the American economy from appearing in the federal budget. Because households would give money directly to insurance companies through the state exchanges, those transactions also would not appear on the federal books. Likewise, the employer mandate — which requires employers to purchase coverage for their workers through the state exchanges — removes those transactions from the federal budget.

The state exchanges also reduce PPACA's impact on the federal budget by making eligibility for tax credits and subsidies something that functions through the states. Households claiming the huge PPACA entitlements through federal exchanges would dramatically increase the federal deficit.

So, repeatedly in the law's text, Congress made the state-created exchanges — and not the federal exchanges — the only exchanges where individuals and businesses could get Obamacare's federal insurance subsidies and tax credits.

It is section 1401 of the act, for example, that creates a new section in the Internal Revenue Code — section 36B — that authorizes refundable "premium assistance tax credits" for individuals who purchase "qualifying" health insurance plans. Section 1401 also, explicitly, limits those tax credits to purchases made in exchanges established under the act's section 1311 — which requires that exchanges must be "a governmental agency or nonprofit entity that is established by a State." (Emphasis added.)

Section 1402 of the act similarly authorizes subsidies for the purchase of health insurance plans in the form of direct federal payouts to private health insurance companies. The section, however, makes those subsidies available only where the section 1401 tax credits are available — namely, through the state-run exchanges described in section 1311.

Neither section 1401 nor 1402 allows the subsidies to be channeled through exchanges set up under section 1321, which authorizes the secretary of the federal Department of  Health and Human Services, when the state does not comply, to "establish and operate" a federal exchange within the state.

For businesses that see the provisions of Obamacare as heavy-handed threats to their economic viability, the restriction of the entitlements to state-based exchanges offers a critical escape hatch — if, that is, their firm is located in one of the majority of states that have declined to initiate state-based exchanges.

The reason is that it's those entitlements that trigger the hammer Obamacare holds over the heads of businesses — the financial penalties for any firm that declines to comply with the federal government's health-benefits scheme.

Since those entitlements only apply in states with state-run exchanges, the accompanying Obamacare penalties are also only operative in those states.

For states like Nevada that have collaborated with the Obama administration, this could pose a significant competitive problem, argues Cannon.

Because "the law is very clear," and "laboriously and explicitly restricts those tax credits and subsidies to exchanges created by states," he told a Washington, D.C., audience July 2, "states that refuse to create an exchange can therefore block those subsidies, they can exempt their employers from that tax, and they can even lure jobs away from other states where those states do impose that tax on their employers unnecessarily."

A letter from 73 members of the U.S. Congress, writing to the nation's governors in late June, made a similar point, while asking governors "to oppose any creation of a state health care exchange mandated under the President's discredited health care law.

"These expensive, complex, and intrusive exchanges impose a threat to the financial stability of our already fragile state economies, with no certainty of a limit to total enrollment numbers," wrote the 12 senators and 61 representatives.

"Resisting the implementation of exchanges is good for hiring and investment. The law's employer mandate assesses penalties — up to $3,000 per employee — only to businesses who don't satisfy federally-approved health insurance standards and whose employees receive ‘premium assistance' through the exchanges.

"The clear language of the statute only permits federal premium assistance to citizens of states who create a state-based exchange."

"The problem," write Adler and Cannon, "is that the PPACA precludes the IRS from issuing tax credits in federal Exchanges.

"The plain text of the Act only authorizes premium-assistance tax credits and cost-sharing subsidies for those who purchase plans on state-run Exchanges, and the IRS rule's attempt to offer them to other individuals cannot be legally justified on other grounds. In other words, the IRS is attempting to create two entitlements not authorized by Congress, and in the process, to tax employers whom Congress did not authorize the agency to tax."

Normally, the authors acknowledge, an IRS rulemaking expanding eligibility for tax credits or subsidies beyond what Congress had authorized would escape judicial review.

However, they say, "the interaction of the tax credit provisions with the law's employer mandate provides a basis for Article III standing to challenge the IRS rule."

In short, say Adler and Cannon, this question, like many others, will be dragging Obamacare through the courts for years to come.

The Case Western Reserve Law Journal article — titled "Taxation Without Representation: The Illegal IRS Rule to Expand Tax Credits under the PPACA" — extensively discusses the legal issues surrounding the IRS rulemaking.

A Monday article in Politico Pro raised the question of when businesses could actually legally challenge the IRS rule, and said, "If they have to wait until the penalty goes into effect, that means it would take years."

But Adler told the publication that the Supreme Court's recent finding in the health-law case — that the Anti-Injunction Act didn't prevent it from deciding on the validity of the individual mandate before it took effect — strongly suggests that no delay is necessary.

He conceded, however, that the timing issue could be significant.

Nevada Journal solicited comments on this story from the Sandoval administration. No response was received by press time, however.

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

Councilman on debt-management panel has vested interest in outcome

LAS VEGAS — When the Clark County Debt Management Committee voted unanimously to put the school district's tax initiative on the November ballot last month, one of the votes came from the director of business development at McCarthy Building Companies — a firm financially supporting the tax initiative.

Cam Walker, a Boulder City Councilman, is also director of business development at McCarthy Building Companies, Inc., where he's responsible for McCarthy's "strategic business relationships" — one of which happens to be with CCSD.

 Since 2008, according to CCSD expenditures McCarthy has received 53 construction warrants worth over $144 million.

Headquartered in St. Louis, the firm has a Las Vegas office and is currently working on construction projects at Valley and Clark High Schools.

Walker told Nevada Journal he previously disclosed his relationship at a 2009 bond meeting when the Committee approved CCSD's use of a $110 million from the Obama administration's federal "stimulus" program.

The district attorney, says Walker, didn't force him to abstain from voting.

"I'm there [on Debt Management Committee] in the capacity as a representative of Boulder City," said Walker.

"I asked the DA [in ‘09] if I should abstain, and he said no, because my company would still go through the same bidding processes as other companies and would not directly benefit from the bond."

Walker shared with the Committee some views regarding McCarthy's school construction projects, explaining how schools need a major renovations after 30 years and how the HVAC (air conditioning) systems and modernization projects at Clark and Valley high schools each cost nearly $30 million.

Walker says his inside knowledge was meant to inform Committee members but not influence the vote.

"I wear many hats," Walker said, "and I try to think objectively about each scenario from various points of view. When I'm on the Committee, I'm trying to think about what is best for the County as well as my constituents back in Boulder City."

Walker's vote, however, could help his business interests more than his constituents. Boulder City High School would receive a "complete phased replacement" under the district's proposed improvement list, but seven schools also need HVAC replacements similar to the ones McCarthy currently works on.

If McCarthy lands the seven HVAC contracts, the company could be in for a $210 million windfall.

So far, McCarthy has donated $5,000 to the School Improvement PAC, one of the largest donations from any construction company.

Despite Walker's "inside knowledge," some of the committee members expressed tepid support for the initiative. Wade Wagner and George Rapson, councilmen from North Las Vegas and Mesquite, respectively, expressed concern about the effect of higher property taxes in their municipalities.

When Rapson mentioned early in the meeting that Mesquite wasn't fully on board with the initiative, Las Vegas Councilman Bob Coffin hinted that Mesquite might face political consequences if it didn't go along.

"What if the people of Mesquite vote ‘no?' Should we support the construction of schools in Mesquite?" asked Coffin.

Clark County Commissioner Steve Sisolak warned Coffin to "not go there," but Wagner took Coffin's hint, and brought it up later in the meeting, before the final vote.

"It was said earlier that if someone were to vote ‘no' on this, they'd be blackballed down the road," Wagner said.

Committee members reassured Wagner there wouldn't be any "blackballing," but Wagner ended up voting ‘yes' with the rest of the committee.

"I'm not against democracy, so let it [the initiative] go to the people," he said.

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. Karen Gray, a reporter/researcher for Nevada Journal, contributed to this report. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

Big donors to CCSD tax initiative all have hefty district deals

LAS VEGAS — When Clark County school trustees approved a district-wide building inspection contract June 21, one of them appeared to acknowledge that political pressures push trustees toward ever-higher spending.

"I think we all know on this Board and we all know in this audience that there are political pressures brought to bear on this Board to do things that are not necessarily indicated as needed to be done," said Carolyn Edwards.

 Unfortunately for Clark County taxpayers, CCSD's latest property-tax-increase ballot initiative fits Edwards' description well.

According to Secretary of State records, the seven largest donors to the School Improvement Committee PAC — the political action committee formed by four former Nevada First Ladies to support the initiative — are all construction and architecture firms currently under contract to CCSD.

Additionally, all seven companies have contributed to the election campaigns for CCSD trustees since approval of the 1998 $4.9 billion bond — which funds the companies' current contracts.

As of June 8, the First Ladies' Committee had received $23,700 — with $5,000 donations each from Pugsley Simpson Coulter Architects, Sletten Construction of Nevada, Inc. and McCarthy Building Companies, Inc.

All three companies currently have substantial contracts with CCSD funded by the 1998 capital bond.

Sletten, for example, received 60 warrants worth nearly $139 million between January 2009 and December 2011, according to CCSD records, and has received $589 million in capital improvement contracts since 1994.

Pugsley Simpson Coulter — formerly known as Welles-Pugsley — since January 2009 has received 11 warrants worth over $3 million, and $41 million since 2002.

In turn, Pugsley has donated $14,500 to various trustees since 1998, including current trustees, Deanna Wright, Erin Cranor and Edwards.

McCarthy Building has received, according to CCSD expenditures provided to Transparent Nevada, 53 construction warrants since 2009, worth over $144 million. McCarthy is headquartered in St. Louis but has a Las Vegas office and is currently working on construction projects at Valley and Clark High Schools.

The next three largest contributors to the School Improvement PAC are The Landwell Company, The Hughes Corporation Summerlin West (THHC), and Howard Hughes Properties, Inc (HHP). All three companies contributed $2,500 to the PAC and have contributed over $60,000 combined to trustee campaigns since 1998.

Unlike the other PAC contributors that currently have construction and architectural contracts with CCSD, Landwell, Summerlin West and HHP are each affiliated with master-planned communities eyeing new schools to be built on their properties.

Landwell is the development company behind Cadence, a 2,193-acre master-planned community in Henderson. According to Cadence's website, Landwell plans on including three elementary schools and one middle school within the community.

The elementary school currently zoned for the Cadence development, CT Sewell, is, according to CCSD enrollment reports, 27 percent over capacity since CCSD switched to a nine-month calendar last school year.

In its proposed capital improvement plan for the new tax, CCSD projects two "new schools" needed to relieve overcrowding.

According to a 2008 CCSD Real Property Management report, Landwell's four master-planned schools are recognized as "Major Project Development Agreement Sites."

CCSD representatives tell Nevada Journal no current agreement to build schools exist.

"The sites are listed as potential school sites on the real property management reports," explained CCSD personnel in a recent email. "If a decision is made in the future to build a school on those sites, an agreement will be entered with Landwell at that point."

CCSD has similar contracts with Howard Hughes Properties and The Hughes Corporation to build four schools in Summerlin West, a 22,500 acre master-planned community similar to Cadence in the western part of the Las Vegas valley.

Howard Hughes Properties and The Hughes Corporation are subsidiaries of The Howard Hughes Corporation, a Dallas-based real estate development company, a company spokesman confirmed to Nevada Journal.

On top of the $2,500 PAC donation, The Hughes Corporation has donated over $59,000 to trustees since 1998. Edwards is the only current trustee who has received donations from The Hughes Corporation, having received $1,000 during her 2006 campaign.

Since 1998, CCSD has purchased $8.1 million-worth of property from both The Hughes Corporation and Howard Hughes Properties.

SH Architecture, which donated $1,000 to the School Improvement PAC, has received 56 warrants worth $2.3 million, with the payments coming from both the 1998 capital bond as well as the 2010 Interim Capital Plan Fund.

SH has received over $17 million for architectural design services since 1998, and has contributed $5,000 towards trustee elections since 2004.

Officially, the latest tax initiative is a "pay as you go" capital improvement project. Clark County Debt Management Committee members call it a "bridge" — a term initially used by CCSD — until property tax revenue "returns to a reasonable level."

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. Karen Gray, a reporter/researcher for Nevada Journal, contributed to this report. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

Live And Local With Kevin Wall 07/16/12: President Obama, Teachers, And A Gun Range « CBS Las Vegas

NPRI campaign to continue after teachers union opt-out period ends – Saturday, July 14, 2012 | 2 a.m. – Las Vegas Sun News

Four years late: Obama campaign pays its bill to cash-strapped NV school district

LAS VEGAS — While President Obama's fundraising woes are making national headlines, is his Obama for America campaign looking to cut costs by shortchanging school districts and municipalities for the cost of his events?

As the President crisscrosses the country in his bid for re-election, holding campaign rallies and fundraisers in towns and cities across America, local governments keep attempting — and failing — to get his campaign to pay its event-related expenses.

 In Las Vegas, however, taxpayers — who for nearly four years had been on the hook for about $25,000 — finally received some reimbursement late last month.

It was — coincidentally enough — on the very day that the Clark County School District finally released to Nevada Journal district invoices and other public records for the Obama campaign's 2008 use of district facilities.

When now-President Obama was merely candidate Obama, Nevada was a swing-vote state and a political battleground. Candidate Obama flew in and out of Las Vegas often, holding political rallies at local high schools — and leaving unpaid expenses behind.

Now, all around the country, something quite similar is going on.

In Durham, N.H., town leaders recently scheduled a special public meeting to discuss the campaign's refusal to reimburse campaign-related police and fire services.

Ultimately, an anonymous donor stepped forward, offering to pay the expenses, and the meeting was postponed.

In the City of Newport Beach, Calif., City Manager Dave Kiff invoiced Obama for America $35,043.04 for extra police officers, reserve officers and overtime pay to cover a February fundraising visit.

Newport Beach spokesperson Mary Locey told Nevada Journal last week that, "the City has not received payment [due June 9] or a response from the campaign."

As such local governments make headlines, controversy and debate grow.

In Las Vegas, during the years following Obama's first use of district facilities, CCSD officials simply — and quietly — moved the Obama campaign's outstanding bill out of the normal invoicing process.

According to a Nevada Journal source, the bill sat for years in a folder on a district administrator's desk.

There were no headlines or chances for public discussion of the tens of thousands of dollars in campaign-related public-safety costs owed by the Obama for America campaign.

According to a generic payment summary finally released June 22 by the school district, Obama for America was charged a total of $53,116.12 for two political rallies the campaign hosted at Bonanza and Coronado high schools in the fall of 2008. The Bonanza High School charge was $31,508.23, while Coronado's was $21,598.89.

This included over 500 hours of school police services, totaling $24,631 in overtime costs for event-related public-safety services.

Although the Obama for America campaign had signed off on police overtime charges prior to the rallies, the campaign later failed to pay the tab until 2012.

"We have made numerous attempts to collect the outstanding balances to no avail," wrote CCSD's director of intergovernmental relations, Nicole Rourke, in a 2010 email to Obama campaign contact, Ann Marie Habershaw.

"I would appreciate your help in resolving this matter," pleaded Rourke.

However, Rourke's plea produced no payments.

Habershaw is currently the chief operating officer for the Obama for America 2012 campaign. In 2010, Habershaw was the chief operating officer for the Democratic National Committee.

When Durham, N.H., last month asked the Obama campaign to cover an estimated $20,000 — $30,000 in police and fire services for an upcoming campaign event, Habershaw released the following statement:

As a private organization, OFA does not participate in security or traffic control planning. All such decisions, including their impact on costs incurred by federal, state or local governments, are exclusively within the control of the appropriate government officials.  Should there be a question about the allocation of expenses among the cooperating authorities, we assume that it should be directed to the U.S. Secret Service.

Nevada Journal sent inquiries to Habershaw and the campaign's Nevada state general-election director, Emmy Ruiz, asking if that statement explained the campaign's long failure to pay the Clark County School District.

Those inquiries remain unanswered. However, Aoife McCarthy, press secretary for the Obama for America campaign, told Nevada Journal she doesn't know why the campaign did not pay.

"I don't know the back story behind it," McCarthy said in a conversation last month. "I wasn't here in 2008 when the charges were actually incurred." She did say, however, that the campaign had recently made payment.

And indeed, one day after CCSD finally provided some of the requested public records to Nevada Journal, the district informed the publication that "the Obama campaign just paid the bill."

Nevada Journal's public-records request to the district had asked in part for "any records which demonstrate attempts to collect monies due." Only two of the records initially produced by CCSD were responsive.

One was the 2010 email from Rourke to Habershaw.

The other was an email from the district to the Obama campaign, dated Nov. 4, 2008. It acknowledged receipt of the campaign's payment of the district's $25 facility-usage application fee, which CCSD requires prior to use of district properties. By that date, however, the Obama campaign had already held multiple campaign rallies at CCSD high schools, the last of which had taken place Nov. 1.

Five days after Nevada Journal made its initial, June 6, 2012, public-records request, CCSD chief of staff Kirsten Searer informed reporters the records had been compiled, and she expected to release them the following day. 

However, CCSD did not release the records until June 22.

Various records which should normally exist, such as sales orders and records indicating proof of payment, were missing from CCSD's production.  Two days later, Nevada Journal provided CCSD a spreadsheet noting the missing records.

"We were not intentionally withholding documents," CCSD Communication Officer Amanda Fulkerson said earlier this week. "In fact, because of our deep search we turned up a check (aka additional record) and sent that to you today."

"We worked swiftly to provide you with the information as soon as we could nail down where it was held within the district."

On July 9, CCSD produced five new sales orders, each printed on June 29, 2012, and three photocopies of checks.

No district records released to Nevada Journal by CCSD documented any efforts by the district after 2010 to collect the Obama campaign's outstanding debts. Nor did the records released include any relevant billing statements, payment notices, letters or other written requests for payment.

Not until Nevada Journal began enquiring about the outstanding debt two years later was the debt finally paid.

Under federal law, providing a good or a service to a political candidate at less than normal cost constitutes an in-kind political contribution, a Federal Election Commission spokesperson told Nevada Journal.

Nevada Deputy Secretary for Elections Scott Gilles told Nevada Journal that the state's local governments legally can make campaign contributions.

"In general," responds Gilles, "Title 24 does not restrict or limit a governmental entity's ability to make contributions and Ch. 294A treats governmental entities like any other person or group (see, NRS 294A.009(4)) and all the other campaign finance rules and restrictions would apply."

Federal campaigns and contributions, says Gilles, are governed by federal law.

Fulkerson, however, says that the district's government affairs "team went beyond their duty and helped the finance department retrieve the funds by proactively trying to identify contacts responsible for the bill for nearly two years after the Obama campaign was on hiatus.

"It's not surprising the bill was paid recently," she wrote, "as the Obama For America campaign has been resurrected and now has an active finance department."

However, campaign reports filed by the treasurer of Obama for America, Martin Nesbitt, demonstrate that the campaign did have an active finance department during that time period, routinely disbursing payments.

Fulkerson also insists that the district "followed protocol" in the Obama debt matters. "The school District's protocol is for finance to send the entity an invoice for the space after the event has concluded. This protocol was followed and the Obama campaign was billed," she said.

However, CCSD's official written policy, number 3613 R (see page 16 (C) and (D)), requires that after receiving the budget department's notification of all direct and indirect costs, the accounting department will create a detailed estimate, which "… must be paid before the event can be scheduled." (Emphasis added)

"All fees must be paid to the Accounting Department," states another section, "before the event can be listed on the master schedule."  

However, in contradiction of this written policy, CCSD invoiced the Obama campaign after the events. Additionally, those invoices were not even created until weeks after the district had received payment from the campaign.

Invoices provided by CCSD listed most itemized charges for the Bonanza and Coronado events but omitted any charges for school police services, which totaled $24,631.72. FEC records confirmed that the Obama campaign made payments equivalent to the itemized charges.

A third campaign event held at Chaparral High School, before the Bonanza and Coronado events, was also invoiced after the fact.  However, in that instance, Obama for America paid the $561 in police overtime, and that fact was reflected on CCSD's subsequent invoice.

Nevada Journal has been unable to confirm payments for two other campaign events held at Del Sol and Green Valley high schools earlier in 2008. Although CCSD did supplement its disclosure with sales-order records for the events, the district provided no proof substantiating payment.

Nevada Journal was unable to reconcile those CCSD sales orders and invoices with the campaign's financial disclosures.

Obama campaign press secretary McCarthy told Nevada Journal she would look into the matter and respond.

By publication date, however, she had not.

Karen Gray is an education researcher with Nevada Journal. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com and http://npri.org.

Southern Nevada Health District board’s makeup is at the root of SNHD’s problems, say experts

LAS VEGAS — Current troubles at the Southern Nevada Health District didn't emerge out of the blue, say long-time observers.

Those problems have a common root, they argue, that goes back many years.

It's the organization's governance structure.

 Thom Reilly, who ran Clark County for five years as its county manager, sees the parallels between the district's troubles then and its troubles now.

It was July 2001 when Reilly — currently director of San Diego State University's School of Social Work — began his five-year stint as Clark County manager.

Just days earlier, then-Nevada governor Kenny Guinn had designated the Clark County Commission as the sole air-quality agency for Southern Nevada.

For the preceding 10 years, the problem-ridden health district had been Southern Nevada's lead agency on air-pollution matters. For the previous year it had been at the center of discussions between local governments regarding establishment of a new regional air-quality-control entity.

With the governor's action, however, it had been unceremoniously sidelined — eliciting a wide range of expressions of concern and discomfort from other local municipalities.

Most emphatic was the explosion from the then-Las Vegas mayor. "Outrageous!" said Oscar Goodman.

Behind Guinn's move were two separate recognitions:

First, because Southern Nevada had repeatedly failed to meet federal air-quality standards, the entire state was risking the loss of federal highway funding dollars, as an Environmental Protection Agency sanction.

Second, significant internal problems within the health district were widely known to be hampering its performance on air-quality matters. Those troubles had been documented by an extensive, state-funded enquiry authorized by the 1999 Nevada Legislature.

The district's internal problems included "alleged corruption, mismanagement, favoritism and employee morale" troubles, as then-state senator Dina Titus told a Senate committee in 2001.

Name changed, but the same problems persist

Today, 11 years later, the district has a new name, but the problems reported there remain virtually identical.

No longer known as the Clark County Health District, after a name-change in 2005, the Southern Nevada Health District again faces allegations of corruption, mismanagement, favoritism and employee-morale problems.

Nearly all of these problems, in the view of Thom Reilly, arise from a basic incoherence built into the health district's governing board, the Board of Health.

"I think the health district has too big of a board, [with] too much of a mixture of elected versus appointed members," he told Nevada Journal.

Not only does the board have 14 members, each of whom serves a mere two-year term, but six of the 14 members are not elected and therefore not accountable to voters.

Additionally, all 14 members have an alternate member, who also serves a two-year term. That means a quorum can be made up by as few as eight out of 28 eligible individuals.

"I don't know why that ever evolved — if you don't show up, you could bring somebody else in. Nowhere else does that exist," said Reilly.

"You can't do that at the RTC, you can't do that anywhere else. That needs to be eliminated."

With 14 members and 14 alternates always coming and going, a dozen of the 28 not elected and all 28 serving only two-year terms, "there's little continuity of issues," he said.

"I mean, when you have county commissioners and city councilmen substituting people when they can't make it, so they have a seat at the table, you have different people. And unless they're in intense communication with you, they're not having continuity on the issues."

The upshot, argues Reilly, is that the membership structure of the Board of Health operates to dilute its members' understanding of the issues.

In order to "understand the issues … understand the dynamics of what's happening at a board meeting, [and] who the players are, you need the same people there," he said.

Staffers take over

The clear implication of the Reilly critique is that the structure of the Board of Health increases the likelihood of board members being uninformed and inattentive — thus decreasing clarity of direction and leadership from the board, and encouraging staff to step into the breach.

Some members on the current Board of Health agree with Reilly. One told Nevada Journal of initially wondering whether the dysfunction at the health district stemmed entirely from the then-chief health officer, Dr. Lawrence Sands, or if "the entire organization and governance structure is dysfunctional and the only way anyone can cope with it is to act in a dysfunctional manner."

Today, that board member says, "I think that the governance structure is unworkable, and that no one could be functional in his position."

One case in point that Reilly spotlights is the Board of Health's 2010 approval of 5.5 percent pay raises for district staff at the same time that everyone else in Southern Nevada was struggling.

"It's amazing that it didn't dawn on any of the elected officials to ask about that, that there are collective bargaining agreements. But the fact that you have so many people in there, that it's such a large board, and the fact that you can have alternates," all operate together to undermine good decision-making, Reilly said.

Reilly also believes the district suffers from the absence of a general administrative officer — like those in place at the county, the Regional Transportation Commission, the Southern Nevada Water Authority and the county Regional Flood Control District.

Under the present model, the chief health officer also bears responsibility for all administration.

"Although there have been very successful MD-administrators," he said, "I just think it's a challenge recruiting someone" qualified to be chief health officer for the district, now that state law requires that candidate to also have 10 years of administrative background.

"You can cast a wider net" for candidates, said Reilly, if you separate "out the duties of the health officer, vis-à-vis the person that is charged with being a good administrator.

"And you wouldn't have to add positions. You'd just restructure the positions that are there [now]."

The unique nature of the health district makes the chief health officer's position more challenging than people realize, Reilly suggests.

"When you have a physician on a political board, it's challenging enough. And then when you have multiple local governments, it can be even more challenging," Reilly said.

Reforms proposed at state legislature

In 2005, Clark County had sought to add a chief administrative officer position to the health district's governing structure. The proposal was included in amendments suggested to a bill, AB 380, being offered by then-assemblyman David Parks and co-sponsored by then-assemblywoman Chris Giunchigliani.

Parks testified that he had discovered growing concerns across Southern Nevada about the operation of the health district, and a growing desire that the district operate more like either the Regional Flood Control District or the Regional Transportation Commission (RTC), which — with much smaller boards, augmented by advisory committees — were seen as models of efficiency.

AB 380, therefore, would have reduced board membership to merely eight elected members, with no alternates. Two board members were to be named by the Clark County Commission, two by the City of Las Vegas, and one each by the city councils of Henderson, North Las Vegas, Boulder City and Mesquite.

As an alternative to the existing contingent of board-selected at-large members, the bill would have established advisory committees, following the successful model in use, Parks told Nevada Journal, in Los Angeles, San Diego and Maricopa County, Ariz.

A health advisory committee would have been composed of eight medical and health-related professionals, each one named by a Board of Health member. A larger citizen advisory committee would have been similarly appointed, but have additional members named by the county commission and the cities.

Parks said that he hoped that the advisory-committee approach would improve "how the health district functions relative to the community as a whole."

While "there's a lot of nonprofit organizations that do a lot of great work," he told Nevada Journal, his "experience has been that the health district looks at themselves as being in competition with nonprofits — rather than being the agency to help support and further its mission through the use of nonprofit organizations."

A similar observation about the district was recently leveled by Dr. Michael J. Silvers, the subject of an earlier Nevada Journal story: "What I found," he said, "was that they are highly territorial, if that's a fair way to put it. They do not welcome people getting involved in public health and healthcare initiatives in any shape or form as far as I can see — unless they are basically controlling it."

The amendment to AB 380 offered by Clark County in the 2005 legislative session proposed:

  • Funding of the district through a tax levy not to exceed 3.25 cents — later amended to 3.5 cents — per $100 of taxable property,
  • Deposit of those proceeds and other funds received by the district into a designated fund in the county treasury,
  • Submission of a budget to the board of county commissioners,
  • Employment of a general manager to administer and operate the district, and
  • A provision that the district board define the powers, duties, and functions of both the district health officer and the general manager.

Given the recent lawsuits and counter-lawsuits between Clark County and the health district over the 3.5 cents funding stream, Nevada Journal asked Reilly why the county had proposed it.

"As I recall," he said, "we either wanted to make it a county department to give us total control, or we were willing to give them a dedicated funding stream so they controlled their own destiny.

"There would be more accountability with either of those options," he said in an e-mail. "I guarantee [Dr. Lawrence] Sands would not have been giving the generous employee increases to health district employees (during the recession) if he had a set funding stream …..with no ability to go to the County for additional funding."

Reilly says he still feels "strongly that moving the health district's governance structure towards a general-manger position is a more effective and efficient model," and adds that he is "not convinced having an MD as the CEO is necessary or always desirable."

Although AB 380 eventually passed both legislative chambers, none of the governance reforms sought by Parks and Clark County were included.

District insiders were opposed

The provisions were opposed by both Sands — at the time director of the community health services division — and Dr. Donald Kwalick, then chief health officer. Kwalick also presented Las Vegas city councilman and mayor pro-tem Gary Reese, board-of-health chairman at the time, to testify against the proposals.

"The Clark County District Board of Health is a well-functioning board that effectively sets policy for protecting and promoting the health of Clark County residents and visitors," asserted Reese.

Moreover, "[i]n regard to the citizen and health advisory committees," he told legislators, "this component of citizen and health professional involvement is already built into the current structure of the board.

"Changing the composition of the board," he contended, "would only serve to eliminate the direct input of citizens and health professionals, and add permanent administrative layers."

Some of the testimony against the proposed governance changes was disingenuous. Northern Nevada lawmakers, for example, were allowed to believe that four Southern Nevada cities each had two board-of-health seats, one of which would be lost under the Parks plan. The reality was that those cities actually already had only one seat, which was occupied either by the appointed member or the alternate — whoever showed up.

But the issue of city representation on the health district board was clearly seen as a telling issue, and Reese bore down hard on it:

I would also like to make a point regarding the diminished representation of the cities. I make this point as the elected representative from the largest city, which had retained both positions on the board. I am opposed to limiting representation from the cities of Boulder City, Henderson, Mesquite, and North Las Vegas. Public health matters are not quantifiable. You cannot measure whether one community would be more effective than another, and therefore, it would not be good to limit the oversight provided by the other members of our board.

None of the testimony before lawmakers dealt with the management and operational problems that had been explicitly identified in the Legislature's report five years earlier.

"The Clark County Health District Board of Health is not broken," said Reese, "and not only does it work, it works well."

Post-mortem on the 2005 reforms

County Commissioner Chris Giunchigliani, who supported the 2005 Parks bill as an assembly member, told Nevada Journal that she also "researched other areas for his 2007 bill on consolidation." She also offered a more sweeping amendment that would have moved the health district entirely back under the county's authority.

Today, she says, "I know the cities probably don't want it back under the county." But at a minimum, she argues, the district's Environmental Health division should be "co-located in the jurisdictions to be close to business licensing and building permits." The district could still operate a small centralized presence, she wrote in an e-mail.

"The Board should only be elected members — at least we are accountable to the public. An appointee isn't," said Giunchigliani. The more appropriate role for appointees, she suggested, would be in assessing fees and fines and writing regulations.

As for Reilly, he sees multiple reasons why the issue of city representation posed such a large obstacle to district governance reform in 2005.

One factor he highlighted facing the cities is the already-disproportionate relative power of Clark County. That power stems from a 1983 state law requiring:

… that certain areas that were already established as incorporated towns can't be annexed. So in other jurisdictions, over time, those areas were just annexed by the city … and the county would have been more of a regional body — not have a dual hat as a municipal and a regional [entity, as Clark County now does].

The county's always been a little strange, because it serves its regional functions, which all counties do, but unlike other areas, because of that law that prohibits the annexation of some of the core areas that truly are [of the] city — you know, Paradise, the Strip, the airport — the county has another hat and it acts like a city. So it does municipal services: you know, garbage pickup and all those municipal building inspections, …

The fact that the county is also a city, I think, leads to some of that concern within the other municipalities — of, "Hey, which hat are you going to use? One day you're a city, one day you're a county." (laughs) It leads to a reluctance….

A second factor Reilly identifies was the still-recent transfer, four years earlier, of air-quality powers from the health district to the county. That had happened, he notes, to the "consternation" of the cities, leaving them "a little raw about that." And while the transfer "turned out very well … I think that was also playing a part at that time, too."

Yet another factor, he speculates, was the legacy of Otto Ravenholt, still alive at the time, who had been both an MD and "a very effective administrator." Because Ravenholt had been able to make the existing health-district structure work — despite the flaws in it that he himself had identified — legislators could conclude that the governance issues weren't significant.

Finally, said Reilly, the proposal to replace at-large, non-elected board members with advisory councils too easily can become personalized.

"You have individuals who serve in good faith, like appointed individuals, who get offended and feel, ‘Hey look, I do my job really well, and I'm diligent and dedicated and show up…' So that personalizes the issue."

Reilly: The time is ripe

Notwithstanding the various factors involved in the 2005 defeat for health-district governance reform, Reilly believes that today is different.

"There are two issues that have surfaced, and I think that those two can now become the rallying point to actually bring some reform, in a different type of governing structure," he said.

One issue is "the fact that during the recession, when everyone else is struggling, [Sands] is giving 5 percent [pay] increases. It's amazing that it didn't dawn on any of the elected officials [on the board of health] to ask about that, that there are collective bargaining agreements.

"But the fact that you have so many people in there, that it's such a large board, and the fact that you can have alternates," all operate to produce an ultimately feckless governing board.

The other issue revealing serious dysfunction at the district, suggested Reilly, was Sands' decision to not even consult with his governing board, but to instead just close the Ravenholt Center, attempting — in many observers' eyes — a fait accompli in district management's ongoing battle to get the new building it wanted.

Said Reilly, "I think if the county tried again to just make it that regional structure … with a seven-member board, like the RTC, like Flood Control, with a general manager — I think that would probably have a lot better chance of getting passed, in light of what occurred.

"And then you can get the cities on board," he said, since — on any governing entity that takes the RTC or regional Flood Control as the model — they would thus keep their current balance-of-power with the county.

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Tax commission aims sales tax at comped employee meals

LAS VEGAS — The Nevada Department of Taxation is expected to officially implement a sales tax on comped employee meals on Monday — a tax that restaurant officials say will hurt their employees as much as it will hurt the businesses.

"Restaurants employ a lot of younger, lower-skilled workers and provide complimentary meals to these employees as a simple perk," said Katherine Jacobi, president and CEO of the Nevada Restaurant Association.

 "If [restaurants] suddenly have to pay taxes on these meals, they'll have to find ways to afford the tax, which means they may have to charge employees or take meal costs out of the employees' pay checks."

The department first announced the tax in February 2012, saying a sales tax would be charged for comped meals to gaming patrons in casinos as well as free meals provided to employees. The department also gave businesses a "grace period" through July 31, 2012 to pay the new tax as an effort to assist businesses that "may be incurring administrative burdens."

Furthermore, the department added it will charge a 25 percent penalty and 9 percent annual interest rate on all taxes not paid by the July 31 deadline.

"The Department of Tax basically admitted this will further burden businesses, so one would think [department officials would] recognize the unintended consequences of this sales tax," Jacobi said.

The department claimed it notified taxpayers via "its website and through a number of letters," but Jacobi said many members in her organization received no information regarding the tax.

"The communication was very disappointing," Jacobi said, "especially since this is an issue that will affect so many businesses in the state."

The tax relies on the fact that in the 2008 Nevada Supreme Court case Sparks Nugget v. State, Dep't of Taxation, the court did not specifically addressed the question of a sales tax on complimentary meals. Instead, it focused on the question of a use tax on comped meals, which it ruled unconstitutional.

While the decision did not directly strike down a sales tax — which the tax department had not at that time attempted to apply to comped foods — the court did state that it was confronting "an issue of constitutional importance to Nevada: whether businesses in this state are required to pay sales or use tax on meals that they provide free of charge to patrons and employees." (Emphasis added.)

The court also said that it agreed with the appellant, the Sparks Nugget, that:

Since no taxable event occurred between the time appellant initially purchased the food used to prepare complimentary meals (in a tax-exempt transaction) and the time appellant gave those meals away, the meals were exempt from sales and use taxation under the plain and unambiguous language of the Nevada Constitution. (Emphasis added.)

Still, the Supreme Court ruling allowed an opening for the state, said Carole Vilardo, president of the Nevada Taxpayers Association, a nonprofit organization promoting reasonable government regulations.

"In a time where government is searching for revenue, [department officials are] using anything they can to try and collect more taxes," she said.

A use tax would have taxed the cost of the components of the meal, such as food storage and cooking utensils, whereas a sales tax would hit the retail price of the meal. Either tax, industry experts say, would hit employees directly.

"It's fair to say that if casinos are faced with another expense, such as a tax, the first things they'll look to cut are comps and labor," said David Schwartz, director of UNLV's Center for Gaming Research. "Of course, those [comps and labor cuts] are the first two things guests will notice, which could drive them away."

Several casino companies, including Boyd Gaming and Caesars Entertainment, are challenging the tax in court. The companies say the department shouldn't charge them for taxes not paid by the July 31 deadline, since appeals by both companies against the department are being heard in district courts.

"There are several pending cases within the courts and a lot of businesses want to see these legal issues resolved before the department takes further action," Vilardo said.

The "comps tax" is not the first proposed tax increase this year that could affect Nevada businesses. On June 6, the Nevada State Education Association and AFL-CIO filed a 2 percent margins tax initiative, and in March, Gov. Brian Sandoval announced he would support extending "temporary" sunset taxes through Fiscal Year 2015.

Jacobi said all the additional taxes will just make it more difficult for businesses to operate profitably.

"We [the Nevada Restaurant Association] always try to cooperate with the state, but we can't support legislation that seems to blatantly hurt our businesses," said Jacobi. "Our industry has a high turnover rate as is, and if employers need to lay more people off because of higher taxes, that doesn't do anyone any good."

The Nevada Tax Commission will meet Monday, June 25, at 9 a.m. in the Legislative building in Carson City. The meeting will also be simulcast to the Grant Sawyer building in Las Vegas.

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

Subtext: Listen, Sands, we’re the big dogs here!

LAS VEGAS — Pecking order.

That's what Clark County commissioners wanted to impress upon Dr. Lawrence Sands – the now-resigned chief health officer of the Southern Nevada Health District – back on May 15.

Perhaps even more than a raging money issue, pecking order questions – who should defer to whom – appear to have deeply roiled relations between county commissioners and the health district.

 The words of two Clark County commissioners, Susan Brager and Stephen Sisolak, on the 15th, constitute strong evidence.

As the county commission opened the agenda item – number 84 on the agenda (and video log) – a county staffer confirmed for Commissioner Chris Giunchigliani that SNHD's proposed 2012 budget included under the heading of revenues some $14.7 million in disputed funds.

Those were dollars that the county had chosen not to provide the health district, but for which the district, citing state law, had sued and won in Clark County District Court.

Commissioners then had appealed that ruling to the Nevada Supreme Court, which has not yet ruled.

But because the issue remains unsettled and the money is not assured, Board of Health members voted on April 23 to split out the disputed funds in the budgeted revenue for each of the 2012 and 2013 fiscal years. Each year's disputed funds, they decided, would be segregated into separate lines above or below the undisputed-funds lines. Then, asterisks on the disputed-funds lines would reference explanations that those moneys are currently the subject of litigation.

County Commissioner Chris Giunchigliani, who sits on the Board of Health as one of the county's two members, had participated actively in the board's discussion, an audio recording of the board meeting reveals. That audio also records that the motion to split the revenue into disputed and undisputed line items was passed unanimously, with no member dissenting.

At the commission, however, Giunchigliani told fellow commissioners repeatedly that the Board of Health had instructed management – i.e., Sands – to not include those disputed funds under the heading of revenue.

She then told Sands, "I don't think you were intentionally trying to misrepresent. I just think it still is not reflective of what the board's action was."

The remark appeared to jar Sands, who suddenly had a pronounced stutter.

"First of all, it w-w-w-w-would have been very helpful to have known in advance that you had questions about the budget," he told commissioners. "I could have come prepared to answer those questions, and, and, and what I can tell you is that, as far as the budget, and for the policy about this 16.6 percent -"

At which point, commission Chair Susan Brager broke in with a warning, suggesting to Sands, essentially, that he did not know his place in the scheme of things:

Brager: Actually, it would be better for you to take – and I can just hear the buzzing on the floor [among commissioners] here – that you take the lead, it's your budget, it would be important to you, sir, to come to us, and see if we had any questions.

Sands then started to speak, but Brager overrode him:

Brager: I think you'd better leave it at that or you'll get a lot of… – she made a push-off gesture – …comments, and I think you need to take …

Sands: I just wanted to say that this was a budget that was approved by the full board…

Brager: I know. Do you have questions or comments you'd like to make on the budget, because you're going to open up not a dialog you want to have, I don't think.   

Sands then nevertheless sought to explain how the ending-fund policy established by the Board of Health differed from what county staffers had implied to commissioners – and upon which basis commissioners were preparing to reduce the county allocation of funds to the health district.

"The presentation that was shared by county management was the first I've seen [of] it – today," said Sands. "So I certainly want to have some time to take a look at that and be able to respond to that, in more detail."

Commissioners, however, paid no attention. Commissioner Mary Beth Scow immediately offered a motion to limit the county contribution to the health district to the sum that county staff had recommended, based on the percentages Sands had characterized as mistaken.

After Giunchigliani suggested an amendment to Scow's motion, Brager called on Sisolak:

Sisolak: Dr. Sands.

Sands: Commissioner.

Sisolak: I won't go into detail, but I think one of the problems, the biggest problem we're facing here with the health district, is communication. The fact that you think we should call you –

Sands: (something)

Sisolak: Let me finish. Is it my turn now? The fact that you think the county didn't present you with this [interpretation] beforehand, the fact that you closed down a building without getting anything from the city building inspector, the fact that you don't keep us in the loop in terms of what's going on – I think just goes to a certain amount of – I'm just feeling a sense of arrogance, that you just don't want to cooperate.

So I will take a deep breath and step back, but before this comes back, you and I'd better talk, or this is nothing compared to what you're going to hear the next time that you come forward with this, OK? And – I'll leave it go at that, because…. Communication is important.

Sands: I agree.

Brager: And I think that's been well [put]. And so, we have a motion on the floor, with an amendment. Please cast our votes. And let's … move on. Motion carries. We look forward to hearing from you, Dr. Sands.

Remarkably, the situation that Clark County commissioners so dislike today – that they are required by law to give money to a legally independent health district that they do not control – is one that Clark County itself willed into existence.

In the 2005 Nevada Legislature, then-assemblyman David Parks had introduced legislation, AB 380, that would have set up citizen advisory boards for the health district and changed the membership make-up of the Board of Health.

Neither of those proposals made it through the Legislature. But the bill, with a Clark County amendment, nevertheless passed.

The county's amendment was to, first, give the district a dedicated funding stream of $3.25 per $100 of property tax (raised to $3.50 by the time the bill was signed by the governor), and to, second, create a general-manager position within the health-district management structure.

Regarding the proposal for a statutorily stated funding stream for the health district, the county's lobbyist, Dan Musgrove, said at the time that "… a designated funding stream [would] allow [the district] some long-term planning, because the only thing they can really do at this point is come to the Clark County Commission and ask them for additional funding."

Later he made a similar point: "In years past … they've always just come to Clark County for a fixed amount and then, at the whim of the Clark County Commission, would receive that or not."

Regarding the second issue, the general-manager position, the county lobbyist said, "With all due respect to [then-chief health officer] Dr. [Donald] Kwalick, who I count as a personal friend and someone I respect, we simply believe that the organization has gotten to the point such that it needs a chief administrative officer who has control over that agency, handles the administrative function, so that the chief health officer can function on what is in the best interests of the health of the citizens of Clark County."

A subsequent amendment, by then-state senator Joe Heck, required that the district's chief health officer have at least 10 years' administrative experience. That compromise became part of the law.

Nevada Journal asked Clark County for County Manager Don Burdette's recollections on the county's thinking in 2005 when it suggested that state law be changed to give the health district a dedicated stream of property-tax revenue.

However, the county, on the advice of legal counsel, declined to comment, noting that "This specific legislation is the subject of litigation."

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Problems at the Southern Nevada Health District run deep

LAS VEGAS — So … just how deep are the problems at the Southern Nevada Health District?

And will the public ever learn the full story?

Today, the district Board of Health is scheduled to accept the resignation of Chief Health Officer Dr. Lawrence Sands, which was announced Friday.

 Sands has worked for SNHD since 2004 and since 2007 has been the nominal leader of the organization.

But on May 15, a firestorm of raw hostility, blasting forth from Clark County commissioners, had made it clear that the Sands era was over.

On the commission's agenda, at the time, had been consideration of the health district's proposed fiscal year 2013 budget.

County staff set the scene by reminding commissioners that SNHD had finished FY 2011 with a remarkably large ending-fund balance of 54.5 percent – at a time the county itself had been scrimping and seeking give-backs from the powerful unions that had helped commissioners win election.

During the same period, however, health district employees had received a 5.5 percent pay boost.

Now, noted county staff, for the just-ending FY 2012, SNHD was estimating a still quite-large year-end balance of 43.8 percent. And, for FY 2013, if it got the funding it wanted from the county, the district's ending-fund balance would be a more-than-ample 28.8 percent.

For the elected commissioners, the budget report reminded them of all the reasons they'd lost patience with SNHD.

First to launch his salvos was Commissioner Lawrence Weekly, addressing Sands from the commission dais even before Sands had a chance to speak.

At first Weekly's comments were opaque – seemingly aimed at reprimanding SNHD's chief health officer without getting into specifics regarding what the reprimands were about.

"I will tell you as a former [commission-appointed board] member and an alternate [board member] of the Southern Nevada Health District board, there are a lot of hurt feelings. There are a lot of things that have taken place over at the health district," said Weekly, mysteriously.

He then detoured into a paean to the health district's importance as one of the community's "first responders," before circling back to complain, "But it's in total disarray.

"It appears that things are still the way they were when I was on your board: just all over the place and crazy."

Weekly, however, instructed Sands not to address the issues Weekly had just raised.

"I don't want to hear about Scott, or the HR man – that's not what we're here about today," said Weekly. "We're here to talk about your budget, and how do we get you on point, get your employees back to their jobs and get the morale up over there, because it's gotten to the point that it's seriously despicable, right now. And it's crazy."

Weekly's reference to "Scott" was to Scott Weiss, who until earlier this year was SNHD's director of administration and Sands' right-hand man.

At the Board of Health's January meeting, evidence had surfaced that Weiss had been moonlighting as the administrator of a Las Vegas assisted-living facility. That, union officers insisted during the meeting's public-comment period, was a serious conflict-of-interest offense.

Board members looking for direction on the charges were initially told by board legal counsel Annette Bradley that an investigation had been completed by Dr. Sands, and "it was determined that there was no conflict of interest."

Board member Chris Giunchigliani, however, argued that the health district's personnel code states an employee cannot oversee a business that is also regulated. And, she contended, the Plaza at Sun Mountain counts as a regulated facility because the health district could receive complaints about it. Bradley's response was that "when management has made a decision that decision stands." 

All the same, at the board of health's next meeting, in February, Weiss was not present – having apparently been placed on administrative leave until the issue is fully resolved. 

Weekly's reference to "the HR man" most likely referred to Angus MacEachern, the health district's human-resources director. According to attorney Charles Pollock – affiliated with the SEIU officers who have been launching multiple charges against SNHD administrators – MacEachern, too, had been moonlighting.

"He has a job for one of the cities," Pollock told Nevada Journal. "It may have been Boulder City. He's a consultant for one of the cities' HR department."

In a June 6 interview, Pollock had predicted Sands' departure.

"It looks like Sands is on its way out, one way or another," he told Nevada Journal. "Whether he gets a buy-out of his contract, or something else, it looks like he's leaving.

"And then, Angus has declared he's taking early retirement in about three months. So you're going to have a different managing group in there, probably with Dr. Middaugh ending up as the chief health officer. And that's simply because he's the only one there with an MD. You have to have an MD to be the chief health officer. So for at least a while, he'll take it over.

"The question is," said the attorney, "whether or not they decide to continue, with the attitude that, ‘Oh, 2013 is a new year, and we're just going to run the place right from here' – or they're going to actually go back and figure out where the money was stolen, and go after it."

Whether or not money is missing at the Southern Nevada Health District, however, is unclear. SEIU representatives have repeatedly insinuated malfeasance of various kinds, but evidence, so far, seems in short supply.

Union reps have asserted in board meetings that federal investigators are probing the district, focusing on alleged misappropriation of salary dollars.

Employees also contend that SNHD is now on the hook for a $352,000 electronic time-keeping system far more elaborate than the district needs. Additionally, before the Kronos Workforce Management system was selected, no competitive proposals were sought, Director of Administration Weiss acknowledged at the board's Jan. 26 meeting.

At the same meeting, a supervisor in the district's Environmental Health division, Susan LaBay, gave the board a devastating critique of the reportedly $2 million Decade EnvisionConnect remote-computing and data-management system that health-district management purchased.

She concluded her tightly worded and highly specific inventory of problems with the system by quoting "one of the individuals responsible for testing the field unit: ‘We cannot even test it yet, because nothing works. It is utter garbage.'"

According to Pollock, Decade Software has informed the health district that it cannot solve the system problems and is abandoning the project.

For more of the May 15 commissioner criticisms of Sands, see the accompanying story: Subtext: Listen, Sands, we're the big dogs here!.

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Entrepreneurs say Obamacare would force closings, create ‘unimaginable’ financial burdens

LAS VEGAS — If the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act — commonly called "Obamacare" — is upheld by the United States Supreme Court, small businesses will not just pay tens of thousands of dollars more a year complying with regulations. They could also be forced to close, say two Nevada business owners.

"A lot of businesses are bracing for this bill," said Jeff Ecker, general manager of Paymon's Mediterranean Cafe in Las Vegas. "Instead of spending money in the community, businesses are waiting to see if all the regulations from [Obamacare] are going to take effect."

 Paymon's has two locations in Las Vegas, and both have faced their share of struggles during the recession. If Obamacare is upheld, says Ecker, businesses with multiple locations could be forced to close one or more locations. That's because Obamacare penalizes businesses that don't provide government-approved health insurance for their employees.

"Based on the Obamacare mandate, we would be able to deduct the first 30 full-time employees from the $2,000 per-employee, per-year penalties," Ecker said.

"This leaves us with roughly 35-40 full-time employees that we would have to pay the penalty for, as we certainly would not be able to afford any quality health care insurance for our staff in this economic climate."

Ecker is referring to Section 1513 of Obamacare, commonly referred to as the "Employer Mandate," which says any business employing more than 50 workers that does not provide a government-approved "qualifying health insurance" plan will be fined $2,000 per uncovered worker.

The first 30 full-time employees can be deducted, as Ecker explained, but his business would have to pay a fine for the 35 to 40 full-time employees without insurance. At $2,000 per employee, Ecker's company could be paying an additional $80,000 a year in penalties.

"We would have to conclude that rather than taking a $70,000 to $80,000 penalty, which would ultimately lead to the closing of both locations, we merely close down one location and continue to operate," Ecker said.

"That leaves 35 to 40 people unemployed and a landlord with a vacancy. The math is simple and the chain reaction of fiscal pain among businesses, employees and creditors is substantial."

Ecker isn't the only businessman concerned about Obamacare's effect on the private sector. Scott Graham, the president of MBI X-Ray and Medical Supply in Las Vegas, said he has already had to cut three employees in order to comply with the Employer Mandate's impending standards.

"This [Obamacare] isn't written to help small businesses," said Graham. "We provide an insurance plan, but the government isn't helping anyone if it picks and chooses which plans are acceptable and which aren't."

Graham has been in business for 28 years and estimated he pays between $80,000 and $100,000 per year in various government fees and regulations. He says if Obamacare is upheld and every aspect is implemented, the amount of fees his business will be paying is "unimaginable."

"A big part of my business is storing and depositing potentially harmful X-ray films, so I can respect fair and sensible regulations," Graham said, "but Obamacare does not contain any fair or sensible regulations."

In Northern Nevada, Tim Wulf, the owner of two Jimmy John's sandwich shops in Reno, told the Las Vegas Sun he sold his third franchise and cut employment in preparation for Obamacare.

"Obamacare was the straw that broke the camel's back," Wulf told the Sun.

 

The Nevada Policy Research Institute, the nonprofit think tank that publishes Nevada Journal, has noted that Obamacare creates over $400 million in new taxes and fees over the next seven years, many of which will be passed on to small businesses.

Geoffrey Lawrence, NPRI's fiscal analyst and deputy policy director, has written that Obamacare burdens states by pushing more individuals onto already heavy-laden state Medicaid rolls. This drives governors across the country, such as Nevada Gov. Brian Sandoval, toward tax increases. Writes Lawrence:

One of the central ploys by which Obamacare seeks to expand medical coverage is by forcing states to loosen Medicaid eligibility requirements.

This requirement, in tandem with the individual mandate provision that will punish individuals who do not purchase a government-approved insurance policy, will push 16 million new individuals onto state Medicaid rolls nationwide.

As of today, the Supreme Court had not issued a ruling on Obamacare's constitutionality, although a decision is expected soon, and Ecker remains hopeful the law is overturned.

"If it [Obamacare] stands and businesses end up closing, I'm not sure there's enough momentum for them [business owners] to get back in," Ecker said.

 Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Privately funded Mob Attraction competes against city-backed Mob Museum


(Click above or here to view the video.)

LAS VEGAS — The Mob Museum and Mob Attraction, two organized-crime-themed properties that opened within a year of each other in Las Vegas, have a respectful business competition.

But is it a fair competition?

 The Mob Attraction, located in the Tropicana Resort on the Strip, is a privately developed, for-profit exhibition that allows visitors to interact and become "initiated" into the mob.

The Mob Museum, on the other hand, is located in downtown Las Vegas, showcases the mob's history with the assistance of $42 million in taxpayer subsidies and a tax-exempt nonprofit status — giving it government-granted advantages that its private competitor lacks.

"We try not to look at it as a major competition, since we're an entertainment venue and they're a museum, but there are certain aspects where they've gotten a step ahead because of the city," said Spence Johnston, public relations director for the Mob Attraction.

The Mob Museum has been in development since 2002, championed by then-mayor and former mob lawyer Oscar Goodman. It finally opened this February in the old downtown post office building. Goodman boldly claimed he expected 800,000 people to visit the museum in its first year.

The Museum doesn't release specific attendance figures, according to Jonathan Ullman, the Museum's executive director. He did say, however, that the Museum had its 50,000th visitor in April.

At that pace, the Museum would host no more than 300,000 visitors — its own official prediction — by the end of the year, far below Goodman's forecast.

"Sometimes people look at the bottom line figure and then they have a visceral reaction," said Ullman, "which is understandable, but when you dig a little deeper, it's not as if you could simply take these [Mob Museum] dollars and then turn them into more teachers or firefighters."

In February, however, Las Vegas Review-Journal columnist Jane Ann Morrison identified multiple streams of taxpayer dollars, including general-fund monies, used to build Goodman's monument to the Mob era.

Its competitor, the Mob Attraction at the Tropicana, originally opened in 2011 under the name "The Mob Experience." The exhibit suffered from poor management and legal challenges brought by former executives, and filed for bankruptcy in October 2011.

After emerging from bankruptcy in February 2012, the exhibit renamed itself "The Mob Attraction." Johnston says the bankruptcy process allowed the company to rebrand itself to meet customer demand, and that the Attraction receives between 300 and 400 visitors per day.

"Things have been steadily increasing and doing real well since the new ownership came in," Johnston said. "No company wants to go into bankruptcy, especially the way we did, but sometimes that's how the business environment works, and you try to rebuild and come back."

While the Mob Attraction rebranded itself, the Mob Museum benefited from the publicity offered by Goodman, both during his tenure as mayor and in his post-mayoral career. Goodman called the Mob Museum "his baby" during his mayoral tenure, sits on the Museum's Board of Directors, and has an entire exhibit within the Museum dedicated to his time as a mob lawyer.

Ullman defended Goodman and the city's involvement with the Museum, saying it was "appropriate" for the city to support the Museum since the Museum was intended as an "educational facility."

"This is not glorifying the mob. This is a place intended to highlight an aspect of the city's history that also appeals to visitors from around the world," Ullman said.

"We host school groups and guest speakers, so our goal is to educate visitors and provide them with information not just on the mob's history in Vegas, but on the mob's history throughout the country."

Drew Johnson, co-founder of the Taxpayer Protection Alliance, a Washington, D.C-based watchdog group, wrote a commentary noting that, unlike a privately funded business such as the Mob Attraction, if the Mob Museum fails, taxpayers will face financial shakedowns from government tax collectors.

"If the museum fails to generate enough revenue to pay for operating expenses," Johnson wrote, "tax dollars will almost certainly be used to bail the museum out time and time again."

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Using tax dollars to pay union bosses’ salaries violates state constitution — Arizona judge

LAS VEGAS — City and county governments in Nevada frequently use taxpayer dollars to pay the salaries of government-employee union officials who work solely for their union.

In Arizona that practice — called “release time” in bargaining agreements — has just been ruled illegal.

 And, says a constitutional law professor, the practice could face a similar legal challenge in Nevada.

“This is the first [such] case I’ve heard of, but if there’s an analogous provision in the Nevada Constitution, then there’s certainly a possibility for a challenge,” said Thomas McAffee, professor of constitutional law at UNLV’s Boyd School of Law.

The provision in question is the gift clause, which in Arizona’s constitution says public money shall not be given to private individuals or corporations, unless the government can prove it receives direct benefits from the gift.

Nevada’s gift clause — Article 8, Section 9 of the Silver State’s constitution — says:

The State shall not donate or loan money, or its credit, subscribe to or be, interested in the Stock of any company, association, or corporation, except corporations formed for educational or charitable purposes.

Government-employee unions, legally, are private associations or non-profit corporations.

The Arizona complaint was filed last December by two Phoenix taxpayers, represented by the Sharf-Norton Center for Constitutional Litigation at the Goldwater Institute, a free-market think tank, against the Phoenix Police Law Enforcement Association (PLEA).

The case was filed three months after Goldwater released a report showing that Phoenix taxpayers were paying about $3.7 million annually for 37,000-plus hours of release time for union officials to perform union-exclusive work.

PLEA, itself, received over $1 million in release time for union activity, including over 31,000 hours, 500 of which are specifically allocated to lobbying.

“Cities must receive direct public benefit of roughly proportional value in exchange for their expenditure of public funds on goods or services,” wrote Clint Bolick, Goldwater’s chief attorney, in the complaint.

“The benefits to PLEA under the MOU [Memorandum of Understanding] serve to promote the union’s purposes, and do not serve a public purpose.”

Last week, after six months of litigation, Judge Katherine Cooper in Maricopa County — where Phoenix is located — ruled in favor of Goldwater and placed a temporary restraining order on PLEA, requiring all officers in a union-specific role to return to a regular patrol position.

“The Court finds at least some applications of release time are not for the public interest, including negotiating contracts for PLEA members, lobbying legislation that benefits police officers, attending PLEA functions, and any activity where the union is the primary beneficiary, direct beneficiary,” wrote Cooper in her ruling.

“Such activities promote the private interests of the PLEA and, as a result, do not constitute public purposes.”

Levi Bolton, a PLEA lobbyist, told Nevada Journal that PLEA plans to appeal the order and pursue further litigation to overturn the ruling.

In a message posted on PLEA’s website, the union states it expects Goldwater will challenge the union’s upcoming bargaining agreement with the City of Phoenix, once approved, even if the new contract contains language redefining the purpose of release time.

“Our contract will sunset on June 30, and if there wasn’t some type of ruling, they [Goldwater] would be on the courthouse steps on July 1 first thing in the morning,” said Bolton. “We disagree with the judge’s interpretation and we plan on having our side heard in court soon.”

Clark County union officials also receive taxpayer dollars earmarked for union activity, and the amounts are comparable to what their Phoenix counterparts receive. A Nevada Journal investigation discovered Clark County taxpayers pay at least $4.6 million a year for at least 70,000 hours of union-related release time.

Union officials of the Las Vegas Police Protective Association, for example, receive over $1 million a year for 15,500 hours of release time.

“Since that [Arizona] case was the first of its kind, at least that I’m aware of, it’s difficult to say whether it will spill over state borders, but it’s certainly possible,” said McAffee.

One justification offered for the release-time practice — that it has always been “standard practice” in collective bargaining agreements — has been made by Clark County Commissioner Chris Giunchigliani and is currently being made by PLEA.

“Since our first contracts in the mid-late 70’s, PLEA and the City have contractually agreed to full time release based on the understanding that it provides a mutual benefit to the rank and file and city government in the form of smoother more efficient operations,” PLEA wrote in a message on its website.

McAffee said the “standard practice” argument may not fly in Nevada.

“If it’s ruled unconstitutional, it’s unconstitutional,” McAffee said, adding that if the Nevada clause is deemed sufficiently similar to Arizona’s, it could be a tough argument for the union to win.

Goldwater didn’t respond before press time to a Nevada Journal inquiry whether it would consider challenging the new PLEA contract.

The new contract is expected to become effective on July 1 and remain in effect until June 30, 2014.

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Physician calls Health District ‘greatest source of competition and derision’

Health districts always face financial constraints, but usually seek to deal with that challenge quite differently from how the Southern Nevada Health District does, says Dr. Michael Silvers.

A member of the Center for Disease Control's international health program office and chief medical adviser to the Peace Corps during the Clinton administration, Silvers worked in Africa, South America, the Pacific and Eastern Europe. He speaks Spanish, Portuguese, Fijian and some African languages and currently is working in New Zealand.

 In his far-reaching career, he also served as chief health officer at two different U.S. community health districts — Corpus Christie, Texas, and Louisville, Ky.

“I’m a public-health proponent,” he explains. “That’s my specialty.”

To Silvers’s way of thinking, public-health programs succeed, not by seeking to monopolize local health services, but by working to develop additional resources, out within the broader community. If that is achieved, some of the load on the local public health agency is removed and it can address other, more serious, higher public-health priorities.

“In fact,” he said, when serving as chief health officer in Corpus Christie, “I was trying to train a local person … to take over travel medicine from us — because it’s that inconvenient, when your resources are stretched.”

Silvers was of the same frame of mind when he moved to Las Vegas in 2003, he says. He thought that the local health district would naturally welcome a highly qualified local clinic specializing in travel-medicine immunizations, because it would lighten the district’s load.

But first he checked — sitting down with the district’s chief health officer at the time, Dr. Donald Kwalick, and his two lieutenants: then-director of administration Karl Munninger and Director of Clinic and Nursing Services Bonnie Sorenson.

“At that time” — Silvers subsequently wrote to a friend — “they were all too happy to have a local travel expert and a place to send their travelers, since Bonnie even admitted that they are not doing travel properly and that, like most health departments, they really cannot afford to take away nurses from pediatrics and, further, keep someone around who is truly skilled in travel.

“The only issue was that they thought no one could make a living just doing vaccines,” but still, “they would do all they could to help.

“So I told them I would open in the LV area and they agreed that they would let callers know that there was a full-service travel clinic in town.

“In exchange they asked me to help chair one of the positions in the new SNIC (Southern Nevada Immunization Coalition), and also to attend and participate in other functions; especially flu vaccines and back to school events. I also signed on as a vaccine-for-children provider, [which] badly needed local support.”

Silvers then opened his travel-medicine clinic — named Immuvax — and “let the SNHD know that we would see travel at the Henderson Office and we were available basically Mon -Fri.”

However, he says, “I never got a single referral.” Nevertheless, he continued going to their meetings — “participating whenever they needed the ‘token’ local doctor involvement.

“This was an issue between SNHD and the State Health Department, because SNHD operates so independently, and [is] often criticized for not having a greater presence with local health providers.

“Really, very few local Drs or nurses will work with them, and I didn't know why at that time … of course, now I do.”

“They kept asking me,” Silvers told Nevada Journal, “How are things going in Henderson?”

And, he says, “I kept them apprized.

“I said, ‘Hey, actually, we’re doing good. Actually, my clinic is growing. We’re doing all right.’”

Then, about a year or so later, he received a shock: The Southern Nevada Health District — which he says had told him it would be opening no offices south of the airport — opened a Henderson office not far from his and “started telling people that they’re doing travel medicine down in Henderson at an office they had there that had been there for years.”

Appalled that SNHD, after all the discussions, would conduct “a blatant attack” on his business by going into competition just down the street, says Silvers, he then began looking at the district in a different way.

This particular health district, he began to conclude, was “not interested in having people in the community get involved with things that are generally considered preventive medicine and public health.”

It had taken him a long time to realize it, he told Nevada Journal, but “in truth what I found was that they are highly ‘territorial,’ if that’s a fair way to put it.

“They do not welcome people getting involved in public health and healthcare initiatives in any shape or form as far as I can see — unless they are basically controlling it, unless they ‘own’ it.”

“Over the years,” said Silvers in his letter to his friend, “I labored under the belief that SNHD could care-less about my tiny operation, but in the end I found them to be my greatest source of competition and derision.

“At one point I was able to lower my typhoid costs to below their costs. Shortly after, they lowered their price to coincide with mine when they learned of my pricing.

“In fact, it was years before I learned that they had been monitoring my pricing and fixing their prices to compete with me basically ever since I opened (just look at their fluctuating TB testing prices and the fact they still perform the test erroneously to save money).”

Silvers chose to sell his immunization business and leave Las Vegas.

One of the biggest reasons for doing so, he wrote his friend, “is because of the horrible and misleading relationship I've encountered with the SNHD.”

Near the end of a long-distance telephone interview with Nevada Journal, Silvers concluded by saying, “Let me give you this parting shot.

“You know the statistics and you know the Southern Nevada Health Districts has one of the worst rates of immunization. And it’s not just immunization. We have bad rates of TB, we have bad rates of sexually transmitted diseases.

“And they blame it all on ‘being Las Vegas’ and what Las Vegas is. But how do you have a $25 million surplus if you’re doing your job?

“It’s an outrage.”

Asked for comment, the district responded:

Our staff was always very cooperative with Dr. Silvers and we did refer many clients to his clinic. We have had a longstanding presence in Henderson and several years ago opened a new clinic located near the original location. We always considered Dr. Silvers a colleague and worked cooperatively with him. It is discouraging to know he is making these false allegations against the health district.

SNHD representatives also included comment from district nurse Cheryl Dolesh, who said:

For the record, I use [sic] to work at McCarran Airport in the First Aid Clinic. Part of my job was to provide routine vaccines to kids and adults as well as travel vaccines. When Dr. Silvers started his affiliation with CCHD and opened his Travel Vaccination Clinic, he came to the airport on various occasions and spoke with me personally. He was one of the most congenial and genuinely helpful physicians that I have ever encountered.

He left brochures and cards with us and even offered his services if we had any questions pertaining to travel. I gave out his information often. People would call and even stop in to the clinic prior to travel. I would advise them as to vaccines that would be available for consideration but always informed that we were not capable of writing prescriptions. So I would refer them to their own doctor as well as offer information regarding Dr. Silvers locations and phone number. In all cases, if the traveler had significant underlying health issues, I would advise them that Dr. Michael Silvers was highly knowledgeable in the field of travel medicine and would suggest that they get a consultation with him.

I have no way of knowing how many took my advise [sic] but I know many did because the client would inform me, or Dr. Silvers would mention it if he popped in to the clinic before or after travel. I was glad that he had a presence in Las Vegas and was working with the Health District in a cooperative partnership. I do not know the person that is depicted in this article.

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

SNHD diverts resources from toddler immunizations to serving businesses

In 2005, the Southern Nevada Health District set a record of sorts.

It had the worst immunization rate for toddlers of any U.S. metropolitan area, according to the CDC’s National Immunization Survey.

 The survey focused on children 19 to 35 months of age who received the widely used 4:3:1:3:3:1 vaccine series — shots to immunize against diphtheria, tetanus, whooping cough, polio, hepatitis B, measles, mumps and chicken pox.

Only 58.8 percent of Clark County children in 2005 had completed the series.

Given the district’s mission of providing “safety net” health services to poor families, and given that it’s primarily poor families’ children who remain unvaccinated, you might have expected SNHD to move quickly, focusing all of its available immunization resources on the problem.

But if you expected that, you would have been wrong.

True, managers at the health district did continue their formal cooperation with the many federal, state and local nonprofit coalition efforts that seek to increase toddler immunizations in Nevada.

However, SNHD also not only continued, but expanded, the district’s longstanding practice of providing OSHA-compliant vaccination services for adults at businesses and government entities — even though that service is one that private clinics in the community boasting superior professional qualifications were ready and able to supply.

As Nevada Journal reported in May, the district operates a full-fledged commercial business, called its Workplace Vaccination Program, that competes vigorously, using cut-rate prices, against the fuller immunization services offered by retail medical clinics and doctors in the Las Vegas valley.

Ironically, the reason SNHD is able to under-sell private-sector enterprises is because of its federal classification as a “safety-net” provider to the uninsured and underinsured — that is, the poor and the indigent, the very people away from whom SNHD diverts immunization resources.

According to a former health-district contractor, who requested anonymity, SNHD has expanded into being a medical-service provider, rather than a classic public-health organization focused on preventing disease and promoting community health, in order to raise revenue.

“They try to couch it as being under public health,” said the source, adding that SNHD will argue that, “‘If we didn’t treat these people, then they would be out there, spreading disease throughout the community.’”

However, “the largest driver of that is because of the way the Southern Nevada Health District is funded. They need to generate revenue. And they generate revenue by providing the medical services. There’s very little state or local funding of the health district, compared nationally to what is invested in public health.”

Consequently, the source explained, “The district has tried to be a 100 percent fee-based organization, so when they go out and do inspections — restaurant inspections or pool inspections — they need to generate fees. And the way to generate additional income was to provide healthcare services — whether it’s paid for by the individual, or whether they bill off Medicaid — but it’s to generate revenue.”

The interesting thing that results, said the informant, is that “a lot of insurance companies,” including “one of the largest insurers in Southern Nevada, tell their subscribers to go to the health district for their shots, so that they don’t have to pay for them.”

Then “the health district does it at a below-market rate, because of the ability for it to be taxpayer-subsidized. And they’re able to put that in under their public-health umbrella.” 

Because of the taxpayer subsidies, said the source, the difference between prices charged by SNHD and those at a physician’s office can be substantial.

At the latter, the indirect or overhead “costs are added into the costs of the service in the physician’s office,” but “you don’t have that at the health district because that infrastructure’s already been subsidized to be there” by taxpayers.

If businesses “can carve that service out of their health plan because they’re directing people somewhere else,” the source continued, “then that lowers their costs, which again is an indirect subsidy to the business.”

Southern Nevada firms and government entities taking advantage of SNHD’s heavily discounted vaccination prices in recent years include:

Bilingual Behavior Counseling, the City of Boulder City, Clark County Water Reclamation, Consumer Direct Personal Care, Dentist on Nellis, Desert Dental, Discovery Dental, Fremont Street Experience, Green Valley Dental Care, H20 Environmental, Hanger PNO, Herrick & O’Herron, Inc., J & S Mechanical Contractors, Laboratory Medicine Consultants, Las Vegas Urban League, MGM Resorts Health Plan, Mobile Management Group, Nevada Donor Network, Orthopedic Motion, Precision Instruments, Red Rock Oral, Maxillofacial Surgery Center, RMI Management, LLC, Sands Expo & Convention Center, ServiceMaster 1st Response, Silver Sky Assisted Living, Silver State Smiles, Silver State Transportation, LLC, Southwest Linen, StarBrite Dental, Superstore Auto Group, Western Linen Service and William Lyon Homes.

Meanwhile, what has happened on the toddler-immunization front in Southern Nevada?

According to the 2009 version of the national survey, the low rate the district had in 2005 still existed, four years later.

Since then, however, the vaccination rates in Southern Nevada moved even lower — in concert with immunization rates all across the country declined as the Great Recession continued.

In 2005, Clark County’s percentage was 58.8 percent, according to unrounded figures that health district immunization staff provided to the SNHD board in October 2006.

As of June 30 last year, however, according to data from the state health division, the percentage of Clark County children under 36 months old who’ve received the CDC’s recommended schedule of vaccinations was down to 53.14 percent.

State figures also indicate that, for Nevada’s remaining 16 counties, the toddler immunization rate is 63.18 percent. For the state over all, the rate was 55.93 percent.

Federal lawmakers investigate abuse of the 340B program

The federal classification that allows the district to purchase drugs and vaccines at far-below-market prices is the federal “340B” program. SNHB then administers the vaccines to employees of businesses and government agencies that have signed contracts with the district.

However, the 340B program — named for its location in Section 340B of the Public Health Service Act — was originally only intended to “extend the Medicaid drug discount to the most vulnerable patients receiving services at Public Health Service clinics, including individuals who are, ‘medically uninsured, on marginal incomes, and have no other source to turn to for preventive and primary care services.’”

The just-cited language comes from letters sent by three U.S. senators and a senior member of Congress earlier this year to Apexus, the private contractor operating the 340B program, to PhRMA, the organization representing drug manufacturers on Capitol Hill and elsewhere, and to Safety Net Hospitals for Pharmaceutical Access, which represents “over 800 public and private non-profit hospitals and health systems throughout the U.S. that participate in the Public Health Service 340B drug discount program.”

Requesting “information to assist Congress in its oversight over the 340B drug discount program,” each of the letters was signed by U.S. Sens. Chuck Grassley, Orrin Hatch and Michael Enzi and Congressman Joe Pitts.

The federal legislators note that a Government Accountability Office (GAO) report last September warned that federal oversight of the 340B program was “inadequate” and the risk of improper diversion of 340B drugs has increased significantly.

“Participants have little incentive to comply with program requirements, because few have faced sanctions for non-compliance” from the Obama administration’s Health Resources and Services Administration, said the GAO.

It continued: “With the program’s expansion, program integrity issues may take on even greater significance unless effective mechanisms to monitor and address program violations, as well as more specific guidance are put in place.”

Clearly, diversion of pharmaceuticals procured through affiliation with the 340B program, violates the spirit, if not the technical language, of the original authorizing legislation.

The district, however, when asked about the legitimacy of using its safety-net provider classification as a competitive weapon against private-sector medical clinics, cited the same technical distinctions that Apexus makes on its website and which the federal lawmakers have asked the firm to explain.

“Vaccines are classified,” said SNHD, “as ‘value added products’ under the Prime Vendor Program, not as an ‘outpatient covered drug’. As such, unless otherwise restricted by the terms and conditions of the contract between the Prime Vendor Program and the Health District, vaccines purchased may be used for any population served by the Health District.”

Provided with most of this article and asked for comment, the district sent this statement:

Public health serves the whole community — not just the poor and uninsured — by assuring the conditions in which all people can be healthy. To that end, ensuring that all infants and children are properly immunized is a top priority for the Southern Nevada Health District. The health district is one of many partners in the effort to raise immunization rates and we work with many providers to administer immunizations to children in the community.  It is irresponsible to suggest that the health district has the resources to be the sole provider of immunizations to all children, and is therefore solely responsible for the immunization rates in Nevada. However, we do take our role as a leader in public health matters very seriously and we have championed a number of initiatives and raising immunization rates continues to be a top priority.

The health district’s adult vaccination program is a separate program and in no way detracts from our childhood vaccination program. Quoting an anonymous source who has dubious insight and questionable motives without offering any proof of their baseless allegations is irresponsible. Our adult vaccination program, like all of our public health programs, are not designed to generate revenue, they are designed to cover the costs of offering the service provided to the public.

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

Nevada News Bureau » Blog Archive » Business Margin Tax Initiative Petition Filed, Legal Challenge Expected

Conservative group: Initiative could tax money-losing businesses – News – ReviewJournal.com

Business tax plan filed in Nevada for education – Wednesday, June 6, 2012 | 1:05 p.m. – Las Vegas Sun

Teachers union: Business tax would target those not paying their fair share – Wednesday, June 6, 2012 | 12:44 p.m. – Las Vegas Sun

Teachers press forward as Chicken Little Caucus prepares to cluck – Wednesday, June 6, 2012 | 2 a.m. – Las Vegas Sun

Nevada Business Margin Tax Initiative Petition Filed, Legal Challenge Expected | South Lake Tahoe – SouthTahoeNow.com

Local governments may derail CCSD’s bid for new tax

On Thursday, the Clark County School District will be seeking approval from the Regional Debt Management Commission for a six-year tax hike.

A recent survey to gauge community appetite for a tax increase reportedly said that 55 percent of those responding — about 400 likely voters — supported a tax increase for school improvements. Forty percent were opposed.

 Four former Nevada first ladies — Dawn Gibbons, Dema Guinn, Sandy Miller and Bobbie Bryan — working with the school district, reportedly formed a political action committee to fund the survey. According R & R Partners, the school district was the contractor.

Polling for the survey was conducted by Anzalone-Liszt Research, which limits its clientele to Democratic Party candidates and union, environmentalist and “progressive” causes.

Nevada Journal spoke to both Anzalone and R&R Partners, requesting the complete text of the survey and its questionnaire, which has not been made public. Neither, however, replied.

Enthusiastic over the survey results, school board trustees in early May authorized a new “capital campaign” to move forward with a question on the November ballot.

“I think it will be foolish, on our part, not to make the ask,” said Trustee Carolyn Edwards at a May 2 board meeting. “I mean, the voters can say, ‘no,’ and that will be their right.”

According to the resolution trustees submitted to the debt commission, the additional 21.2 cents per $100 of assessed property value sought by the school district would cost homeowners $74.20 annually on a $100,000 home.

“Over the six years,” observed Geoffrey Lawrence, deputy policy director at the Nevada Policy Research Institute, which publishes Nevada Journal, “that equals $445.20.”

Combined with the school district’s current debt service tax rate of 55.34 cents, he said, the total annual cost to that homeowner would be $267.89. Over six years, it would be $1,607.34.

The school district’s proposed tax increase could prevent some local jurisdictions from raising taxes to a statutorily allowed rate they are not currently assessing.

Consequently, school district officials must notify each affected entity of their proposal, the estimated increase in property taxes and the potential impact of the increase on the affected jurisdiction.

NRS 350.0135 requires that an entity receiving such notice “shall, by resolution, approve or object to the proposal described in the notice.”

On May 16, a motion by the North Las Vegas City Council on Resolution 2477, approving CCSD’s proposal for the special elective tax, failed in a 2-2 split decision.

Explaining that North Las Vegas residents already pay the highest property tax rate in the valley, and that the Council had already determined raising taxes, even for the city’s own current “financial woes,” would be a burden on its residents, Councilwoman Anita Wood opposed the resolution.

“So, after deciding that for North Las Vegas,” said Wood, “to now turn around and say that it’s okay for the school district becomes very problematic.”

According to the Nevada Taxation Department’s 2011-12 Local Government Finance Redbook, North Las Vegas residents have the highest property tax rate in the county with an entity rate of $1.1587 per $100 of assessed value and a cumulative tax rate, from overlapping jurisdictions, of $3.3544 per $100.

Currently, the highest entity property-tax rate of $1.3034 in Clark County is levied by the Clark County School District, according to the Redbook.

“What would happen is, if we gave the authority for the school district to use the 21 cents,” North Las Vegas finance director Allan Zochowski explained to the Council, “we would be limited to a smaller amount if we ever decided that we wanted to raise property taxes in the city.”

Councilman Wade Wagner, although sympathetic to the cause, was also concerned.

“In these economic times,” said Wagner, “I really would hesitate to even open the door for us to tax the residents of North Las Vegas at all.”  

Councilman Robert Eliason and Mayor Shari Buck also discussed similar concerns.

Eventually, Buck moved to approve a resolution on the school district’s proposal, conditional upon the ballot question containing a “strong explanation” telling residents what the special elective tax would mean to the city.

The resolution failed, with Eliason and Buck voting yea and Wood and Wagner voting nay.

Mayor Pro Tempore Pamela Goynes-Brown abstained because she is an employee of the Clark County School District and a vice principal of a school possibly affected by the new tax levy.

No further motions were entertained, so the city council ultimately failed to adopt a resolution — either approving or objecting.

On May 15, the Clark County Board of Commissioners, also sitting as the boards for other affected entities — the towns of Bunkerville, Laughlin, Moapa, Mt. Charleston, Paradise, Searchlight, Winchester and the Mt. Charleston Fire Service District — conditionally approved the school district’s proposal.

The condition was putting a $110 million to $120 million annual cap on revenue generated by the new tax.

Documents presented to county commissioners by the school district demonstrate that the proposed levy would put affected jurisdictions closer to the state’s statutory taxing limit of $3.66 per $100 — with estimates ranging between 74.3 and 98.8 percent.

 

FY 2013
Total
Tax Rate

Proposed
CCSD
Tax Rate

Adjusted
Over-lapping
Tax Rate

Adjusted
Excess Rate
@ Cap of
$3.66

Percent
of
$3.66

Clark County*

$ 3.4030

$ 0.2120

$ 3.6150

$ 0.0450

98.8%

Bunkerville

$ 2.5217

$ 0.2120

$ 2.7337

$ 0.9263

74.7%

Laughlin

$ 3.3483

$ 0.2120

$ 3.5603

$ 0.0997

97.3%

Moapa

$ 2.6161

$ 0.2120

$ 2.8281

$ 0.8319

77.3%

Mt. Charleston

$ 3.4030

$ 0.2120

$ 3.6150

$ 0.0450

98.8%

Mt. Charleston Fire

$ 3.3830

$ 0.2120

$ 3.5950

$ 0.0650

98.2%

Paradise

$ 2.9328

$ 0.2120

$ 3.1448

$ 0.5152

85.9%

Winchester

$ 2.9328

$ 0.2120

$ 3.1448

$ 0.5152

85.9%

*Clark County overlapping tax rate based on the highest overlapping rate

 

 

Notably absent from CCSD’s documentation is the proposed tax levy’s effect on the Town of Searchlight.

According to Section 3 of NRS 350.0135, any affected entity approving a proposal must state in its resolution that the entity has no intent to levy property taxes which, if combined with the increase, would cause the combined property tax rate for the area to exceed the statutory limitation.

While the Mesquite City Council adopted a resolution to approve “the submission to the electors of the District the proposal to levy a special elective tax in the amount of 21.2 cents per $100 assessed valuation,” the resolution adopted struck out all language pledging to not “levy property taxes which, if combined with the Special Elective Tax” would “exceed the limitation on property taxes.”

Mesquite’s city clerk, Cherry Lawson, told Nevada Journal the city’s legal department struck out the language proposed by CCSD before submitting the proposal to the council.

“CCSD provided their resolution,” explained Lawson.  “The legal department modified it.”

The way it was adopted or approved, says Lawson, was with the language in red and the proposed language by the school district stricken.

Lawson did not know if striking through the district’s proposed language was the same as deleting it and referred Nevada Journal to the city attorney.

Lawson did say the document was accepted at face value.

Phone calls to Mesquite’s city attorney, Cheryl Truman Hunt, were not returned by deadline, but striking out text is a widely used method for deleting text.

Also contained in CCSD’s proposal is a resolution from the Clark County Library District — approved, signed and attested May 17.

The City of Las Vegas, with an overlapping property tax rate of $3.2782, was scheduled to consider the special elective tax proposal this morning.

Before the school district’s proposed special tax can be submitted to voters, it must first receive eight of 11 votes from the Debt Management Commission, Carole Vilardo, president of the Nevada Taxpayers Association, told Nevada Journal.

Villardo, a 15-year veteran member of the commission, says statutes set a strict process for seeking a special elective tax, as well as strict guidelines on what commissioners can consider and the actions they can take.

She could not predict the legal implications of the failure by North Las Vegas to adopt a resolution, or of Mesquite’s striking of the language regarding NRS 350.0135(3) from its resolution.

She did, however, confirm that debt-management commissioners could take into account the current financial woes of North Las Vegas.

Several options for action are available to commissioners, said Villardo. They include approval, disapproval, conditional or provisional approval and lowering the tax rate.

Karen Gray is an reporter/researcher with Nevada Journal. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com and http://npri.org.

Nevada News Bureau » Blog Archive » Proposal Seeking A Texas-Style Business Margins Tax To Support Public Education To Be Filed Wednesday

The intransigence of petty, gun-hating tyrants – Opinion – ReviewJournal.com

Prevailing Wage Laws

The West Fires Back

Prevailing Wage Laws

Shining a light: State Democrats take pass on transparency survey – Opinion – ReviewJournal.com

NLV peace officer challenges campus weapons policy

LAS VEGAS — A North Las Vegas peace officer is challenging the College of Southern Nevada’s weapons policy before the Nevada System of Higher Education’s Board of Regents. He says the college’s policy is inconsistent with state law.

Patrick Mendez, a sworn peace officer and corrections officer with the Nevada Department of Prisons, was prohibited from carrying his handgun on the CSN campus at the beginning of his Winter 2011 semester.

 CSN officials told him that his peace-officer status didn’t exempt him from their strict no-weapons policy.

“I am a correctional officer and as such, the need to defend myself at all times is greater than for the average citizen,” said Mendez during an April 20 NSHE Board of Regents meeting.

“This law is so prohibitive that without written permission I cannot leave my weapon secured in my vehicle in the parking lot of the campus, which leaves me defenseless on my way to and from school.”

One of the laws at issue is NRS 202.265, which prohibits weapons on the property of schools and child care facilities. Section 3 of the statute, however, lists several exemptions to the law, one of which is “peace officer”:

3. This section does not prohibit the possession of a weapon listed in subsection 1 on the property of:

(a) A private or public school or child care facility by a:

(1) Peace officer;

(2) School security guard; or

(3) Person having written permission from the president of a branch or facility of the Nevada System of Higher Education or the principal of the school or the person designated by a child care facility to give permission to carry or possess the weapon.

CSN’s weapons policy, stated in its employee handbook, references NRS 202.265. It fails to mention the exemption for peace officers, however:

Nevada law (Nevada Revised Statutes 202.265) provides that dangerous weapons, including handguns, are not permitted on campus without the express written approval of the President. This policy shall apply to all persons on the campus except law enforcement officers in the performance of their duties. Facsimile weapons are also banned. Any person found with such weapons on their person may be prosecuted for carrying concealed weapons.

The school’s policy emphasizes written permission from the president, which according to Ron Knecht, the NSHE district 9 regent, is common at the majority of NSHE properties.

“At most NSHE schools, the final authority rests with the school’s president,” said Knecht. “Schools usually cite the NRS [202.265] as their school policy, but ultimately they’re only using the part pertaining to the school president as their law.”

Mendez first became aware of CSN’s policy when he noticed several signs posted at school buildings. He contacted a CSN sergeant and the college’s chief of police, who both confirmed the policy.

Over the next several months, Mendez contacted several top brass at CSN, including Richard Hinckley, CSN’s general counsel, and Michael Richards, CSN’s president. Both refused to hear his case.

“As a correctional officer, I deal with a lot of troubled people: drug dealers, gang members, murderers,” Mendez said in an interview with Nevada Journal. “I’m not just carrying a weapon for the sake of carrying one. My line of work opens itself to a lot of threats, and I constantly need to be on guard.”

Mendez, having no luck with CSN officials, emailed Dan Klaich, NSHE chancellor, and Andrea Anderson, the NSHE district 12 regent.

“Ms. Anderson effectively told me I was wasting my time [challenging the policy] because she agreed with the policy, and [I] wouldn’t convince her to change it,” Mendez said.

When interviewed by Nevada Journal, Anderson deferred to the college president to make the final decisions.

“My personal belief is the less guns on campus, the better,” said Anderson. “However, if the college president feels there’s a need to allow guns on his campus, then I’d respect his decision since he knows his campus best.”

According to Mendez, Anderson told him there’s no need to carry a gun on campus because “that’s what the police is [sic] for,” a sentiment shared by other university officials across the state, including Adam Garcia, the University of Nevada, Reno’s police chief.

“We use NRS 202.265 as our guideline but most requests we receive to bring guns on campus are education-related, such as a student wishing to bring an antique weapon to a history class,” said Garcia. “We prefer guns stay in the hands of the police, since we’re trained to handle them and are responsible for the safety of all individuals on campus.”

State Sen. John Lee, D-North Las Vegas, who last session introduced SB 231, a bill which would have allowed individuals with concealed-carry permits to carry their weapons on NSHE property without needing permission from institution presidents, believes concealed carry on campus would actually improve campus safety.

“That’s a common argument: More weapons on campus will increase threats and lead to more Virginia Tech-type incidents,” said Lee, “but an individual who has a permit and is a responsible, law-abiding citizen on one side of the sidewalk isn’t going to suddenly become a threat when he crosses the sidewalk and steps on school property.”

Lee’s bill passed with bipartisan support in the Senate but was buried in committee in the Assembly. Many colleges opposed the bill, including the UNLV Faculty Alliance, which wrote in a blog post about SB 231:

Secondly and more importantly it is entirely unnecessary. Campuses are required to, and do, publish crime statistics and these show that NSHE's campuses are not unsafe. Indeed, the UNLV campus data shows that crime incidents are considerably less frequent on campus than in the surrounding neighborhoods.

Mendez, who is taking the semester off to run for the Assembly, thinks at some point NSHE or CSN will have to admit they don’t have the authority to deny his weapon.

“I think the law’s pretty clear in defining who is exempt and who isn’t,” he said.

“I wish they [CSN and NSHE officials] would revisit their policy and realize if they’re going to use the NRS as a rule, they shouldn’t selectively follow it.”

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

Nevada News Bureau » Blog Archive » Regent Ron Knecht Confirms He Was Let Go From His State Job, Says No Cause Given

Survey: Nevada lawmakers favor government transparency | Lake Tahoe News

Nevada News Bureau » Blog Archive » Survey Of State Lawmakers, Candidates Shows Support For Continued Government Transparency Efforts

Survey shows support for more open government – FOX5 Vegas – KVVU

Candidates, mostly challengers, back legislative transparency – News – ReviewJournal.com

It’s time for lawmakers to take the Transparency Test – Wednesday, May 23, 2012 | 2 a.m. – Las Vegas Sun

Survey shows support for more open government – Wednesday, May 23, 2012 | 1:31 a.m. – Las Vegas Sun

Survey shows support for more open government – Wednesday, May 23, 2012 | 12:22 a.m. – Las Vegas Sun

Survey shows support for more open government in Nevada | Reno Gazette-Journal | rgj.com

Health district exploits its nonprofit status to compete against private-sector clinics

LAS VEGAS — Under federal law, the Southern Nevada Health District can buy drugs and vaccines from manufacturers at much lower prices than private-sector clinics can.

However, that privilege — established by Congress in 1938 when it passed the Non-Profit Institutions Act — is conditional.

 It only exists when nonprofit health organizations are performing “safety-net” functions for the “underserved” populations they were established to serve.

That privilege does not exist, according to Supreme Court decisions, if the organization seeks to use the preferential pharmaceutical pricing it gets as a federally qualified nonprofit to compete against private-sector businesses.

Nevertheless, that is exactly what SNHD has been doing for several years, and — when contacted by Nevada Journal — indicates it will continue to do.

Moreover, SNHD and other nonprofits around the U.S. are doing this with the Obama administration’s blessing.

The district’s full-scale marketing drive targeting business, commercial and institutional clients is apparent on multiple SNHD website pages. They advertize the Workplace Vaccination Program, describe the need for employee vaccinations and explain the monthly statements and vaccine records that the district promises to provide clients.

A health-industry source even described a “cold-calling” telephone operation conducted by SNHD out of its now-closed Shadow Lane headquarters.

That operation appears to have been quite successful: Nevada Journal has learned of approximately 40 different contracts with Southern Nevada businesses that SNHD has signed in recent years.

Typical is a letter of agreement between the MGM Resorts Health Plan and the health district signed last November.

“The Southern Nevada Health District is able to provide vaccinations to staff of MGM Resorts Health Plan,” begins the letter.

“These services can be performed at SNHD by appointment, or a site visit can be scheduled at the company's place of business.”

Each employee in the MGM Resorts Health Plan treated, the letter states, would receive the three-injection Hepatitis-B vaccination series. For each injection, SNHD was to receive $71 — $55 for the dose of vaccine, plus a $16 “administration fee.”

Thus, for each MGM Resorts employee treated, the health district receives $213. That does not count the $100 setup fee SNHD charges for each site visit.

According to a health-industry source, the district pays the drug manufacturer GlaxoSmithKline about $29 for each Hepatitis-B dose. Thus SNHD’s gross profit per shot, under the MGM Resorts agreement, is about $42.

Given the number of employees in the MGM Resorts organization, SNHD’s take from this one contract must be substantial. As of the third quarter of 2011, according to the State of Nevada’s Nevada Workforce Informer website, MGM Resorts’ 10 major hotel-casinos in Las Vegas had at least 42,500 employees.

The health district’s exact revenue under this particular contract depends upon how many of those employees MGM Resorts chooses to have inoculated. Nevada Journal asked the company for that number, but eventually was denied an answer.

But if only 25 percent of employees received the vaccinations, that one agreement alone would yield the health district well over $2.2 million (42,500 x .25 x $213) in revenue.

So far, Nevada Journal is aware of almost 40 Las Vegas area businesses that have signed similar contracts with SNHD.

No private-sector vaccine provider is able to compete in price with the district because the district, as a “federally qualified health provider,” is able to purchase its vaccines for far less than what private-sector doctors or clinics must pay.

The magnitude of that difference is evident on the website of the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, where the CDC’s adult-vaccine price list shows the federal government pays $27.33 per GlaxoSmithKline-manufactured Hepatitis-B vaccine, while a private-sector company pays $52.50 per dose.

Federally anointed safety-net health providers pay prices only slightly higher than the federal government — “sub-ceiling” in the jargon of the federal Health Resources Services Administration.

According to a HRSA glossary, “sub-ceiling” means “discounts lower than the maximum allowable statutory price.”

SNHD and other providers get those hefty discounts through a private firm that holds the federal government’s exclusive contract for administering the “340B Prime Vendor Program.”

That program, named for its location in Section 340B of the Public Health Service Act, was established by Congress in 1992.

It allows “hospitals, community health centers, clinics and other safety net providers to purchase outpatient pharmaceuticals at discounted pricing, thereby expanding access to care to low-income and vulnerable segments of the population.”

Apexus, a firm in Irving, Texas, is HRSA’s exclusive contractor for its 340B Prime Vendor Program.

The company characterizes the program as “a free federal benefit to all eligible entities and requires registration with Apexus to have access to the sub-ceiling pricing.”

With a financial stake in every drug or vaccine purchased under its auspices, Apexus energetically drives to expand the program’s ranks of “covered providers.” Currently over 18,000 health-care safety-net organizations are in the program, the company says.

Apexus also aggressively drives to expand the quantity of drugs and “other pharmacy related products and services” that participating safety-net providers purchase through it.

Among those “other pharmacy related products” are vaccines, and Apexus offers them at massive discounts to 340B program members — even though Congress, when writing the 340B program, specifically chose to exclude vaccines from coverage.

Nevertheless, Apexus touts vaccines to 340B program participants as a “value-added pharmacy-related product and service” benefit that it, as their unstinting champion, has graciously procured for them.

The Texas firm also regularly advises program participants that restrictions that lawmakers wrote into the 340B program on the use of preferentially priced pharmaceutical do not cover vaccines, since vaccines were excluded from the 340B program.

The Obama administration’s HRSA advises participants similarly.

Nevada Journal acquired a copy of an e-mail sent by HRSA’s Pharmacy Services Support Center to a Nevada Health Department employee, in answer to an enquiry.

“If your organization is a Community health center or other HRSA grantee treating only outpatients,” stated boilerplate language clearly pasted into the e-mail, “it may use vaccines purchased through the 340B PVP for the entire patient population.”

It continued:

Vaccines are classified as “value added products” under the PVP (not an “outpatient covered drug”) and are only restricted by the terms and conditions of the contract between the PVP and supplier. The existing PVP vaccine suppliers do not restrict their use to CHC/HRSA grantee patients meeting the “definition of patient” under the 340B regulations. Therefore, vaccine purchased through the PVP contracts may be utilized for any patient treated by the clinic. (Emphasis added.)

The language of SNHD’s response to Nevada Journal, in an email from district spokesperson Stephanie Bethel, was virtually the same:

Vaccines are classified as “value added products” under the Prime Vendor Program, not as an “outpatient covered drug”. As such, unless otherwise restricted by the terms and conditions of the contract between the Prime Vendor Program and the Health District, vaccines purchased may be used for any population served by the Health District.

However, the 340B Prime Vendor Program restrictions referred to by Apexis, HRSA and SNHD are not the only ones existing in federal law.

Older and better-established ones are part of the Non-Profit Institutions Act, passed by Congress in 1938 to amend the Robinson-Patman antitrust act.

In the NPIA, the federally enabled discounts available to nonprofit organizations are limited to cases where such organizations are making purchases “for their own use.”

Moreover, two major U.S. Supreme Court decisions have specifically held that the “own use” language prohibits government nonprofits from using such preferentially discounted goods or services to compete against private-sector businesses.

In Abbott Labs v. Portland Retail Druggists, a 1976 case, the high court agreed with the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit that “own use” could not include “cases of resale by [a] hospital to a private consumer.”

In a concurring opinion, Justice Thurgood Marshall wrote that:

…as I understand it, the purpose of the limitation is generally to preclude the institution from taking advantage of its antitrust exemption by buying low-cost supplies solely for the purpose of reselling them at a profit. That is, Congress was primarily interested in directly aiding nonprofit institutions by lowering their operating expenses, but not interested in indirectly aiding such institutions by providing them with the means of raising additional money — particularly when such resales of supplies would put the institution in competition with retail businesses not eligible for the exemption. 

In Jefferson County Pharmaceutical Association v. Abbott Labs, a 1983 case, the Supreme Court held that “The sale of pharmaceutical products to state and local government hospitals for resale in competition with private pharmacies is not exempt from the [Robinson-Patman] Act's proscriptions.”

Said the Court, the “plain language” of the act “strongly suggests that there is no exemption for state purchases to compete with private enterprise,” while the act “does not reveal any legislative intention to enable a State … to enter private competitive markets with congressionally approved price advantages.”

Given those Supreme Court decisions, Nevada Journal asked the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services for the legal authority under which its HRSA arm and HRSA’s contractor, Apexus, were advising health-care organizations that they could use vaccines purchased through the 340B PVP for anyone in sight.

HHS did not answer the question. Instead, it forwarded the e-mail to HRSA’s Office of Communication, which merely repeated that:

…a 340B covered entity may purchase vaccines and use them for their entire patient population (consistent with any other applicable laws and regulations) as purchase of vaccines occurs outside of the requirements of the 340B Program.

In regard to the Supreme Court rulings, that question was likewise ducked:

You also referenced the Robinson-Patman Act. Violations of the Robinson-Patman Act do not fall under the purview of HRSA and its oversight of the 340B Program, but they fall under the purview of the Federal Trade Commission (FTC). Questions regarding that Act should be referred to the FTC.

The Southern Nevada Health District is not the only 340B entity in Nevada.

Both the Southern Nevada University Medical Center and the Washoe County Health District are federally qualified health safety-net providers.

Neither of them seek to resell in the retail market drugs or vaccines available to them at massive discounts through the federal government’s 340B program.

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

Nevada News Bureau » Blog Archive » Assembly Republican Leadership Calls For More Campaign Finance Transparency

County commissioners OK budget, say salaries must be better controlled – News – ReviewJournal.com

More stimulus waste?

Metro kept back report on Arroyo investigation

Four months ago, Nevada Journal, citing Nevada’s public-records law, asked to review any Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department reports dealing with its investigation into the actions of Clark County School District Police chief Filiberto (“Phil”) Arroyo.

The investigation, according to multiple reports, had been requested by CCSD Superintendent Dwight Jones. Then, just two weeks after Sheriff Doug Gillespie met with Jones in a late-December, closed-door meeting, Arroyo — then on paid administrative leave — resigned.

 Allegations at the time said that school police supervisors had tried to perpetrate a cover-up of a November 2009 party involving CCSD PD employees where underage teens had been allowed to drink.

Later that same night, one of those teenagers, drunk, smashed his car into that of UNLV honor student Angela Peterson, and killed her.

According to information provided Nevada Journal and other local media, Metro’s presentation to Jones was verbal and no written report was submitted.

The Las Vegas Review-Journal, however, did report that Gillespie said that police had not turned up “sufficient” evidence of providing alcohol to minors. And even if Metro had turned up sufficient evidence, said the article, the statute of limitations had expired.

Metro’s investigation did not include looking into whether Arroyo had initiated the widely reported cover-up, said the story.

Much of the local media, including Nevada Journal, concluded that Metro’s investigation had gone nowhere and that no written investigative reports existed.

However, that conclusion was not correct, Nevada Journal has since learned.

The nearly four-month-late response from Metro — Nevada law requires public-record requests to be answered within five business days — included a surprising revelation.

It speaks volumes about Metro’s investigation and raises more questions than the letter answers.

“No investigative report(s) were generated for this matter,” wrote Metro spokesperson Bill Cassell.

“LVMPD conducted a preliminary inquiry. The only document generated on the matter [w]as a briefing memo for the Sheriff which is not a public document pursuant to the executive privilege exception to Nevada’s public record law.”

So, just what is a preliminary inquiry?

Nevada Journal asked Cassell this and several other questions last week.

According to Cassell, a preliminary inquiry is an “unofficial evaluation.”

Did Metro investigate the alleged cover-up or just the alcohol issue, the publication asked.

Since this was an “informal investigation,” explained Cassell, there were “no records or data” for him to review in order to respond.

Barry Smith, executive director of the Nevada Press Association, says Metro’s response raises many obvious questions regarding the department’s investigation process.

“How many of them [preliminary inquiries] are there?  Who actually does these preliminary inquiries?  Is it standard practice that they generate no report?”

When asked if it was typical for Metro to do “informal investigations,” Cassell said he “really wouldn’t know if there was any frequency to something like that.”

He did say a public event such as this one, however, would not necessarily warrant a more in-depth or formal investigation.

Cassell also professed no idea how much staff time or resources were expended on this investigation, but he didn’t believe it was extensive at all.

“It concerns me,” said Smith “that a police department is doing inquiries which are not documented and which are unavailable to the public, because that’s the only way the public can evaluate whether they are doing their job or not.”

So, who initiated Metro’s investigation, or “preliminary inquiry”?

Cassell again came up blank, saying he had no records or data with which to answer that question.

According to the Review-Journal report, Gillespie stated it was at the “school district's request [that] Las Vegas police conducted an investigation into the party and whether district employees provided alcohol to minors.”

Nevada Journal last week asked CCSD Chief Communication Officer Amanda Fulkerson for clarification regarding any CCSD request for investigation as reported by the Review-Journal — as well as whether the district’s request was official or unofficial.

As the matter predated Fulkerson’s employment at CCSD, she requested CCSD PD’s help answering those questions.

Nevada Journal still awaits clarification.

Marc Cook, the Peterson family’s attorney, says he would be stunned if Metro’s investigation was unofficial.

“That makes no sense to me,” said Cook when Nevada Journal told him Metro now claims its investigation was “unofficial.” 

“I would be really disappointed if that’s the case,” he said.

According to Cook, the officer conducting Metro’s investigation was a detective in a special investigations unit.

“Is he the guy you use for a preliminary nothing?” Cook asked, rhetorically.

Metro’s claim — that it generated no written investigative reports when conducting an investigation on a matter of acute community interest and importance — suggests an assumption in the department that it is only accountable to itself and not the larger Las Vegas community.

The investigation, after all, was conducted, according to Metro, at the request of the largest employer in the state. And it concerned the welfare, ultimately, of hundreds of thousands of Clark County school children who are subject to a CCSD police department whose last three chiefs left amid controversy.

Sheriff Gillespie’s “briefing memo” may be the one existing report that offers any possibility of clarification on this entire controversy. 

Metro, however, is withholding the document from the public, asserting in its response letter to Nevada Journal that the record “is not a public document pursuant to the executive privilege exception to Nevada’s public record law.” 

Responding to the letter’s assertion that the memo is not a public document, Smith said, “it is — unless you claim it’s executive privilege.”

What is not apparent, however, is whether the sheriff actually has, in this case, any legally valid privilege.

In its response letters to Nevada Journal, Metro — as it regularly does — failed to obey the statutory provisions of the Nevada Public Records Law.

That law requires that any government entity receiving a public-records request must, no later than the end of the fifth business day after receiving the request, either:

  • Allow the requestor to inspect or copy the public record;
  • If the entity does not have legal custody of the record, provide the requestor with written notice of that fact and the name and address of the government entity that does have custody;
  • If the entity is unable to make the public book or record available by the end of the fifth business day, provide the person with written notice of that fact and a date and time after which the public book or record will be available for inspection;
  • Or, if the government entity believes it must deny a public-records request on grounds of confidentiality, it must “provide to the person, in writing:

    • “(1) Notice of that fact; and
    • “(2) A citation to the specific statute or other legal authority that makes the public book or record, or a part thereof, confidential.”

In Metro’s first response, following Nevada Journal’s initial request, Metro simply sent a form letter saying it would “be reviewing your request and will respond to you within 30 days whether or not there are public documents responsive to your request.”

Nearly 60 days later, Nevada Journal had not received a response from Metro and requested a status update.

Three weeks later — March 30 — after receiving no reply, Nevada Journal notified Cassell that the department was out of compliance with the law, precipitating Metro’s May 1 response to Nevada Journal.

That May 1 response, withholding the briefing memo, did not cite “the specific statute or other legal authority” making the document confidential, as required by NRS 239.0107.

Karen Gray is an education researcher with Nevada Journal. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com and http://npri.org.

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Canadian firm will receive up to 50 million stimulus dollars for Nevada solar plant that employs two people

LAS VEGAS — The company behind the recently opened Silver State North solar plant is eligible to receive up to $50 million in federal tax credits under the Obama administration’s “stimulus” legislation, even though the plant created only two full-time jobs.


Enbridge's Silver State North solar plant opened on Monday, May 7. The plant only employs two full-time workers. Photo courtesy of Enbridge Energy.

According to a Department of Interior memo, Enbridge Energy Partners, a Canadian-based company with extensive energy holdings in the U.S. that purchased the Southern Nevada plant from Arizona-based First Solar, “can apply for payments of up to 30 percent of the eligible costs of the project — approximately $50 million.”

The payments are available through the 1603 Program, a special exemption in the Treasury Department created by the American Reinvestment and Recovery Act to “reimburse eligible applicants for a portion of the cost of installing specified energy property used in a trade or business or for the production of income.”

The program states that the “1603 payment is made after the energy property is placed in service; a 1603 payment is not made prior to or during construction of the energy property.”

 Silver State North began service on Monday, May 7. Larry Springer, a community relations manager at Enbridge, confirmed to Nevada Journal the company intends to file a 1603 application for reimbursement.

As of March 2012, over 34,000 renewable-energy projects across the country have received $11.2 billion in taxpayer funds through the ARRA-funded program. In Nevada, 108 projects have received $147.1 million.

The Department of Energy estimates 5,500 full-time jobs were created by the program, meaning each job cost taxpayers approximately $2,036,363.

Construction of the Silver State North plant, overseen by First Solar, employed 350 people. Now owned by Enbridge, the plant only requires two full-time employees for operation.

Asked why a plant at the very southern-most tip of Nevada is named “Silver State North,” a First Solar spokesman explained that the name was selected to distinguish that plant from a second plant for which the firm is currently seeking permits. That plant — designated “Silver State South” — is to be six times larger than Silver State North, said the spokesman.

Silver State North was opened by Secretary of the Interior Ken Salazar on Monday and received praise from Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid back in Washington, D.C.

“This important clean energy project will generate affordable electricity for thousands of homes with no air pollution or waste production,” said Reid, a longtime champion of alternative-energy subsidies, in a statement. “Developing similar projects in Nevada should be an essential part of our future economic growth strategy.”

Silver State North’s subsidy per job is even greater than what the Copper Mountain Solar 1 plant in Boulder City received. That plant obtained $42 million in federal tax credits but only employs five full-time employees.

Enbridge plans to sell power generated by Silver State North to NV Energy so NV Energy can meet the state-imposed Renewable Portfolio Standard of 25 percent “green” energy by 2025.

NV Energy will pay 13 cents per kilowatt hour for Silver State North’s solar power, nearly three times the amount the company pays for natural gas, and four cents more than it pays for geothermal.

Geoffrey Lawrence, deputy policy director at the Nevada Policy Research Institute, the free-market think tank that publishes Nevada Journal, recently noted that Nevada’s residential electricity prices are 31.1 percent higher than they were in 2002.

Lawrence compared Nevada electricity prices to those in Texas, which has a deregulated energy market yet still manages to generate renewable energy.

“In fact, private retailers in Texas have shown that they can generate a significant share of the electricity mix using renewable sources even without government mandates,” wrote Lawrence.

“On the competitive market, advertising high renewable content has become an important marketing concept to attract customers. So, entrepreneurs have discovered innovative ways to bring renewable electricity to market in order to satisfy consumers’ desires — rather than to just satisfy government mandates.”

The White House plans to continue to promote clean-energy efforts in Nevada, with Nancy Sutley, chair of the White House Council on Environmental Quality, scheduled to visit Henderson today. In Reno on Friday, President Obama will tout his congressional “To-Do List,” which includes “invest in clean energy manufacturing.”

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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CCSD defends breakfast program, disputes ‘Slurpee’ claim

LAS VEGAS — The Clark County School District is defending its all-school-breakfast program, following last week's Nevada Journal story featuring parents concerned over high sugar levels in the food and CCSD usurping parental rights.

According to the district, the amounts of sugar in the breakfast foods are very low, and children "do not have to take the breakfast, but must be offered breakfast."

 Virginia Beck, assistant director of procurement and production with CCSD's Food Service department, said the breakfasts contain one-fourth of the nutrients children need in a day, and meets United States Department of Agriculture guidelines.

"All entrees offered are low in sugar and fat and contain the required nutrient," Beck wrote in an e-mail. "A child who eats a sugar-coated cereal at home will get far more sugar than they [sic] receive from school breakfast."

 CCSD also disputed a parent's claim that the district's cinnamon rolls contain more sugar and carbohydrates than a 32-ounce Slurpee.

"Depending on the flavor, the Slurpee has 72 — 130 grams of sugar and 288 — 520 grams of carbohydrate," Beck wrote. "Our cinnamon roll contains 11 grams of sugar and 60 grams of carbohydrate."

Beck said she found the Slurpee nutritional info in dietary books. Nutrition labels posted by Slurpee's distributing company, 7-11, though, tell a different story.

A 32-ounce Fanta Grape Slurpee, for example, contains 268 calories, 0 grams of fat, 72 grams of carbohydrates and 72 grams of sugar.

According to CCSD's nutritional chart, the cinnamon roll contains 316 calories, 6 grams of fat and 60 grams of carbohydrates.

Sugar contents, however, are not listed on CCSD's publicly available nutritional chart, since the USDA doesn't require such listing. Nor are nutrition labels on the cinnamon-roll packaging.

Jeana Cheney, the PTA president at Martin Luther King Junior Elementary who made the Slurpee comparison, says if the district is going to feed children any type of food, there needs to be better communication between the district and parents.

"If the district thinks parents are misinformed, then it needs to do a better job of making sure parents have all the information at their disposal," said Cheney.

"If you're going to operate this program, do it right and keep parents informed every step of the way, because we [parents] aren't in the breakfast line with our kids in the morning."

According to the January 2012 USDA school meal guidelines, K-5 breakfasts must fall between 350 and 500 calories. However, the guidelines don't say anything about approved amounts of sugar. Cheney finds that disturbing.

"You'd think given the concerns over child obesity and diabetes, all nutritional info would be readily available, but maybe the government and the schools don't think it's as important as parents do," Cheney said.

The complete breakfast meal, according to Beck, consists of an entrée such as the cinnamon roll, a choice of 1 percent white or chocolate milk, juice, and a side of either yogurt, fruit or cheese.

The cinnamon-roll meal with white milk and fruit, according to the district's nutritional data, would have 450 calories. Chocolate milk would push the meal over 500 calories, a level higher than that of a Burger King bacon, egg and cheese breakfast muffin, and about the same as a McDonald's hamburger Happy Meal.

Donnell Barton, director of child nutrition and school health at the Nevada Department of Education, reaffirmed that all the breakfast programs are within USDA calorie guidelines, and said that meeting the students' "nutritional needs" is the goal of the national program.

"I can't speak for the Clark County School District but the purpose for the National School Lunch and School Breakfast Programs is to provide for the nutritional needs of children," Barton wrote in an e-mail. "Research has shown that a child who is nourished performs better in school."

Cheney maintained that parents, not the district, should have the final say over their children's meals.

"There are many comparisons you could make showing this breakfast isn't good for our kids," Cheney said. "There's no question too many kids come to school hungry, but if the district feels it needs to take it upon itself to solve this problem, they need to do it the right way, and they need to be open with parents about this process."

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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CCSD universal-breakfast program has more sugar than ‘a 32-ounce Slurpee’

LAS VEGAS — When Jeana Cheney, PTA president at Martin Luther King Junior Elementary School, learned her school started a new government-funded breakfast program last fall, she didn't think her children would be served "cake for breakfast."

"Serving kids chocolate, cinnamon rolls, sugar — that's not the right way to feed them," said Cheney. "On the days when we have the cinnamon roll option, you would get less carbohydrates and sugar from a 32-ounce Slurpee than you would from what they offer the children."

 MLK Jr. Elementary is one of 76 elementary schools in the Clark County School District piloting a universal-breakfast program this year, and the program has been criticized by both parents and teachers. Parents say the district is usurping their parental rights and serving unhealthy food, while teachers say the program cuts at least 40 minutes of instructional time out of the school day.

Beatriz Rubio, president of the Ronzone Elementary school PTA, is another parent who dislikes the universal-breakfast program. She finds the schools' assumption of responsibility for her child's eating habits arrogant and patronizing.

 "What is going to be next?" she asked CCSD trustees during the Jan. 26 board meeting. "Bring your kids, we're going to give them a shower?"

"I don't think the school needs to be taking [responsibility] away from the parents. It just makes it more difficult for the parents, the school, and the kids," said Rubio.

"I had to change how I fed my kids because they were getting their sugar fix at school in the morning, and we [parents] shouldn't have to adjust to a program we don't necessarily want," Cheney said.

The program replaced CCSD's old breakfast program, which provided government-funded meals only for certain in-need students who signed up. By contrast, the new program serves meals to every student, regardless of need, and has no waiver clause for parents wishing to opt-out.

The United States Department of Agriculture reimburses CCSD's Food Services department for each meal, but Virginia Beck, the department's assistant director of procurement and production, cannot specify a total cost for the pilot program. The Nevada Department of Education says that the previous, non-universal breakfast programs operated by CCSD cost over $9 million annually.

CCSD Trustee Erin Cranor says the goal of the new program is to ensure every student starts the day with a full stomach.

"Unfortunately, we have way too many students in our district showing up for school who haven't eaten," she said in a recent interview with Nevada Journal, "and we felt that was a major problem we needed to address."

At a Jan. 26, 2012 board meeting, however, Cranor, responding to public comments about the universal breakfast, blamed state lawmakers for the program, saying: "That is one example of a state law that I think was well intentioned, and felt good for state legislators to pass, that's actually had a negative impact."

The legislation she was referring to, which would have required school districts to provide a free breakfast program for all students, was vetoed by Gov. Brian Sandoval, however. And CCSD cited its own proposed program as a reason for opposing the bill, AB 137.

Beck, who testified against AB 137 on behalf of the district, defended the CCSD program and the meals' nutritional value, telling Nevada Journal all meals must adhere to USDA guidelines.

"Our breakfast must provide a certain amount of calories. It can't go under, it can't go over," Beck said in an interview. "It has to be low in fat, low in saturated fat, no trans fat, low sugar, and it has to provide a certain amount of the vitamins and minerals the students need as well."

Parents, though, are concerned that district officials are apparently indifferent to the impact of high-sugar foods on children's health.

"They need to realize that some of these kids have ADHD and are diabetic," said Monique Keller. "They're not addressing any of these issues." Her grandchildren attend MLK Jr. Elementary.

Teachers, too, have spoken out at school board meetings, saying the program wastes up to 40 minutes of instructional time every morning.

"I just don't know why they can't do [the program] before teacher and instructional time in the morning," said Peg Bean, a special-education teacher at Ronzone Elementary. "We had an old, optional program that seemed to work better and took up much less time."

Cranor admitted as much during the Jan. 26 board meeting, saying during public comments about the breakfast program: "It's shortened our school day, in effect."

According to Cheney, several teachers at her school have told her in private that the program can cut up to two hours of instructional time out of the day, but are afraid to speak on the record in fear of retaliation from the district.

"I've spoken with teachers about lots of issues aside from just the class time," Cheney said. "Kids become too hyper from the sugar, they play with the food, and they throw out tons of uneaten food they're forced to take but don't want."

Kristi Watson, an art teacher with CCSD, said at a Sept. 8 board meeting last year that tossed out, uneaten foods contributes an additional 3,000 plastic trash bags per week, reflecting poorly on the district's "green" image.

"Ironically, right now, I'm teaching about the conservation of the oceans, and one of my third graders raised their hand and said, ‘What about all the plastic bags?'" Watson told the board.

Beck says she understands the criticism, but blames most of the criticism on teachers being under pressure to raise test scores.

"Everyone's under a lot of pressure," Beck said. "With that being said, the teachers don't want to take away from instructional time, but many teachers are also creative in the way they handle the breakfast and are thankful the students are full and more apt to do their work."

Cranor said trustees don't have a formal timeline for reassessing the program, but said it would probably happen when the students were on summer vacation.

"Any new program is going to have its positives and negatives, and we've heard parties discuss both aspects," she said. "It goes back to asking how can we ensure students aren't coming to school hungry, and how can we ensure students are prepared to learn in the morning."

In that regard, Cheney has some blunt advice for the district:

"If you want to feed the children, don't be a hero."

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. Karen Gray, a reporter/researcher for Nevada Journal, contributed to this report. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Coroner reports cause of death for notary

The notary for Lender Processing Services in Las Vegas, who was found dead last November, died with three medicines in her bloodstream, according to the Clark County Coroner’s office.

Tracy Lawrence had been scheduled to appear for sentencing in a plea deal with the Nevada Attorney General’s Office on Monday, Nov. 28, 2011, but was later found dead at home.

 Cause of death was initially not known. Today, following toxicology tests, a coroner’s office spokesman told Nevada Journal the cause of death was listed as “dithenhydramine-alprazolam-hydroxyzine intoxication.”

Alprazolam, according to the National Institutes of Health’s online library of medicine, is a prescription medicine used to treat anxiety and panic disorder (sudden, unexpected attacks of extreme fear and worry). Xanax is a well-known brand name for alprazolam.

Hydroxyzine is used both for anxiety and for the relief of itching caused by allergies. Additionally, it is used to control nausea and vomiting caused by various conditions, including motion sickness. It is also used to treat the symptoms of alcohol withdrawal.

Dithenhydramine is taken to relieve red, irritated, itchy, watery eyes, sneezing and runny nose caused by hay fever, allergies, or the common cold.

Intoxication has both a technical and a popular meaning. According to Merriam-Webster.com, the primary meaning is “an abnormal state that is essentially a poisoning,” as in “carbon monoxide intoxication.”

A secondary meaning is “the condition of being drunk.”

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Citations suggest Nevada law permissive on ‘robo-signing’

LAS VEGAS — When the late Tracy Lawrence went before a Clark County Grand Jury last November to be quizzed about her activities as a notary for Lender Processing Services, she must have felt uneasy.

 On the one hand, supervisors in the big back-office firm serving the mortgage industry had repeatedly assured her and other employees that what they’d been doing — signing supervisors’ names, with the supervisors’ permission, to notices of default — was entirely lawful in Nevada.

It was also legal, employees were told, for them to then notarize such documents without having the alleged signer in front of them.

 On the other hand, the national news for an entire year had been full of stories about “robo-signing,” “forgery,” “foreclosure fraud” and the like. In the office, the anxiety had been rising. One notary in the office — notwithstanding the assurances from higher-ups — simply refused to sign and notarize documents. Instead, he notarized blank documents, and let someone else sign them with a title officer’s name. To Tracy, that seemed, at best, a distinction without a difference.

The Nov. 8, 2011, Clark County Grand Jury transcript shows that Chief Deputy Attorney General John Kelleher led Tracy through numerous questions and into a discussion of a phone conversation she’d had with her supervisor, LPS Title Officer Gary Trafford:

Kelleher: What did he tell you on the phone?

A. He told me that we were going to continue treating our documents as I always had.

Q. Basically would it be fair to say forging his name?

A. Well, I don't consider it that since he told me to, but I guess legally if that's what you want to call it.

Q. What would you call it if you were to sign someone else's name?

A. Well, the fact that he gave me permission I don't consider it forgery, but I guess, like I said, legally that's probably the definition.

Unfortunately for Tracy — and indeed for the office of Nevada Attorney General Catherine Cortez Masto itself — it now appears that Tracy’s vague understanding of Nevada notary law was actually better grounded than that of the head of the attorney general’s Mortgage Fraud Strike Force. 

While the strategy the attorney general and her staff were pursuing is classic — first charge lower-level targets, then “flip” them into becoming witnesses against higher-ups — there was a fundamental problem.

From all appearances, detailed below, no one in the attorney general’s office had ever taken the time to become fully conversant with the relevant Nevada law.

Nevertheless:

  • On Nov. 14, 2011, the office got Lawrence — represented only by Clark County Deputy Public Defender Brigid Hoffman — to agree to plead guilty to violation of NRS 240.155, a gross misdemeanor.
  • The next day, the attorney general’s office indicted Trafford and fellow LPS title officer Gerri Sheppard, charging them, together, with 404 felony counts and 202 gross-misdemeanor counts.
  • Then, a month later, on Dec. 15, attorney general deputies filed a civil complaint against Lender Processing Services itself, charging that the company and its various subsidiaries “falsified, forged and/or fraudulently executed an unknown number of foreclosure-related documents in Nevada and across the country” and so violated the state’s consumer protection law, NRS Chapter 598, the Nevada Deceptive Trade Practices Act.

Attorneys for LPS filed their response — a motion for dismissal of the attorney general’s complaint against the company — on Jan. 30, 2012.

While the attorney general’s brief had been largely general — recounting Nevada’s plight as the location of the country’s highest foreclosure rate and asserting nonspecific patterns and practices by LPS of “deceptive conduct that willfully misled consumers, courts and the public” — the LPS attorneys’ motion was full of specific, on-point citations of Nevada law.

Moreover, the statutes and precedents cited by the LPS attorneys suggest Nevada law is actually much more permissive regarding the various activities that, together, constitute “robo-signing,” than one would ever gather from the court filings and press releases issued by the Nevada attorney general’s office.

Take, for example, the practice of one person authorizing another to sign the former’s name to legal documents — something that the attorney general’s office “repeatedly mischaracterizes as ‘forgery,’” say the LPS lawyers, adding that:

… Nevada law expressly permits a person to authorize another person to sign their name on documents, including negotiable instruments. See NRS 104.3402; see also NRS 111.205(1). Because surrogate signing is permitted by both statutory and common law, it is not actionable under the Act. See NRS 598.0955(1)(a).

They then cite numerous court rulings that an “essential element of forgery is the lack of authority of the signor to sign the document.”

The LPS motion asserted the AG’s complaint is “a collection of suppositions, legal conclusions, and inflammatory labels that … should be dismissed with prejudice.”

Early last week, it was attorneys for Gary Trafford weighing in. They spotlighted what seems to be another gaping hole in the attorney general’s case against the two LPS title officers — and also in the case against the late Tracy Lawrence that led to her guilty plea.

First, Trafford’s attorneys noted that the attorney general had indicted the title officer on a spectacular 204 counts of “forgery” and 102 counts of filing “forged” documents with the Clark County Recorder.

Then, having established the centrality of the forgery issue, Trafford’s attorneys turned to the legislative history of the law that Tracy Lawrence had been accused of breaking: NRS 240.155.

The provision had been part of a housekeeping measure, Senate Bill 453, submitted by the Secretary of State’s Office during the 2005 Nevada Legislature.

Deputy Secretary of State Renee Parker told the Assembly Judiciary Committee that “Section 1 of the amendment provides for a gross misdemeanor for a notary public … to notarize a signature of an individual who is not in the presence of a notary.”

“It only makes that provision,” she continued, “if they willfully notarize that document.”

Assemblyman John Carpenter, a rancher in Elko County, expressed concern:

Say a person wants to lease some property from my wife and me. They send a document on Friday afternoon by Federal Express. They want this document back by Wednesday of the next week so they can take it to their boss to have it approved. There is a person that has been notarizing my signature for 20 years and works in an attorney’s office. We try to find him over the weekend, and he is not around. So I sign the document, and my wife takes it down to the notary. He notarizes it Monday morning, even though I’m in Carson City. Under this scenario, would the notary and myself be committing any gross misdemeanor?

Replied Parker:

No. Because we do have situations where you are known to the notary, they can notarize your signature if they have been notarizing it for years. Section 1 is a person who is not in the presence of the notary public or unknown to the notary public. So in the circumstance of the notary public who has never notarized your signature, they would be committing a gross misdemeanor. In circumstances of someone you are known to, they would not be.

Later in the hearing, Assemblywoman Barbara Buckley inquired about a practice followed by staff at the Clark County legal aid center that she administers.

“We oftentimes notarize for the homeless,” she said. “Sometimes we have to really patch this together, so we will get a shelter worker who once saw their identification to notarize that yes, they swear this is the person.”

Replied Parker: “It was not our intent to prohibit a currently allowed practice.”

About two weeks later the bill was once again before Assembly Judiciary.

“What is the pleasure of the Committee?” asked Chairman Bernie Anderson, D-Sparks.

“We need to make it part of the record,” said Assemblyman Carpenter, “that if it’s a notary who has known someone for a long time, and if you’re not in that presence and they notarize, they are not guilty of a gross misdemeanor.

“Ms. Parker stated that at the hearing, but I think it needs to be made part of the record so that does not happen. Very often you need to have something notarized, and maybe you can’t be right there at the same time. If he or she has known you for a long time, it should be no problem.”

Anderson agreed — announcing: “Whoever gets the assignment for this, Mr. Carpenter will make sure they get the opportunity to read this particular section when we do the statement on the Floor,” during the committees’ official reports to the full Legislature.

Contacted by telephone in Elko County on Friday, Carpenter said he’d been trying to make sure the modified language pushed by the Secretary of State’s Office did not ignore the situation of people “in the real world.”

“Those situations, they come up, you know,” he said.

Traveling back and forth from the Legislature in Carson City, “I wouldn’t get back home here until late at night. And maybe we were selling a piece of property, or buying a piece of property, or whatever and [a document] had to be notarized. So I’d sign it, and my wife would take it down to the notary on Monday.

“That’s why I brought it up, you know, at the hearing. And Bernie understood, you know, what I was talking about. And I’m sure the secretary of state, she understood it…. When you’re in the Legislature, you have to try to apply it to real-life situations. That’s what I was trying to do there, and everybody understood.”

Originally, attorneys for the LPS firms and the attorney general’s office were scheduled to appear before the Eighth District Court on March 13.

In mid-February, however, the state and LPS jointly agreed to “engage in settlement negotiations.”

Those negotiations are now proceeding.

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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AG Masto’s office guilty of prosecutorial misconduct, sloppy legal practice, argues brief

LAS VEGAS — When is a legal brief blistering hot?

One answer: When it asserts the office of Nevada Attorney General Catherine Cortez Masto engaged in both prosecutorial misconduct and sloppy legal practice — and then supports those assertions with strong legal arguments and evidence.

The brief in question — supporting a petition for a writ of habeas corpus joined with a motion to dismiss — was filed Monday in Clark County District Court by attorneys for Gary Trafford.

 Trafford — one of two mid-level managers for Lender Processing Services (LPS) indicted by Masto's office in mid-November — is currently being held in the Clark County Detention Center, awaiting trial.

LPS is the country's largest back-office mortgage-default processing firm. Trafford, a title officer, was charged with 204 felony counts of "forging" documents because he directed the late Tracy Lawrence, his assistant, to sign his name on notices of default. Another 102 felony counts accuse him of offering "forged" documents for filing with the Clark County Recorder's Office.

His attorneys are asking that he be released from imprisonment (the writ) and that the charges against him be dismissed.

"In its overzealous attempt to make a criminal case against someone connected to Nevada's recent increase in foreclosures," they assert, "the Nevada Attorney General … has been sloppy and has overreached."

Not only is the AG disregarding the actual definition of "forgery," Trafford's attorneys argue, but the AG is also attempting to criminalize conduct that was never intended by lawmakers to be criminal, while ignoring "the operative statutes of limitations."

"In truth," the brief says, "Trafford's alleged conduct was not criminal; the AG's indictment is facially defective and is the product of prosecutorial misconduct, including fundamentally incorrect legal instructions and inflammatory hearsay presented to the grand jury."

Not only did members of the attorney general's office fail in their "duty to instruct the grand jury on the legal requirements for the crimes charged," but they "actually misled the grand jury as to the definition of ‘forgery,' causing it to return an indictment without probable cause.

"The prosecution also offered highly inflammatory and baseless hearsay testimony from its chief investigator that homeowners said they had been wrongfully foreclosed upon as a result of the NODs [notices of default] at issue in this case.

"But when grand jurors attempted to probe the factual basis for this testimony, the prosecutors improperly precluded any questioning on the subject, thereby preventing the grand jury from learning the truth."

That truth was, asserts the brief, "that the AG actually had no evidence that homeowners were wrongfully foreclosed upon due to the NODs at issue in this case. The indictment should be dismissed to deter these prosecutorial abuses and to prevent Trafford from being prejudiced by defending against an indictment that was procured by patently wrong legal instructions and improper evidence."

Trafford's attorneys raise broad questions as to the fundamental legal competence of the Nevada Attorney General's Office when they argue that the claims made by in the indictment reveal that "the AG" fails to understand the fundamental legal definition of "forgery."

"As a matter of law," they write, "‘forgery' requires the AG to prove that Lawrence (1) did not have authorization to sign the NODs, and (2) acted with criminal intent to defraud."

However, no evidence was "presented to the grand jury to establish probable cause for either of these essential elements."

Instead, the attorneys note, when LPS notary Tracy Lawrence appeared before the grand jury, she initially testified to the exact opposite: that she had been authorized by Trafford to sign his name, and so did not believe doing so constituted forgery.

"Inexcusably, the prosecutors persisted in their erroneous understanding of the law, and actually bullied Lawrence into accepting their incorrect definition of the crime," wrote Trafford's attorneys.

The 43-year-old Lawrence was found dead Nov. 28, the day she was due to be in court to be sentenced as part of the plea deal she had agreed to with the attorney general's office. Investigators have ruled out homicide but so far have not stated a cause of death.

After the "completely baseless" allegations of forgery against Trafford, say his attorneys, "the only remaining allegedly wrongful conduct is that Lawrence supposedly notarized NODs when Trafford was not physically present before her.

"But the Class D felony statute charged in the indictment does not criminalize this conduct. And the gross misdemeanor statute was never intended to criminalize the conduct at issue here, where Lawrence and Trafford had been personally acquainted for many years.

"Both the Secretary of State who proposed the law, and the Nevada legislature that enacted the law, made it clear that the gross misdemeanor statute does not apply if the notary is personally acquainted with the witness:

If it's a notary who has known someone for a long time, and if you're not in that [sic] presence and they notarize, they are not guilty of a gross misdemeanor.

"Under Nevada law, this clear legislative intent controls, and the conduct alleged in the indictment is not subject to criminal sanctions."

Neither Masto's office nor attorneys for defendant Gary Trafford would comment for this article.

The second LPS manager indicted at the same time as Trafford was Geraldine Sheppard. Indictments for both individuals emerged out of two days of grand jury proceedings, the first on Nov. 8, 2011, and the second a week later on Nov. 15.

Representing the Nevada Attorney General's Office before the grand jury were Chief Deputy Attorney General John Kelleher, who heads the attorney general's Mortgage Fraud Strike Force, Senior Deputy Attorney General Robert Giunta and deputy Attorneys General Sam Kern and Helene Lester.

Representing Gary Trafford in the request for the writ and dismissal of the indictment are attorneys Kirk Lenhard and Anthony Diraimondo, for the Las Vegas law firm of Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck, LLP, and attorneys John Hueston and Alexander Porter, for the Los Angeles firm of Irell & Manella, LLP.

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://www.npri.org/.

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Rep. Berkley ‘hopeful’ health-care law not overturned

LAS VEGAS — U.S. Rep. Shelley Berkley, D-Nev., said Wednesday she's "hopeful" the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act won't be struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court.

During a town hall-style meeting hosted by the Las Vegas Chamber of Commerce, she also avoided any reference to the ethics investigation she's facing in the House of Representatives.

 "Let's see what the Supreme Court decides, and we'll take it from there," Berkley said when asked if Congress would introduce a new law if the current one — commonly dubbed "Obamacare" — is ruled unconstitutional.

Speaking to an audience of 170 people at The Palms Resort, Berkley emphasized her support of expanded Medicare and health-insurance coverage for all Nevadans.

"People who have health care will live longer and will ultimately save taxpayers billions of dollars," she said.

Berkley didn't say how the government should pay for increased health-care coverage. The leader of her party, President Barack Obama, supports tax increases.

Last fall, the New York Times spotlighted Berkley's avid support for federal health-care funding while her husband's medical firm was under contract to hospitals including University Medical Center, the largest taxpayer-funded hospital in Southern Nevada. Her husband's firm, Bernstein, Pokroy and Lehrner, LTD, specializes in kidney care, an area Berkley fought to include in Medicare coverage.

Last month, the House Ethics Committee announced it had launched an ethics investigation into Berkley's behavior. During her speech, the congresswoman mentioned many family members but not her husband.

Berkley, running against Republican Dean Heller for the U.S. Senate, did not mention him in today's speech, nor did she mention Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, a major supporter of her Senate campaign.

Instead, she stayed with a stump speech touting her priorities for, she said, improving Nevada's economy.

One prominent topic was her introduction of the Clean Energy Jobs Act, which would eliminate subsidies for "Big Oil" and increase subsidies for renewable-energy projects. The bill currently has no co-sponsors.

"We need the renewable-energy manufacturing projects here. Big Oil doesn't," said Berkley. "I want to make Nevada the clean-energy capital of the world."

She touched on Nevada's housing crisis and emphasized her optimism about the state's economy.

"Once people have more money to come spend here, we'll be back," Berkley said.

In attendance were multiple state lawmakers, including Assembly Speaker John Oceguera, state Senate Majority Leader Steven Horsford and Assembly Majority Leader Marcus Conklin.

The Chamber plans to host events with each member of Nevada's congressional delegation. U.S. Rep. Joe Heck, a Republican, is scheduled to speak in July.

Kyle Gillis is a reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://www.npri.org/.

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New charter school offers alternative to CCSD

Nevada’s new approach to charter schools is quickly becoming real for Clark County moms and dads.

Meeting in a downtown Henderson Convention Center ballroom recently, parents began getting acquainted with the people and the unique plans of Pinecrest Academy of Nevada — the first-ever charter school approved by the state’s new Public Charter School Authority.

 Classes for grades K-7 will open this fall at the school’s campus, 1360 S. Boulder Highway.

Although it’s in an older area of Henderson, parents came from across the valley to learn more about Clark County’s newest “School of Choice.”

“Choice,” Dr. Reggie Revis, Pinecrest’s principal, told the group, “means that you don’t have to be here.

“It’s not just because you live down the road that you have to come here.

“You have decided to be here.”


Dr. Reggie Revis, principal of Pinecrest Academy, talks about the new charter school before a full room of parents and potential students.

Unlike students attending regular public schools in the Clark County School District, children of parents who choose a public charter school can attend any charter school that has seats available. They don’t have to attend a particular school just because it’s geographically down the street.

“We live near [Nellis Air Force] Base,” one parent told Nevada Journal. “We’re driving 15 minutes every morning to take our kids to school.”

Driving to Henderson is just 15 minutes in a different direction, she said.

Charter schools are tuition-free public schools that operate independently of the local school board of trustees. Teachers continue to be licensed by the state and the schools comply with federal No Child Left Behind mandates.

But individual charter schools can differ substantially in their philosophies, guiding principles and governance structures. It largely depends on exactly what mission the school has undertaken.

Similarly, parents choose charter schools for varying reasons.

For the parent who lives near the base, it’s about school performance.

Her children are zoned for a CCSD school that has not made adequate yearly progress for seven years, according to the No Child Left Behind rankings.

She spoke to Nevada Journal on the ground rule of anonymity because, she explained, she’s currently “fudging it” — driving her children across town to attend a school outside their zone and outside CCSD’s approved optional school-choice list.

She won’t put them in the school down the street because of its poor quality, she says. And she won’t send them to either of the schools on the CCSD school-choice list because they aren’t quality schools, either.

Under No Child Left Behind, parents of students in Title I schools that fail to make AYP two years in a row can opt for enrollment in another school which did make AYP. CCSD provides a list, typically containing two option schools, for parents to choose from.  Transportation to option schools is provided by CCSD.

With Pinecrest, the mother says, she won’t have to worry about “fudging” any more to get her children into an achieving school.

That’s because Pinecrest is aiming to emulate CCSD’s Gifted and Talented Education (GATE) program.

The school will offer “differentiated instruction,” including instructional practices such as direct instruction, small-group learning and inquiry-based learning, for 150 minutes weekly, Principal Revis told the gathered parents.

Parents can also expect elementary classes to visit the Science Inquiry room for about an hour a week to participate in active, hands-on science lessons. In addition, Spanish, Visual Arts, Physical Education and Music will be offered to all classes.  

Currently, the school is speaking to sponsors about after-school soccer and possibly lacrosse. Karate is also planned for after school, and martial arts is planned to be incorporated into the PE program, Revis told Nevada Journal.

Pinecrest also envisions a National Junior Honor Society, a National Elementary Honor Society, and a Spanish Honor Society.  

For a group of local private-school parents, it was these and other activities which caught their interest.

“We’re looking to a more well-rounded school,” one private-school mom told Nevada Journal. “It’s not just academics, but everything outside that as well.

“Some of the private schools are not offering sports or some of the other things —like music,” she said.

“We don’t want the status quo,” her husband added. “We want someone who is going to push our kids, keep them intrigued, engaged and keep them pushing.”

These parents, like the others in attendance, are looking for the best educational fit for their children.

“If it’s not here,” said the father, “it will be somewhere else. We’re looking for something more than public school.”

One mom from CT Sewell, an older Henderson elementary school, told Nevada Journal she liked the fact that teacher contracts were renewed on an annual basis.

“One of the things that I liked,” she said, “was that they can take [the job] away — [from] teachers that are not good.”

Her friend, Dawn Davis, chimed in, saying that to get the school or the district to do anything when there’s a problem with a teacher is “like an act of Congress.”

At Pinecrest, however, teachers who do not perform to standard will simply not have their contracts renewed, explained Bob Howell, a representative of the school’s management company.

Parents can learn more about the school and its ongoing parent information meetings or apply to Pinecrest Academy through the school’s website.

Currently, applications are being accepted for the next enrollment lottery selection, to be held on April 12, 2012. 

 “Enrollment,” wrote Revis in an e-mail earlier this week, “[has been] moving along swimmingly.”

Because Pinecrest is enrolling students daily, he could not provide an estimate for the number of slots open in each grade level. 

However, Revis did say, “Our board can determine at any time to expand or add a grade level because of community demand.  

“After all, charter schools exist to reflect and respond to the local desires of our good families.”

Karen Gray is an education researcher with Nevada Journal. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com and http://npri.org.

Nevada News Bureau » Blog Archive » 2011 Public Employee Salary Data Shows Nearly 1,000 Workers In The $200K Club

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Have laws to aid defaulting homeowners hurt Nevada’s more-responsible majority?

To help homeowners who couldn’t keep current with their mortgages, Nevada legislators in 2009 and 2011 changed state laws to make foreclosures more difficult for banks and other lenders.

Given all the headlines about “robo-signing” and other mortgage-industry improprieties, passage of the legislation was easy.

 And when industry representatives advised caution — that the legislation could easily delay Nevada’s exit from its economic depression — sponsors of the bills, more than once, became indignant.

The new laws, the lawmakers insisted, were simply a matter of fairness — of justice.

“This bill is not about recovery,” lectured Assembly Majority Leader Marcus Conklin, the main sponsor of the often-punitive AB 284. “This is about justice, plain and simple.

“If the recovery of the housing market is more important to you than basic human justice associated with the ownership of a house,” he told other lawmakers, “then by all means vote no on this bill. I can live with that.”

Today, that question of justice and fairness has arisen again — but coming from a different angle.

Specifically: How fair were legislators to most Nevadans? To the overwhelming majority of responsible homeowners who kept up their payments — or only purchased dwellings within their means in the first place?

For those individuals, new data suggests, the changes state legislators wrote into law have been financially damaging — reducing the value of their homes even more than otherwise would be the case.

Total cost to Nevada homeowners could easily be in the billions.

The evidence supporting such conjecture is located some 300 miles to the southeast, in Phoenix. There, in contrast to Vegas, home prices are heading dramatically upward.

 While Southern Nevada residential prices, all last year and through this January, continued to decline, prices in Phoenix over the same period have instead rebounded vigorously — and much more so than anywhere else in the country.

The remarkable turnaround in Phoenix real-estate prices caught The Wall Street Journal’s attention on March 13. “Rise in Phoenix Housing Shows Path for Other Cities,” said the headline.

Although Phoenix was one of the hardest-hit housing markets in the country, “real-estate economists across the country,” said the Journal, are now studying the area’s “early but surprisingly broad” rebound.

“Phoenix has found a viable formula,” wrote Journal housing reporter Nick Timiraos. Part of that formula, he noted, is the ease with which banks in Arizona can take properties back from defaulting homeowners and put those properties up for sale.

Not only is that contrary to the rules in many states, where court approval is required, but it is now an important difference between Nevada and Arizona.

Both states were non-judicial foreclosure states until 2009, when Nevada legislators passed AB 149, a law that allowed defaulting borrowers to compel their lenders to participate in court-structured mediations.

Then, two years later, Silver State legislators added on AB 284, which gave defaulting borrowers even more leverage vis-à-vis the firms that had lent them money.

The new law — subsequently signed by Gov. Brian Sandoval — made lenders and mortgage servicers subject to criminal prosecution.

They are now liable to be charged with a category C felony if, in their filing of the numerous new documents the law requires, a document contains what some government prosecutor might choose to see as a “false representation concerning title.”

The mandatory sentence set by statute for such a felony is imprisonment in the state prison for least one year and fines of up to $10,000.

AB 284 also, in the view of critics, gave virtual hunting licenses to lawyers representing defaulting borrowers. It did this by placing the equivalent of bounties on any lender’s failure to disclose every prior known beneficiary of the deed of trust in a notarized affidavit. Any such mistake by a lender is, to a borrower’s lawyer, worth the greater of $5,000 or treble the amount of actual damages, plus “reasonable” attorneys’ fees and costs.

Nevada Banking Association President Bill Uffelman told Nevada Journal that, “The homeowner who hasn’t paid their mortgage in a year, two years, whatever,” now “has an ability to sue you for civil damages for foreclosing and having what are deemed to be improper documents.”

That’s the reason, he says, why lenders’ filing of notices of default — a necessary step before a bank can reclaim a house — came to a screeching halt in October, when AB 284 took effect.

Attorney Tisha Black-Chernine, who testified in behalf of AB 284 during the 2011 Legislature and whose firm is under contract to the office of Attorney General Catherine Cortez Masto, argues that AB 284 shouldn’t be blamed for the statewide drop in market-clearing foreclosures.

Figures from the state foreclosure-mediation program, however, show that filings of notices of default averaged 5,431 per month from July 2009 through September 2011, but have averaged only 211 per month since then.

In Phoenix, however, wrote the Wall Street Journal, the “local economy is on the upswing with several big employers like Amazon.com Inc. and Intel Corp. hiring again, which is further increasing demand for housing. And the region is benefiting from a surge of buyers from Canada who are using their favorable exchange rate to scoop up bargains in the desert.”

When those words were written, Case-Shiller numbers showed Phoenix home prices had jumped 0.79 percent between November and December. Since then, January’s numbers became available, showing the next month-over-month figures up another 0.91 percent.

Dennis Smith, of the Las Vegas firm Home Builders Research, believes the Wall Street Journal analysis of Arizona’s market turnaround “makes sense.”

He cautions that, in real estate, “you never say always or never or everything and nothing,” but Smith does agree that because banks in Arizona “haven’t had to deal with government intervention” of the severity of AB 284, “they’re going to put more houses on the market,” giving “investors and homeowners more to choose from.”

Paradoxically, Smith expects prices even in Las Vegas to pick up in the short term — due, ironically, to AB 284. “The bottom line is: Inventory is down, and a lot of that is due to AB 284, because the banks have closed off the notices of default.”

That improvement, however, is just “short-term,” he said. “We will improve, but we will improve much slower.”

A check of the Arizona Legislature website found that not a single piece of legislation mandating Nevada-style home-foreclosure mediation even got out of committee.

And Jeffrey Katner, housing-law manager for Community Legal Services of Arizona, confirmed for Nevada Journal that Arizona’s state legislature has repeatedly declined to pass anything comparable to either AB 149 or AB 284.

So why didn’t Arizona lawmakers behave like lawmakers in Nevada?

Differences in party philosophy appear a big part of the answer. Both chambers of Nevada’s legislature were under liberal Democratic majorities and leadership, in both 2009 and 2011. In Arizona during that time, both chambers were under Republican control.

Thus, while Arizona Democrats put together seven bills and christened the package “The Foreclosure Rescue for Arizona Act,” the Republican leadership granted a hearing to only one of the bills, according to The Arizona Republic.

Another part of the answer, however, would appear to be that Arizona, as a statewide community, has simply maintained the American West’s longstanding libertarian traditions more rigorously than has the Silver State.

In Nevada’s legislature, after all, Republicans went along with Democratic majorities and supported both AB 149 and AB 284. And both bills were also signed into law by Republican governors.

Indeed, the kind of restraint that Arizona lawmakers showed — the willingness to simply allow housing markets to go ahead and clear — appears to be increasingly rare in America today.

Alfred Pollard, general counsel to the Federal Housing Finance Agency, noted that change earlier this month. He warned that the country is seeing too “many state laws that stretch out the period for legitimate foreclosures … [and] result in no added benefit for the homeowner and produce harm to the housing finance system and to neighborhoods.”

Pollard was testifying before a Brooklyn, N.Y., hearing conducted by the U. S. House of Representatives Committee on Oversight and Government Reform. The subject of the hearing: U.S. housing markets’ failure to recover.

Pollard noted that the authors of a recent study by National Bureau of Economic Research “found that the result of many of the laws aimed to protect borrowers from foreclosure was delay in, but not prevention of, foreclosures. The delays contribute to an overhang in the market without borrowers finding relief during these excessive delay periods. Many borrowers neither cure their deficiency nor gain relief, but simply remain in delinquency for greater lengths of time.”

Ultimately, state schemes “that increase costs, create new liabilities for mortgagees and delay foreclosures where most borrowers are unable to cure do not benefit the majority of homeowners,” said Pollard.

Moreover, he argued, many of the state schemes aren’t even needed: “At the same time, should a borrower be treated improperly, the law has always provided protection for them for fraud or deceptive practices.

“Adding new charges before and during foreclosures, new procedures that fuel delays and otherwise encumber foreclosures in the long run will only increase costs for everyone.”

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Obama calls green-energy critics ‘flat earth society charter members’

President Barack Obama calls critics of government subsidies for renewable-energy companies "flat earth society charter members" while speaking at the Solar 1 power plant in Boulder City.

BOULDER CITY, Nev. — President Barack Obama reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to renewable-energy subsidies Wednesday, while labeling critics as “members of the flat earth society” and “backwards-looking.”

“I’d like those [critics] to visit this plant, and talk to the people who benefited from the [renewable energy] jobs,” said Obama.

Speaking before a few dozen people at the Copper Mountain Solar 1 power plant, the president cited the “hundreds of local workers” employed by the plant.

While over 300 part-time workers were employed during the plant’s construction, only five full-time employees currently work at the plant.

“Every year, you [the Solar 1 plant] produce enough energy to power 17,000 homes,” Obama said.

The 17,000 homes receiving Solar 1’s power, however, are in California. Local residents receive no power from the plant.

Stressing his administration’s goal of powering “over two million homes” with renewable energy, the president also suggested he’d like to see a national clean-energy standard imposed on Americans.

 “A lot of states already [require] a certain amount of energy from clean-energy sources,” said Obama. “Let’s [as a nation] get a certain percentage of energy from clean sources.”

Nevada is one of those states with a so-called “clean energy” standard, in the form of a Renewable Portfolio Standard written into law. Currently, the state requires utility companies to produce 15 percent of their energy from green-energy sources, with the mandate increasing to 25 percent by 2025.

Geoffrey Lawrence, deputy policy director at the Nevada Policy Research Institute — Nevada Journal’s publisher — notes that Nevada’s RPS operates as a hidden tax and has not resulted in lower energy prices.

The president justified more government subsidies — or “investment” — in renewable energy by citing “$4 billion subsidies for oil companies” and “America’s history of taking risks.”

President Barack Obama arrives at the Solar 1 power plant in Boulder City Nevada to promote "green energy" in a fleet of SUVs.

“Sometimes you need a jumpstart to make it happen,” he said. “Some discoveries won’t pan out … Some automobiles failed, some airlines failed.

“But as long as I’m president, I will not walk away from the promise of clean energy.”

Andy Matthews, president of the Nevada Policy Research Institute, said President Obama’s call for an end to oil subsidies was encouraging. But he questioned the continuing government subsidies for renewables that the market finds wasteful.

“It's disappointing, but not surprising to hear President Obama name-call those who disagree with his failed economic and energy policies,” said Matthews.

“After three years of failed federal-government efforts to jump-start the economy — including the president’s almost-$800 billion so-called stimulus plan — and the repeated failures of government-subsidized green-energy companies, it’s clear why the president doesn't want to debate policies on their merits.”

The presidential speech followed a tour of the Solar 1 plant, the first stop on a four-state tour promoting his administration’s energy goals.

Local officials in the audience included Clark County Commissioner Tom Collins and former Nevada Senate Majority Leader Steven Horsford, who is currently running for Congress in the newly created CD-4. Secretary of the Interior Ken Salazar was also in attendance.

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

Nevada News Makers

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Obama to tout green energy ‘investments’ at solar facility employing 5 workers, relying on $54 million in taxpayer subsidies

BOULDER CITY, Nev. — President Obama will tout investments in "renewable" energy Wednesday at the local Copper Mountain Solar 1 plant, although the plant has only five full-time employees.

The plant, owned by San Diego-based energy company Sempra, was built in late 2010 at a cost of $141 million. Funding included $42 million in federal-government tax credits and $12 million in tax-rebate commitments from the state of Nevada.

 Construction of the plant involved over 300 part-time jobs, but currently only five full-time employees operate the plant, a Sempra spokeswoman confirmed. That comes out to $10.8 million in tax-dollar subsidies per employee.

Solar 1 is the largest solar photovoltaic (PV) power plant in the country and is regarded as a "revenue generator" by Sempra. According to the Las Vegas Sun, Boulder City expects to receive over $60 million in lease revenue from the plant.

Boulder City Manager Vicki Mayes, however, told Nevada Journal the $60 million was "highly inaccurate" and that the total lease revenue will be "much less."

Increasing green-energy production has been one of President Obama's main goals since he took office. Politicians such as Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid and officials including Secretary of Energy Steven Chu have zealously encouraged green-energy subsidies in Nevada.

In addition to wanting to create many new jobs, President Obama has claimed green-energy investment will decrease America's energy costs and reduce the country's dependency on foreign oil.

In Boulder City, however, renewables have produced no lower energy costs. Instead, in late 2009, the city approved a 35 percent rate hike, while power generated by Copper Mountain is to go to Southern California — rather than serve Nevadans whose taxes helped finance the plant.

The solar energy is being sold by Sempra to California, which has mandated that 33 percent of the state's energy must come from renewable sources by 2020.

Nationally, solar energy is unlikely to help the president achieve his goal of lower energy costs. Geoffrey Lawrence, deputy policy director at the Nevada Policy Research Institute, the free-market think tank that publishes Nevada Journal, noted in his Solutions 2013 report that, even according to the U.S. Department of Energy, solar-PV energy will cost three and a half times more than energy from traditional sources such as coal.

"President Obama's visit to the Solar 1 Facility in Boulder City is the perfect illustration of why the president's economic policies are such a failure," said Andy Matthews, president of NPRI. "The government has spent over $50 million to ‘create' five permanent jobs and build a plant producing a product — expensive solar energy — that no one would purchase without a government mandate.

"That's not a path to a vibrant economy; it's the road to serfdom. This mindset — of government attempting to pick winners and losers in the economy through subsidies and regulation — is a major reason why the national unemployment rate is at 8.3 percent, Nevada's unemployment rate is 12.7 percent and the national debt is over $15.5 trillion."

Nevada received over $1 billion in federal "stimulus" funds for energy and environmental projects, yet state ratepayers still pay some of the highest electricity rates in the country. Recently, the Nevada Public Utilities Commission approved yet another rate increase.

Solar plants aren't the only government-funded energy projects in Nevada that haven't lived up to their proponents' promises. The Reno Gazette-Journal recently reported that seven local windmills that cost taxpayers $1 million to install have only saved the City of Reno $2,785 in electricity costs over their 18 months of existence.

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

‘The Art of War’ and the national mortgage settlement

“You know, I’m a conservative, Republican, mother of three, Catholic, own my own business,” says Tisha Black-Chernine.

But she is also a consultant to the Nevada Attorney General’s Office and was inside the room when the final deals were being cut in the so-called “national mortgage settlement,” in early February.

Nevertheless, insists Black, she’s no zealous consumer advocate who thinks that giant corporations are terrible.

What started her down her current road, she says, was what she was observing in her real-estate law practice a few years ago — and what she was finding herself saying.

“I thought, hey, I don’t want to talk about this, because I don’t want people thinking I’m a conspiracy theorist.”

Eventually, however, she simply concluded: “These people are just friggin’ cheating. And nobody’s doing anything about it.”

“These people” were the big banks and their affiliated servicers.

Nevada Journal decided to interview Black — “Tish,” as she’ll insist you call her — after examining the detailed settlement documents that the Obama administration and 49 state attorneys general filed with the U.S. District Court in Washington, D.C., last week.

The sheer scope of the releases from civil prosecution that were sought by the banks’ lawyers — and agreed to by the U.S. Department of Justice, federal regulators and state attorneys general — is stunning.

The federal releases — covering every conceivable kind of mortgage-related bank abuse you’ve ever heard of in the last few years — take up eight and a half pages of each proposed consent judgment. Another four pages are devoted to the civil offenses that the state attorneys general promise not to prosecute.

Altogether, they lend credence to a phrase Black uses: a culture of lawlessness.

America’s biggest banks — Bank of America, J.P. Morgan Chase, Citigroup, Wells Fargo and Ally/GMAC — are asking the D.C. District Court to approve the pacts.

More than once, Wall Street security analysts have described this so-called settlement as a good deal for the banks. And clearly the banks and their lawyers agree, since they negotiated hard and long to get the agreement.

Tish Black also was impressed with the masterful level of strategic thinking coming from the banks and the quality of lawyering coming from the banks’ attorneys.

The way they fashioned the whole multi-state settlement, she says, had something like technical genius to it — almost a kind of beauty.

The banks’ attorneys — she calls them TBLs, for “Tall Building Lawyers” — quite intelligently never sought to compromise any individuals’ right to sue for civil damages. Nor, she points out, did they try to settle, in advance, any criminal charges.

They knew, Black argues, they didn’t have to: During the last four or five years, although the ammunition for critics of the banks has grown ever-more plentiful, not one criminal indictment of a big-time banker has been seen.

“So, just going on history alone, that’s probably not likely to happen, right?” she asks. Assuming the banks’ voice, she says, “Why not give that up?”

It was the same story on the citizens’ right to sue: Such suits, statistically, have not been any significant threat.

“Our real threat,” she believes the banks were telling each other, “is that these state AGs get together and start head-slamming us. So, that’s really what we need to [take care of].”

“It’s The Art of War, right?” she asks. “If you’re in the battle, you’re gonna try to blow out the biggest threat. And the biggest threat [was] the AGs suing them on a civil level — hands down. Period. Period. Period.”

The next question the bankers asked themselves, she believes, was, “Okay, what can we give the AGs?

“Well, everybody’s hurting. We have money. Let’s give the AGs some money.”

So, says Black, “every single state got a slug of dough that they could do whatever the hell they wanted to with.”

Moreover, that big “slug of dough,” was usually generously placed under the personal control of the state’s attorney general.

At the same time, Obama’s Department of Justice was pushing the attorneys general hard to agree to the settlement the banks wanted, while cheerleading for its terms.

“It was pretty amazing,” says Black. The federal government said, “You need to decide whether you’re in or out by the time we do this press release.”

According to Nevada Attorney General Catherine Cortez Masto herself, interviewed by KNPR last week, the settlement was still being finalized when the public-relations people were starting to talk it up before the media.

Given all the high-powered lawyering and the almost-certain likelihood that the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia will approve the settlement, does Black see any areas where the pact might appear vulnerable?

One area of the settlement that has angered many holders of mortgage bonds, she says, is where “banks gave themselves tax credits, for writing down somebody else’s property.”

That, says Tisha Black, will probably not stand.

She also wonders why more attorneys general have not followed Cortez Masto’s lead and unleashed criminal prosecutions.

Finally, although not discussed by Black, there’s a serious related question that her comments bring up:

Could this “victory” that the banks achieved — with the energetic support of the Obama Department of Justice, it must be noted — turn out, ultimately, to be only Pyrrhic?

More specifically, what kind of consequences will this pact have in the long run for the credibility of the big banks — and for the willingness of intelligent Americans to ever again put much faith in them?

As the Securities and Exchange Commission recently argued, a bank’s pursuit of a consent judgment is effectively a nolo contendere, or “no contest,” plea.

And what distinguishes a nolo plea, notes Lawyers.com, is that “the defendant accepts the punishment for the crime without admitting or denying his guilt.

“In other words,” the site continues, “you don't contest or challenge the charges, and you don't admit to committing the crime or even deny it, but you let the court sentence you for committing the crime.” (Emphasis added.)

But for banks, from the very beginning of banking, the question of reputation was seen as critical: Could you trust them with your money?

Now, however, America’s biggest banks — standing on a very high-profile stage and under bright lights — have chosen to not even contest the widespread opinion that they’re “cheaters.”

And that would seem to make it unlikely that this so-called settlement, in the long run, will really settle much of anything at all.

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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TransparentNevada reviews how agencies respond to information requests

It was legislation that would have lowered the major obstacle that Nevada citizens now regularly face whenever they seek to review state- and local-government records that, by law, are supposed to be public.

AB 159 — introduced by Assemblyman Richard “Tick” Segerblom — would have, among other things, limited and reduced the fees that agencies charge record seekers.

Not surprisingly, multiple government agencies hastened to oppose the bill — which quickly died right where it had been introduced: in the Assembly’s Committee on Government Affairs.

“The problem,” testified Joyce Haldeman, associate superintendent for the Clark County School District, “is that there are more of them who come in and ask for requests than there are of us.”

Haldeman said that her office, Community and Government Relations, had seen the number of public-records requests “quadruple” between 2009 and 2010 — from 43 public-records requests to 119 requests.

 Often, she told lawmakers, people are looking for a needle in a haystack. While the needle itself is not expensive, the public, said Haldeman, wants the district to pay for the haystack while staff sorts through it.

“So, it becomes a real problem for us to do it,” she said.

James W. Pierce, assistant county clerk for Clark County, told lawmakers how easy the law makes it for someone to walk in and request “every record that [we] have.” 

If that were to happen “day in and day out,” said Pierce, “it would not be long before we would be overwhelmed and no longer meeting any of our other duties.”

When requesters must pay for the cost of making copies, reasoned Pierce, it helps them narrow down their searches before they actually walk in and makes their requests.

The City of Henderson, which also opposed the bill, noted that while the vast majority of the city’s requests for minutes are typically completed via electronic file at no charge, the city does receive requests for minutes that are extensive and require research into multiple years. AB 159, said city records analyst Nathan Hill, would prohibit charging fees for extensive use of staff time.

Supporters of the bill, however, argued that public agencies are charging large fees to delay or discourage access to public records.

“We asked the [Clark County] school district for a year’s worth of records [billing and bank statements] related to their 1,600 or so purchasing cards,” said 8 News NOW reporter Colleen McCarty. She was explaining a public-records request that was part of an investigative report by the television station into public-official spending.

“I was told it was going to cost more than $34,000 to have that request fulfilled,” she said. “Half of that cost would have been for copies, and the other half was for access.”

The station had also requested expense records for nine or so top-level officers of six public agencies. Four of the agencies provided the records for free or for $50 or less. But the two remaining agencies each charged the station more than $400.

“Those costs,” McCarty told lawmakers, “were not only for actual paper; they were for access.

“We ended up paying staffers at various different levels — from the line staffer who pulled the records to the attorney who reviewed the records to see what, if anything, needed to be redacted.

“Then there was someone else to sort the records. So before we even got to the copy cost, which averaged about 10 cents or so for each page, we were paying several hundred dollars just for the cost of access.”

“More and more,” concluded McCarty, “this is the way public agencies work to delay us or to discourage us entirely from getting the records that we believe our open society demands the public has access to.”

In view of the testimony and subsequent demise of Assembly Bill 159, TransparentNevada, Nevada Journal’s sister website that focuses on government transparency, decided to examine how Nevada’s public agencies handle public-records requests.

Questions selected for special attention were: What are the constraints facing public entities? And what are the barriers or limitations on access facing the public at large?

Beginning last summer, multiple public agencies throughout the state were selected and contacted for the project. In Southern Nevada, Clark County, the City of Henderson and the Clark County School District were selected. Initially, each entity was invited to suggest what it believed might be the most efficient and amicable approach for the inquiry.

Henderson immediately responded with a meeting. Researchers were taken on a tour of the city’s records facilities and given an overview of the city’s records-request tracking software, which even crafted reports specific to the project’s inquiries. Henderson has continued to work in a collaborative effort on this project.

Likewise, Clark County met with TransparentNevada to discuss the best way to proceed in the information-gathering phase. County officials, both elected and salaried, continue to cooperate with the project, recently granting interviews with Clark County Clerk Diana Alba and County Recorder Debbie Conway.

Requests to the Clark County School District, however, met immediate rejection.

“I don't know if we can really help you on this one,” wrote David Roddy, whose title is public information officer, “as there is no central collection point for public records requests. Each department keeps their own records and in our office, we don't compile the who, topic, etc., we only track the number of requests and each pio has the requests that they responded to. A more detailed system would be nice, but we just don't have the staff to devote that much time to it.”

Clark County had had similar issues, but in one meeting, county officials and TransparentNevada’s representative developed a plan for how best to proceed.

In October, the project was formally introduced, with notices going out to various agencies, including CCSD. Again a meeting was sought with school district personnel to discuss the optimal way to proceed. Again, however, the district preferred to keep its distance from the project.

Two and a half months later, in January, TransparentNevada did receive the district’s policies, fee schedules and record retention schedule as requested — along with a written description of the district’s public-records process and a statement that CCSD does not have a tracking document.  

Yet, that statement itself conflicted with a document the district had supplied in response to a September records request. Following the district’s hiring of a consulting firm to audit the district’s communications operation, TransparentNevada had asked to inspect “any documents, memoranda, reports or other information compiled regarding public records requests” that had been made available to the consultants.

Nine documents were provided in response to that request and one of them, a chart, showed that — contrary to the district’s statement — the district does track public-records requests.

According to the chart, public-record requests had only gone from 43 requests in 2009 to 83 in 2010. 

Even more significantly, the public-records requests that came into the Communications Office during each of the years made up less than 1 percent of the total inquiries.

For 2009, according to the district’s chart, the total number of inquiries coming into the communications office was 11,524. For 2010, inquiries totaled 14,814. Most of the new requests came from within the district itself.

While several agencies — including the Office of the Nevada Attorney General, the state Department of Education and the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department — chose not to meet with TransparentNevada for discussions on the best way to proceed, every agency did respond with substantive information, even in some cases providing useful recommendations.

The Clark County School District, however, continues to distance itself from the project. 

Most recently — and most bizarrely — the district chief of staff recently responded to a 15-question survey by indicating, in the answer-space for each question, that “This inquiry does not constitute a request for a document under the public records law.”

In the upcoming weeks, Nevada Journal will report further on the results of the Public Records Project.

Karen Gray is an education researcher with Nevada Journal. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com and http://npri.org.

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Regulations, fines threaten Las Vegas Zoo

Government bureaucrats from Nevada's Occupational Safety and Health Administration have fined the Las Vegas Zoo over $13,000 for old wall plugs and adaptors.

Those fines combined with oppressive and sometimes conflicting regulations from local, state and federal agencies may force the zoo to close its doors.


(Click above or here to watch the video)

National mortgage settlement details finally revealed

Details of the February 9 national mortgage settlement have finally been filed in federal court in Washington.

Over a month after terms of the settlement “in principle” were announced, the U.S. Justice Department put the proposed language of the consent agreements with America’s five largest loan-servicing banks in the lap of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia.

The court documents can be downloaded here:

 “The court documents filed today,” said the U.S. Department of Justice in a press release, “provide detailed new servicing standards that the mortgage servicers will be required to implement. These standards will prevent foreclosure abuses of the past, such as robo-signing, improper documentation and lost paperwork, and create new consumer protections.”

For agreeing to the new servicing standards, the banks are to receive broad new protection from state and federal government civil prosecution for various forms of “misconduct” that “resulted in the issuance of improper mortgages, premature and unauthorized foreclosures, violation of service members’ and other homeowners’ rights and protections, the use of false and deceptive affidavits and other documents, and the waste and abuse of taxpayer funds.”

Read more:

The national mortgage-servicing settlement that isn’t

So … how soon is soon?

For the past four weeks, the National Mortgage Settlement website — erected Feb. 9 by state attorneys general amid a flood of press releases and photo-ops with President Obama — has promised that the actual terms of the settlement with the nation’s five biggest banks and mortgage servicers are “coming soon.”

 One month later, however, the specific details of that alleged agreement still have not been revealed to the public, much less brought before a federal judge for the requisite consent order.

Veteran negotiators emphasize that the real-world legal effect of any agreement boils down to its final wording. Absent that text — and no matter how much political razzmatazz — the so-called settlement remains unsettled.

Breathless anticipation of some kind of wonderful global settlement has marked the talks between the Obama administration, state attorneys general and the major mortgage-servicing banks right from the beginning. Just one month after the talks were launched in October 2010, sources were telling Reuters that the banks and attorneys general were “nearing a settlement.”

Notably, the characterization from the banks this Feb. 9 was much more sober. Constrained by SEC regulations, statements issued by both CitiGroup and Bank of America emphasized that all that actually existed was an agreement in principle.

One disagreement still roiling the talks appears to be quite fundamental: the scope of the release from prosecution that banks and mortgage servicers want from state attorneys general and federal regulators.

On the one hand, a press release from Nevada Attorney General Catherine Cortez Masto indicated that under the settlement her office can still criminally prosecute mortgage servicers.

On nationalmortgagesettlement.com, however, the first paragraph of the “Release of Claims” section of the proposed settlement’s “executive summary” states:

The proposed Release contains a broad release of the banks’ conduct related to mortgage loan servicing, foreclosure preparation, and mortgage loan origination services. Claims based on these areas of past conduct by the banks cannot be brought by state attorneys general or banking regulators. (Emphasis added.)

Masto, however, denies that such comprehensive language applies to her office.

“Nevada was not involved in the preparation of the information posted on the website,” she told Nevada Journal by e-mail. The website, she said, is hosted by the “Executive Committee of the multistate working group who are party to this settlement.”

“With regard to the release overall,” she wrote, “it’s a release limited to civil servicing, state civil origination claims and civil foreclosure practices. Liability for criminal violations was not released. States can pursue criminal actions against those responsible for these areas of past conduct.”

Even President Obama, in his own Feb. 9 statement hailing the “landmark” nature of the alleged settlement, cast doubt on its “settled” status. 

“This settlement also protects our ability to further investigate the practices that caused this mess,” he boasted, adding that, “working closely with state attorneys general, we’re going to keep at it until we hold those who broke the law fully accountable.”

Yesterday, a source near the talks said bank executives are complaining that New York Attorney General Eric Schneiderman is still going after claims against the banks that are already covered under the agreement in principle.

So fundamental questions about the terms of any final settlement remain.

And while housing and banking industry publications continue to regularly receive reports that release of the final language is imminent, even if that language were to emerge today, still larger questions of paramount importance would remain.

The very length of the settlement negotiations — at least 16 months as of this date — shows that the issues being contested clearly have serious implications for the future of America’s banking and housing industries, and thus for the entire national economy.

But even more is at stake.

As millions of homeowners — whether foreclosed-upon or merely underwater — increasingly realize, the central American principle of equal justice under law is at risk. And, with it, ultimately, the future of freedom.

In coming installments, this series will examine, among other topics:

  • Nevada Attorney General Catherine Cortez Masto’s high profile in the nation’s housing-litigation wars;
  • What Masto’s lawsuits reveal about the politically inflammatory but legally weak issues of robo signing and document “forgery”;
  • How contradictory political goals hamstrung Obama administration efforts over the last three years to deal with the housing/banking crisis;
  • How that same conflict produced what TARP Special Inspector General Neil Barofsky called the “colossal failure” of the administration’s flagship, $75 billion Home Affordable Modification Program, which actually damaged many Nevadans who participated;
  • How the 50-state talks have been a “Hail Mary,” designed to do for the administration politically what HAMP had failed to do; and
  • How regulatory failure has actually been built into U.S. housing and banking policy from the beginning of the 20th Century.

Update (3/12/12): The terms of the National Mortgage Settlement were released today.  You can read more about it here.

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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CCSD changes its rationale for ticketing motorists on state highways

The Clark County School District has come up with a new justification for allowing its school police force to ignore issues near schools and instead go out onto county highways to find people to ticket.

Since last summer when Nevada Journal first questioned the legal authority of Clark County School District police to issue traffic tickets on highways away from schools, CCSD officials have sought to defend the practice by citing multiple alleged sources of authority.

 Now the district is saying the distant ticketing activities are appropriate because every peace officer has a responsibility to deal with "reckless driving."

Department officials initially explained it was a school police officer's Category I training and certification under Nevada's Peace Officer's Standards and Training (POST) that vested in school cops the authority to enforce traffic laws anywhere in the state — even though state law designates school police as Category II officers with limited jurisdiction and responsibilities.

"For us, we know that we operate as a Category I agency, and we're recognized by our duties as a Category I agency," CCSD police spokesman Lt. Ken Young told Nevada Journal last summer. "We are state-certified police officers."

Despite support for CCSD's argument from multiple area law-enforcement agencies, POST Deputy Director Tim Bunting said that it is state law that determines jurisdiction, not POST training standards.

"POST sets standards for training and certification," explained Bunting last September. "It is not in POST authority to regulate jurisdiction of law-enforcement agencies."

Nevada Revised Statute 391.275 restricts school-police jurisdiction to "the streets that are adjacent to the school property, buildings and facilities within the school district for the purpose of issuing traffic citations for violations of traffic laws and ordinances during the times that the school is in session or school-related activities are in progress."

"Anyone can train to a higher level," explained Bunting, "but that doesn't mean they can effect an arrest outside their jurisdiction."

Then, on Oct. 26, CCSD police were videotaped participating in a multi-jurisdictional speed enforcement event on Boulder Highway far away from any schools.
 

(Click above or here to view the video)

CCSD officials then said it is Nevada's "mutual aid" provisions that authorize school police to get on highways with other police agencies and issue tickets.

"If you look under the request for mutual aid," said Lt. Young during a Nov. 7 interview on "Face to Face" with Jon Ralston, "this is a request for mutual aid any time you enter into a task force.

"So, whether it be gangs, whether it be drugs, whether it be graffiti, as a mutual aid assistant we work across those lines with any entity which requests."

"Go back and also look at mutual aid," said Young. "When we've been requested as a law enforcement entity to come in and assist on a mutual aid, [we] do it as a mutual aid."

Young told Nevada Journal, in a January interview, that NRS 277.035 and NRS 277.110 authorized the school department's "mutual aid" activities

In November, Nevada Journal obtained an e-mail that the district's now-retired chief of staff, Dr. Craig Kadlub, had sent to a parent, specifically addressing the question the parent had raised at a school-board meeting, "of whether or not school police are inappropriately exercising police powers outside their jurisdiction….

"[O]fficers," wrote Kadlub, "may provide police assistance to local police jurisdictions when they observe a crime in progress, are dispatched or otherwise requested to assist (Mutual aid – NRS 277.035; surety of peace – NRS 170.040), and they are also permitted to work in conjunction with other agencies (NRS 277.035 Implied agreement between law enforcement agencies in absence of interlocal or cooperative agreement.).

"The latter is relevant to the issue because the CCSD PD was part of a valley wide task force, in 2006 and again in 2011, comprised of representatives from all local police agencies, that identified four priorities for southern Nevada police forces.  The participating agencies agreed to work corroboratively on those issues."

Last month, however, a Nevada Legislative Counsel Bureau legal opinion denied that school police have authority to engage in traffic enforcement on roadways away from schools. The LCB specifically examined CCSD's mutual aid claims under NRS 277.035 and NRS 277.110 and found that "it is the further opinion of this office that NRS 277.035 and 277.110 do not authorize a school police officer to enforce traffic laws and ordinances and issue citations on streets that are not adjacent to school property."

Given the direct refutation of the CCSD claims of authority under mutual aid provisions, school district officials – for some reason eager to justify sending their police officers away from district schools – have come up with yet another state statute.

Now, it is NRS 484A.710.

"It is important to note that the CCSD PD officers actually work under NRS 484A.710," said CCSD Chief Legal Counsel Carlos McDade in a statement distributed by school district spokesperson Amanda Fulkerson. "The legislation provides any peace officer may arrest a person for reckless driving. The officers do not operate under the statute stated in the LCB report."

CCSD-PD is also changing its story. In January 2012, Lt. Young told Nevada Journal several times that CCSD police officers operate under Nevada's Joining Forces traffic task force – a federally funded program administered through the State's Office of Traffic Safety.

Months of Nevada Journal investigation into Nevada's Joining Forces program, with records dating back to 2010, had not revealed CCSD police as participants in Joining Forces.

Then, on Feb. 24, responding to a Nevada Journal request for follow-up information regarding the department's claimed participation in Joining Forces, Young wrote back.

"Just for clarification," he said, "CCSDPD has been active participants with the Southern Nevada Traffic Task Force."

Karen Gray is an education researcher with Nevada Journal. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com and http://npri.org.

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NV Energy customers share their feelings on smart meters

(Click above or here to view the video)

 NV Energy is spending over $300 million to install smart meters. What do NV Energy's customers think about that? Many aren't pleased.

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PUCN doubts smart meters will decrease rates

LAS VEGAS — State energy giant NV Energy claims its smart meter program will save money that “eventually” will be passed on to ratepayers.

Some consumers, however, believe the meters will not only increase costs but are also unnecessary.

Ratepayers have raised various concerns about smart meters since 2009, when NV Energy received $139 million from the taxpayer-funded federal “stimulus” package to partially fund the program, named “NVEnergize.”

 Eventually, customer anger forced the energy monopoly to propose several “opt-out” alternatives in late 2011. The Public Utilities Commission of Nevada (PUCN) is scheduled to rule on the options tomorrow, Wednesday, Feb. 29.

“[Taxpayers are] already in the hole $139 million, so I don’t see how we’ll get all that back,” said Mike Hazard, a Las Vegas resident and foe of smart meters.

Smart meters are digital electricity readers that transmit energy-usage data via radio frequency, according to NV Energy. Unlike the traditional analog meters, smart meters don’t require manual readers and report energy usage data every 15 minutes as opposed to once a month.

Although NV Energy claims it can use this data to help ratepayers lower their bills, the company continues to ask for rate increases. When Nevada Journal asked if the company would request a rate decrease as a result of the smart meters, the response from an NV Energy spokesperson did not answer the question asked:

Customers can use the daily usage information provided by our smart meter tools to make changes in their energy consumption, which could result in lower bills. NVEnergize will provide NV Energy with $25 million a year in operational savings, which will help offset the cost of the program. These savings will be eventually passed along to customers. (Emphasis added.)

The PUCN — asked the same question — said any smart meter savings wouldn’t result in decreased rates, but would merely reduce the rate of increase.

“In a general rate change proceeding, rates are established to recover nearly all of NV Energy’s non-fuel and purchased power costs (e.g., labor costs, depreciation, income taxes),” said Peter Kostes, PUCN public information officer, in an e-mail. “Depending on how these other costs have changed, smart meter savings may not decrease rates but may reduce any increase sought by NV Energy.”

At the PUCN’s request, NV Energy proposed four “opt-out” options for ratepayers who didn’t want the new smart meters installed. The four options vary from the old analog meter to digital readers with limited transmissions. Ratepayers would pay a premium for these options, leaving many to question where exactly they’ll see any savings.

“A lot of their projections are hypothetical and depend on a lot of ‘if’s’,” said Angel De Fazio, a Las Vegas resident and founder of the Nevada chapter of the Stop Smart Meters group. “They tried to get away [with installing smart meters] undetected, but we’re going to keep them honest.”

Critics such as De Fazio also challenge whether NV Energy has the right to force ratepayers to switch to the smart meters. NRS 704.773, for example, states utility companies should “offer net metering” to customers but does not mandate utilities to switch every meter.

At the federal level, the 2005 Energy Policy Act allows state utility commissions to establish a regulatory framework for smart meters but does not mandate them.

NV Energy acknowledged the program isn’t “driven by any state or federal law” but is rather the company’s attempt to “improve the state’s energy infrastructure, enhance customer service capabilities and upgrade operations.”

Hazard thinks the company should allow ratepayers to “opt-in” to the meters, as opposed to the currently proposed “opt-out” policies.

“[NV Energy officials] never really gave us a choice. They just decided they were going to swap out the old meters and that was it,” Hazard said. “The only reason they’re adding these new meters is because they want the federal money attached to the project.”

Anti-smart meter sentiment isn’t exclusive to Nevada. In Florida, U.S. Rep. Bill Posey, a Republican, wrote one of his constituents that federal law allows consumers to opt-out of smart meter programs. In California, public outcry led nearly 50 municipalities to pass symbolic “bans” against the installation of smart meters.

The California municipalities, however, don’t have legal authority to genuinely ban smart meters — that power resides with the state’s public utilities commission. The votes were a show of support for their citizens.

“Hearing the testimonials of affected persons and the assertion of the right to not have to own a smart meter led us to really advocate on their behalf,” said Greg Caput, a Santa Cruz County supervisor. “Our voices have done much to force [state energy company PG&E] to make additional accommodations, although in our opinion, they certainly haven’t made enough accommodations yet.”

Caput added the Santa Cruz County’s Board of Supervisors recently voted to extend the county’s smart meter ban through 2013.

Erik Pappa, Clark County communications director, told Nevada Journal the county commission hasn’t considered a ban, deferring to PUCN authority.

Every opt-out plan that the PUCN will consider on Wednesday charges additional rates. For example, NV Energy’s “preferred” opt-out plan, Alternative C in the docket draft, would install a non-communicating meter for $109.93 and tack an additional monthly charge of $14.08 onto ratepayers’ bills.

“If this is approved, [PUCN and NV Energy] are basically punishing us each month,” said Hazard. “If some people want the new meters, they can have them, but we shouldn’t be charged to opt-out of something we aren’t forced to have in the first place.”

According to the PUCN’s Kostes, PUCN commissioners cannot currently answer specific questions about the case, such as whether they’d consider lowering the monthly charge of the opt-out proposal.

That, he said, is because the smart meter case is listed as “ongoing.” NV Energy also wouldn’t comment on its proposals because the proposals are still in an un-finalized “draft” format.

Wednesday’s hearing begins at 9:30 a.m. at the PUCN’s Carson City office. It will be simulcast to the hearing room of the PUCN office in Las Vegas at 9075 West Diablo Drive.

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Nevada Superintendent candidates offer their thoughts on education spending

(Click above or here to watch the video)

Rene Cantu, James W. Guthrie, Magdalena Martinez, Caroline McIntosh and Sylvia L. McMullen are the five finalists to be Nevada's Superintendent for Public Instruction.

 Tomorrow, the State Board of Education will select three of the candidates, and Governor Brian Sandoval will select the next superintendent from among those three individuals within the next month.

Nevada Superintendent candidates offer their thoughts on school choice, including vouchers

(Click above or here to watch the video)

Rene Cantu, James W. Guthrie, Magdalena Martinez, Caroline McIntosh and Sylvia L. McMullen are the five finalists to be Nevada's Superintendent for Public Instruction.

 Tomorrow, the State Board of Education will select three of the candidates, and Governor Brian Sandoval will select the next superintendent from among those three individuals within the next month.

Nevada News Bureau » Blog Archive » Nevada Attorney General Says Catalyst Fund To Help Economic Development Is Constitutional

Some see beauty, others a costly beast in new City Hall – News – ReviewJournal.com

Police chief steps down in wake of beating controversy

Legislative studies languish because of lack of funding | Lake Tahoe News

Mob Museum may be hit, but questions never a hit with Oscar – Friday, Feb. 17, 2012 | 2:01 a.m. – Las Vegas Sun

Henderson police chief retires in wake of beating scandal – FOX5 Vegas – KVVU

LCB: CCSD police break the law by issuing tickets away from schools

LAS VEGAS – A Legislative Counsel Bureau opinion, requested by Assemblyman Richard "Tick" Segerblom, D-Las Vegas, and obtained exclusively by Nevada Journal, has determined that the Clark County School District Police are overstepping their legal authority by enforcing traffic laws in areas beyond school property.

Subsection 2 of NRS 391.275 gives school police officers authority on streets adjacent to school grounds, but CCSD-PD officers regularly participate in "Operation Joining Forces," a partnership with other Clark County police units, and issue tickets far away from school grounds.

 Last year, a video obtained by Nevada Journal showed CCSD-PD officers issuing tickets on Boulder Highway, far away from any schools.

"With respect to the enforcement of traffic laws and ordinances," states the LCB opinion, "it is clear that the Legislature did not intend for the jurisdiction of school police officers to extend beyond the streets adjacent to school property.

"Therefore, based upon the plain meaning of the language of NRS 391.075 and the legislative history of the statute which supports that plain meaning, it is the opinion of this office that a school police officer does not have jurisdiction to engage in, and issue citations as part of, multi-jurisdictional traffice enforcement programs on state highways which are not located near a school." (Emphasis in the original.)

Assemblyman Segerblom applauded the LCB opinion, telling Nevada Journal, "It's clear that the CCSD police should be spending their time and energy protecting our children and schools and not chasing down otherwise law abiding taxpayers and citizens who happen to be driving 5 mph over the speed limit."

Gina Greisen, a CCSD parent who organized Look-Out-Kids-About, a coalition of public officials, community partners and parents that is focused on school-zone safety and that initiated the idea of granting school police legal authority to issue traffic tickets in school zones, says she is also happy to hear of the LCB's decision. 

"Hopefully," said Greisen, "this decision will send a strong message to school police to get back to the business of protecting our children."

A call to CCSD-PD for comment was not immediately returned.

Nevada News Bureau » Blog Archive » State Fiscal Constraints Holding Up Interim Studies Of Public Education, Retirement System

Oscar Goodman, former Las Vegas mayor and mob lawyer, calls critics of Mob Museum “monkeys”

Should taxpayers have footed the bill for a $42 million Las Vegas museum dedicated to organized crime?

Former Las Vegas mayor and mob lawyer Oscar Goodman thinks so, and after shaking taxpayers down for tens of millions of dollars, he called critics of the project "monkeys" — among other things.

 Undeterred by the former mayor's ad hominem attacks, the Taxpayer Protection Alliance and the Nevada Policy Research Institute called attention to this egregious example of government waste.

More examples of government waste:

Mob Museum opening triggers mixed reaction – Las Vegas Sun

New Vegas museum highlights mob bosses, tommy guns – Tuesday, Feb. 14, 2012 | 8:32 a.m. – Las Vegas Sun

Mob Museum opponents to protest grand opening

Study says Nevadans pay nation’s 13th highest sales tax rate – News – ReviewJournal.com

New Las Vegas museum highlights mob bosses, tommy guns | Reno Gazette-Journal | rgj.com

Ballyhoo for global mortgage pact was premature

Recall the fanfare last week when a $25 billion "national mortgage-servicing settlement" was announced?

President Obama, U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder, Nevada Attorney General Catherine Cortez Masto and 49 other state attorneys general hastened to microphones and issued a flurry of press releases.

 They hailed as historic their state and federal governments' "settlement" with the country's five biggest mortgage servicers – Bank of America, Citi, Wells Fargo, JPMorgan Chase and Ally/GMAC.

It now turns out, however, that no final settlement actually yet exists.

Even today – the better part of a week after all the lawyer-politicians paraded before national microphones – the website created to ballyhoo the deal still lacks its core element, the so-called "National Mortgage Settlement" itself.

Instead, nationalmortgagesettlement.com merely informs visitors that the "National Mortgage Settlement" document is – in parentheses – "coming soon."

But even that appearance, any time soon, seems unlikely. According to the U.S. Department of Justice, the actual legally binding and essential terms of the settlement won't be made public until they are submitted for approval by a federal court – which itself must then determine if the deal passes legal muster. 

Although the website yesterday linked to an "executive summary" signed by a North Carolina assistant attorney general – and posted on a Washington State attorney general website – the final, legally binding terms of the pact are still clearly in flux.

Statements by two of the largest mortgage servicers named in the "settlement" – Citi and Bank of America – make that clear.

Citi, in a statement, emphasized several times that the so-called settlement is an agreement in principle only:

The announcement today reflects an agreement in principle only. Accordingly, the final terms and provisions of the agreement are subject to further documentation and approval of Citi's Board of Directors as well as final court approval.

Bank of America, also in its news release, carefully and repeatedly referred to the pact settlement as "agreements in principle":

Bank of America Corporation today confirmed it has joined the other four largest mortgage servicers in agreeing in principle to the terms of a global settlement resolving federal and state investigations into certain origination, servicing and foreclosure practices …

Under the agreements in principle, Bank of America expects to develop new or enhanced programs to provide borrower assistance and refinancing assistance, to make direct payments to state and federal governments and borrower restitution, and to agree to national servicing standards. The agreements in principle are subject to ongoing discussions among the parties and completion and execution of definitive documentation, as well as required regulatory and court approvals. (Emphasis added.)

No comparable statements could be found on the Web from Ally/GMAC, JPMorgan Chase or Wells Fargo.

"You know it's bad when the banks are the most truthful guys in the room," wrote Yves Smith of the respected and highly popular Naked Capitalism blog. Smith – pen name of a longtime analyst at major financial firms, including Goldman Sachs and McKinsey & Company – observed the bank "had to be more precise than politicians because it is subject to SEC regulations about the accuracy of its disclosures."

American Banker also reported that multiple sources raised doubts that any agreement is yet in place on actual binding details.

One person familiar with the actual mortgage-servicing pact negotiations told the publication that "A settlement term sheet" – which would spell out the binding legal terms of a final settlement – "does not yet exist."

American Banker also reported that some of its sources were telling it "that the political pressure to announce the settlement drove the timing, in effect putting the press release cart in front of the settlement horse."

Significant behind-the-scenes disarray also surrounds the National Mortgage Settlement website.  U.S. Attorney General Holder, in a speech Thursday, said it was "a new website that we've established," but individuals clicking on the DOJ's provided link received the following warning:

The Department of Justice does not endorse the organizations or views represented by this site and takes no responsibility for, and exercises no control over, the accuracy, accessibility, copyright or trademark compliance or legality of the material contained on this site.

As of today, the warning had been removed from the link provided by the DOJ.

Also, new today was a change in the front-page design of nationalmortgagesettlement.com, so that the "National Mortgage Settlement" graphic in the upper-right corner of the front and other pages now largely obscures the wording that promises the actual National Mortgage Settlement document is "(coming soon)."

A check of the Who-Is web-domain information, which reports the owners and registrants of web domains, reveals that the registrants had paid extra to Moniker Privacy Services to conceal their identities and contact information from the public.

The firm, Moniker.com, advertises that, without its privacy protection services, "your contact information remains completely transparent and accessible to everyone on the web. Those records could include your name, address, phone number and e-mail address. Without WHOIS privacy protection, competitors, spammers and other prying eyes could be collecting this information without your permission. But you can stop them, with Moniker's Domain WHOIS Privacy."

Currently, owners and registrants of nationalmortgagesettlement.com remain unknown.

Hope and change and … what’s missing? – Sunday, Feb. 12, 2012 | 2 a.m. – Las Vegas Sun

Survey: What our local politicians make around Lake Tahoe | South Lake Tahoe – SouthTahoeNow.com

An early-state problem; and teachers union doesn’t relent – Friday, Feb. 10, 2012 | 2 a.m. – Las Vegas Sun

Nevada News Bureau » Blog Archive » Nevada Think Tank Investigation Shows Clark County Residents Pay Millions To Fund Union Activities

Reno launches website to show all city spending | Reno Gazette-Journal | rgj.com

Governments paying union employees millions a year to perform union work

Southern Nevada taxpayers expect their money to finance public safety or city services.

But how many expect their tax dollars to pay union employees to attend union conferences or lobby governments for higher pay and more union privileges?

 Collective-bargaining agreements throughout Clark County — including its cities and public entities — explicitly give government labor unions almost 70,000 hours of paid-leave time each year to conduct union business, a Nevada Journal investigation found.

Although top union officials are employees of the county or city governments, paragraphs in the bargaining agreements specify that those employees are to be released from their duties on behalf of taxpayers to instead work — while continuing to be paid by taxpayers — for private organizations, their labor unions.

On-the-record costs to county taxpayers total at least $4.6 million annually, a review of 37 municipal labor contracts shows.

The most lucrative contract is between the City of Las Vegas and the Las Vegas Police Protective Association, which receives over one million tax dollars and 15,500 hours a year for union members to perform union work. Las Vegas also pays its Metro Supervisors Association and its Police Protective Association, Civilian Employees, Inc., more than $430,000 a year and $300,000 a year, respectively, for union employees to do work for their private organizations.

Police unions in Las Vegas aren’t the only labor groups receiving six-digit subsidies. The Clark County firefighters union received well over $400,000 in taxpayer dough for union business, and the near-bankrupt City of North Las Vegas forked over $600,000 for union firefighters to carry out union work. The Service Employees International Union Supervisors and SEIU Non-Supervised Employees took over $195,000 a year and over $300,000 a year, respectively, from Clark County taxpayers, for union activities.

Actual costs, however, are likely much higher. At least 18 bargaining agreements decline to specify an actual number of paid-leave hours, but instead authorize undefined amounts of time. One example is the City of Las Vegas contract with the Las Vegas Peace Officers Association. In Article 8, Section 4, it states: “A reasonable … number of Association officers and representatives … shall be allowed a reasonable amount of time” for representing members of the union.

In North Las Vegas, also, the city’s four collective-bargaining agreements merely authorize an undefined “reasonable amount” of paid union-leave time.

When asked what constituted a “reasonable amount” of leave time, neither city responded.

In the Clark County fire department last year, scandals cast a revealing light on the consequences of vague provisions in the collective-bargaining agreement.

According to paragraph 8.1 of that contract, six officers get unspecified and potentially unlimited leave for union business:

The Union President, shall select six (6) officers/members of the union who shall be granted leave from duty with full pay for business such as, but not necessarily limited to, attending educational conferences, seminars, and training courses for the improvement of the fire service. Leave requests shall be submitted in writing to the Fire Chief or designee eight (8) calendar days prior to departure or with as much advance notice as possible.

How such a provision can work out in practice was revealed in a March 2011 Las Vegas Sun story. According to county records, reported Steve Kanigher, 80 union members had taken 22,672 hours of leave for “union business” over five years.

Averaged, that comes to 4,534 hours annually. The contractual provision, however, actually authorizes up to 12,480 hours per year of taxpayer-paid leave for the county’s union firefighters. That provision remains in the newest version of that county bargaining agreement.

Government-union contracts in Clark County that explicitly authorize paid-leave time vary in amount. The Clark County Education Association (CCEA) teacher union is authorized almost 2,500 hours annually in paid-leave time. The International Association of Fire Fighters (IAFF) contract with the City of Las Vegas gives the union 2,880 hours of paid leave annually to dole out to members to use as the union sees fit. The cost to Las Vegas taxpayers is over $295,000.

Contracts vary not only in the number of union-activity hours taxpayers are required to fund, but also in what unions can do during those hours.

For example, the City of Henderson has contracted with the Henderson Police Officers Association (HPOA) to pay the entire 40-hour-per-week salary of the HPOA president, at whatever level of compensation he received before becoming president. In 2010, that totaled $122,461 and 2,080 hours paid by taxpayers for union business.

“The President will utilize annual and sick leave as if they [sic] were performing the role of an officer,” reads the grammatically challenged contract, “and report their [sic] sick and annual leave utilization to the individual responsible for their [sic] time entry into” the department’s PeopleSoft software.

The Henderson-HPOA contract also specifies an additional 720 hours, at a cost of over $98,000, for the union president or his designee to conduct union business such as “conventions, seminars, training, lobbying, etc.”

One of the HPOA president’s responsibilities under the bargaining agreement with Henderson is to “perform the duties of Police Labor Relations Liaison.”

In 2010, over $560,000 in salary and benefits went to full-time liaisons working exclusively for public-employee unions in the county, according to payroll data provided to TransparentNevada, Nevada Journal’s sister website.

The 2010-11 CCSD contract with the CCEA assures the teacher union of “the traditional approval of at least two hundred fifty (250) school days for association representatives to attend [union] meetings, conferences or conventions.” Additionally, another 50 “school days shall be available for the CCEA’s Community Foundation to use at its discretion.”

Given the seven-hour, 11-minute workday for classroom teachers specified by the contract, those 300 school days each school year would mean taxpayers are subsidizing 2,485 hours of union activities.

In addition to the paid-leave hours specifically set forth by the CCSD-CCEA contract, teachers can also be granted leave with pay to attend union “meetings, conferences, delegate assemblies [and] conventions,” if they have the approval of their principal and the district superintendent.

The 2007-11 contract between CCSD and the district’s Police Officers Association allocates to the union, each year, 500 hours leave with pay for union members “to attend association meetings, conferences, legislative sessions, conventions, or training sessions.” The cost to CCSD is more than $21,000 a year.

Among the contracts that avoid specificity is the one between the City of Las Vegas and the City Employee Association:

Seven (7) members of the Association Negotiating Team shall be granted leave from duty with full pay, when reasonable, for all meetings between the City and the Association for the purpose of renegotiating the terms of this contract. (Emphasis added.)

Leave for “Other Association Business” is similarly phrased:

Whenever conditions permit, Association officials may be granted leave from duty, with pay, for any reasonable and just cause as may be determined and granted by the City Manager. Approval for such leave by the City Manager shall not unreasonably be denied.

Union leave hours have always been “standard practice,” says Clark County District E Commissioner Chris Giunchigliani. State Sen. David Parks, D-Las Vegas, who spent 10 years as part of the city labor union team that negotiated with the City of Las Vegas, agrees: “Leave time, uniform allowances, paid lunch hours — those were always on the table or in the contracts.”

In 2010, however, both local and state lawmakers targeted leave hours to save taxpayer money.

In March, Clark County District A Commissioner Steve Sisolak called for the county firefighters union, rather than taxpayers, to pay for union leave.

“The taxpayer is paying for the county to represent the county and is also paying for the union to represent the union,” he told the Las Vegas Sun.

Recently, when asked about the new contract continuing its open-ended language, Sisolak said he would have “preferred a cap” on the hours, indicating that lack of a fixed number of hours has been a factor in the over-use of leave time.

“I do support collective bargaining,” Sisolak told Nevada Journal, “but you do have to find ways to save money and find what’s essential for taxpayers.”

Giunchigliani disagreed with Sisolak on the paid-leave issue. She said paid union leave is used to offset other concessions, such as freezes on pay.

“Collective bargaining allows both sides to sit down and decide what’s best for the county,” said Giunchigliani. “Union leave has always been included in contracts in both public and private sector unions.”

David Hames, a management professor at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas who studies collective bargaining, said that while unions usually demand increased paid-leave time, in the private sector they find it much tougher to obtain than in the public sector.

“Both sides have an understanding that [union leave] is on the table, especially if wage expenses could be cut,” said Hames. “There’s a tendency for private-sector management to play the tough guy more often, but [collective bargaining is] about seeking common ground, so if leave time is a way to get there, both sides will use it.”

Ray Bacon, executive director of the Nevada Manufacturers Association, highlighted the differences between private- and public-sector negotiations when he testified before the 2011 Legislature:

In the private sector, the negotiator for the union has to answer to shareholders…. In the public sector, the shareholders of the operation are the voters. Without sunshine in our negotiations, the voters and shareholders do not get a voice in what takes place. This creates a perceived imbalance in the negotiations.

Parks said the “whipsaw effect” of county negotiators trying to have their contracts match city contracts leads to increased leave time as well.

“Management or labor may see one group getting so many benefits and then be inclined to demand the same things,” Parks said. “They’re always going to try and see what they can get away with and how much they can get out of each other.”

Nevada Journal reached out to several unions for comment but received no responses.

During the 2011 Legislature, several bills sought to reform government-employee paid leave practices.

SB 342, introduced by Sen. Michael Roberson, R-Henderson, would have, among other things, prohibited union officers from being paid with public money to perform union activities. The bill, however, died in committee. Also failing to emerge from committee was Gov. Brian Sandoval’s SB 41, which would have eliminated mandatory collective bargaining.

The biggest change to collective bargaining came from SB 98, introduced by Sen. Joe Hardy, R-Boulder City. That bill, passed into law and signed by the governor, created a mediation session prior to arbitration in contract negotiations.

“This bill wasn’t quite as far as Republicans wanted to go, but was a bit farther than Democrats wanted to go,” said Hardy. “Collective bargaining will probably always exist in this state, but we’re trying to make it more productive and reduce costs for local budgets.”

In addition to salary and benefits, union officials — some of whom can receive unpaid leaves of absences for multiple years — are eligible for the state’s PERS benefits, despite spending much of their careers working exclusively for the private union.

Other union presidents and stewards not only receive full pay, but additional paid-leave time, accrued premiums and benefits for their union work.

For example, the University Medical Center’s contract with the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) states that if the union president is an employee:

… he/she shall be granted 40 hours release time each week with pay including premiums and the accrual of all earned benefits to accomplish Union business. When an employee has completed his/her service as President, he/she shall be returned to his/her previous position without loss of any status or benefit governed by this Agreement.

UMC also allows another top SEIU official, its chief steward, 40 hours of weekly paid leave, as well as benefits and premiums.

Earlier this week, Clark County ratified a new contract with the SEIU. A draft version of the county provisions published on the Web expands the hours of paid leave in the “union bank” from 1,375 hours to 2,080 hours. The final version of the contract was not yet available online.

“I hear from constituents all the time who’ve lost their jobs and homes and have had to sacrifice, and they get frustrated over these prolonged negotiations that they don’t have a say in,” said Sisolak.

“Contracts didn’t get out of hand overnight,” he said, “but there needs to be more flexibility, and we need to realize we’re in a new time and faced with new challenges.”

Steven Miller is the managing editor and Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter for Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

Nevada News Bureau » Blog Archive » Gaming Tax Hike Sought As Alternative To Possible Margin Tax Ballot Measure

Officer who beat motorist on video identified – FOX5 Vegas – KVVU

Sandoval’s economic plan calls for 50,000 jobs in 3 years | Lake Tahoe News

Sandoval wants to create 50K Nevada jobs by 2014 – Tuesday, Feb. 7, 2012 | 3:01 p.m. – Las Vegas Sun

Sandoval vows new economic development plan, wants 50,000 new jobs – Tuesday, Feb. 7, 2012 | 10:16 a.m. – Las Vegas Sun

Nevada News Bureau » Blog Archive » Gov. Sandoval Unveils State Economic Development Plan, Calls For 50,000 New Jobs By The End Of 2014

Sandoval: Create 50,000 jobs in Nevada by 2014 – Business – ReviewJournal.com

Gov. Sandoval economic goal for Nevada: 50,000 new jobs by the end of 2014

Being slow-danced in the dark by CCSD

Editor's note: See below for story update.

It was last fall when a Nevada Journal story publicly questioned whether the Clark County School District Police Department had legal authority to issue traffic tickets on roadways not adjacent to schools.

Receiving no immediate answer, Nevada Journal turned to Nevada's public-records law and – under its provisions – formally requested to inspect all traffic citations issued by school police between March 1 and Oct. 27, 2011, plus any department audits pertaining to traffic enforcement or traffic citations.

 Today, more than three months and many, many conversations and e-mails later, Nevada Journal is still waiting for the school district to comply with state law.

The obvious question is: "What is the district trying to hide?"

The state's public-records law mandates that "not later than the end of the fifth business day" after receiving a public-records request, a governmental agency must "allow the person to inspect or copy the public book or record." Or the agency, in writing, can notify the person making the request of a "date and time after which the public book or record will be available for the person to inspect or copy."

If a governmental entity claims something is legally confidential, statutes require it to provide the requester, in writing, with "a citation to the specific statute or other legal authority that makes the public book or record, or a part thereof, confidential."

A few inquiries and a few days after the five-day deadline for responding to its Oct. 27, 2011 request passed, Nevada Journal was advised by Lt. Ken Young, the public information officer for district police, that inspection of the 1,100 traffic tickets would cost $766, due to "the labor intensive process to review and redact personal information associated with each citation" – $546.00 for staff overtime and $220.00 for copies. 

Lt. Young's response, however, failed to cite any legal authority that makes any parts of the traffic tickets confidential. The response also raised no claims of confidentiality regarding the audits. Nor did the district comply with the requirement in state law that it provide a "date and time" when the audits would be available for inspection. In fact, the district police department failed to address inspection of the audits at all.

Nevada Journal asked what legal authority, if any, made the traffic-ticket information confidential. The publication also asked why the school district police were charging Nevada Journal twice the district's stated copy fees to merely inspect the records. No copies, after all, were requested.

For several weeks, the school district advised Nevada Journal that the district's legal office was reviewing the records and an answer would be forthcoming.

"I've got legal in the loop, and they want to see a citation [ticket] from CCSD-PD. CCSD-PD probably has to inter-district-mail it to us. That could take a few days," advised the district's chief communication officer, Amanda Fulkerson, on Nov. 15, 2011. 

Two weeks later, Nevada Journal was provided with legal citations. Additionally, Fulkerson informed Nevada Journal "that no overtime [would] be used and only our stated policy on copy fees [would] be charged." Fulkerson also wrote that she had asked CCSD's then-chief of staff, Craig Kadlub (who subsequently retired), "to get involved in making the audits available."

CCSD, however, provided no revised cost estimate, and one of CCSD's legal citations appeared incoherent. So Nevada Journal requested clarification. Since then – Nov. 29 – Nevada Journal has had countless conversations, e-mail communications and two face-to-face meetings seeking clarification of CCSD's cited legal authority and a revised cost estimate. A date and location when and where the audits can be inspected have repeatedly been requested.

On Dec. 29, the district advised Nevada Journal's reporter that "Legal" would "like to respond now."

Except, five weeks later, "Legal" still had not done so. Also, after CCSD transferred Nevada Journal's contact from Fulkerson to new chief of staff Kirsten Searer, the district is still saying it "aim[s]" to provide clarification, a cost estimate and the date and time where audits can be inspected.

The latest exchanges:

Jan. 19, 2012, e-mail to Searer, following a Jan. 10, 2012, status update request:

Hi Kirsten,

I did not receive a response from you regarding this request for an update on my public records request to inspect CCSD-PD tickets and audits.

Please advise on the status of my request. Briefly, I am still waiting on clarification regarding confidentiality and redaction; a cost estimate for CCSD's revised costs; and direction on where I can inspect audits.

Thanks-Karen

Jan. 20, 2012, reply from Searer:

Hi Karen,

I believe this request will be back to you by the end of the day, or Monday at the worst. I will check in on the status.

Jan. 20, 2012, e-mail from Searer:

Hi Karen,

OK, I apologize, I spoke too soon. Something has come up in processing your request for traffic tickets and we will need another week. We will aim to have you the information by Friday, January 27, but I will keep you updated. Thank you.

Jan. 26, 2012, e-mail from Searer:

Hi Karen –

I wanted to let you know that Lt. Young is out of the office tomorrow so we'll have to get your response on the traffic tickets early next week. Thank you!

Today, Feb. 6, it is one week after that "early next week" date. What has been CCSD's "response"?

Par for the course: i.e., zilch.

Such apparently cat-and-mouse behavior by CCSD officials, cumulative evidence suggests, is actually consciously intended to discourage, frustrate and prevent public insight into what actually goes on within the district.

After all, it's not merely Nevada Journal's inquiries that receive this treatment.

Consider last summer, when George Knapp, chief investigative reporter for 8 News NOW's I-Team, exposed a possible CCSD-PD cover-up in the death of Angela Peterson, a college honor student who'd been killed by an underage drunk driver who'd become intoxicated at a party thrown by a CCSD-PD dispatcher. At the time, the team's producer got a similar runaround.

Since the I-Team reports aired, Metro completed an investigation and Chief Arroyo, who last October had been placed on administrative leave, resigned. (Other than to say they will respond in 30 days, Metro has not responded to Nevada Journal's Jan. 12, 2012, request to inspect the investigation report.)

According to e-mails provided to Nevada Journal by the I-Team producer, the station on Aug. 8, 2011 had requested "a copy of Chief Arroyo's professional resume, the one included in the paperwork or packet he submitted while applying for a job at CCSDPD in 2005." 

Nearly two weeks later, Lt. Young informed the I-Team that Chief Arroyo declined to provide his personal resume and advised that Arroyo's "bio" could be read online.

The I-Team producer wrote back:

The resume is clearly in the domain of public information. The Chief is a public official whose salary is paid with public dollars. The information he provided in order to show his qualifications for the job are definitely within the public domain. Furthermore the Chief has expressed the importance of submitting a valid resume and application when he fired [name redacted] for submitting a false application. There is no valid reason Chief Arroyo should not be subject to the same standard. As a Government Entity the CCSD School Police are subject to NRS Chapter 239 which deals with Public Record in Nevada. 

Please provide me with the exemption under that NRS which would allow you [to] with-hold the basic job history information Arroyo initially provided when he applied for the job by sending a copy of his resume. (Emphasis added.)

In an e-mail to Nevada Journal and CCSD's Fulkerson last week, the I-Team producer forwarded the e-mail chain in which his requests for the legal authority – under which CCSD was denying access to Chief Arroyo's resume – had gone unanswered.

On Feb. 1, 2012, Fulkerson issued the following statement to Nevada Journal regarding the I-Team's request:

CCSD is committed to transparency and being responsive to our constituents. This is the first I've heard of the request by Mr. Knapp and will research the reason the record was withheld. I can't speculate why this document was withheld, but there are laws that protect personal information from being distributed. Also note that while Mr. Arroyo was employed with CCSD his bio that includes his work history was posted to the CCSD Police department's website.

Subsequently, in an email received on Feb. 3, Searer informed Nevada Journal that "[f]ormer chief Arroyo's resume is confidential personnel information.

"Confidential records are protected under NRS 239.010; NRS 386.350; CCSD Regulation 1212; and CCSD Regulation 4311.  Therefore, former chief Arroyo's resume will not be released."

"Personnel information," wrote Searer later, "is required to be protected under district regulations.  CCSD Regulation 1212 provides:  'Confidential information concerning all personnel will be safeguarded.'  Regulation 4311 further provides:  'All personnel information regarding district employees is confidential and may be reviewed only on a need-to-know basis.'"

However, NRS 386.350 explicitly states that "Each board of trustees is" only "given … reasonable and necessary powers," that do not conflict "with the Constitution and the laws of the State of Nevada." And CCSD cited no state law declaring resumes confidential.

According to NRS 239.010, unless records are "declared by law to be confidential, [they] must be open at all times during office hours to inspection by any person."

Over the past three months, Nevada Journal has been assigned numerous points of contact to facilitate its Oct. 27, 2011 request – David Roddy, CCSD public information officer; Lt. Ken Young, CCSD-PD public information officer; Amanda Fulkerson, CCSD chief communications officer; Dr. Craig Kadlub, the CCSD superintendent's chief of staff (who retired in December); and, of course, the superintendent's current chief of staff, Kirsten Searer.

So far, however, none have managed to facilitate CCSD compliance with Nevada's public-records law.

Update (Feb. 6, 2012): After the deadline for this story had passed, Nevada Journal received a response from CCSD-PD.

Karen Gray is an education researcher with Nevada Journal. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com and http://npri.org.

Read more:

Gingrich, Paul and Santorum offer their thoughts on federal lands in Nevada

 

 

Last week, NPRI's Geoffrey Lawrence wrote a commentary, showing how harmful (and unconstitutional) it is for the federal government to own more than 85 percent of the land in Nevada.

With the GOP presidential candidates in Nevada, Nevada Journal asked them for their thoughts on this issue. Here is what former House Speaker Newt Gingrich, Rep. Ron Paul (R., TX) and former Senator Rick Santorum had to say. Former Gov. Mitt Romney did not respond to Nevada Journal's interview request.

 

Texas Margin Tax: Always a Bad Idea

Public lands improve our quality of life – Opinion – ReviewJournal.com

A parent’s perspective: Why Nevada needs vouchers for special needs children

Melissa Muller's son has special needs. She would like to like to send him to a school like the Achievement Academy in Las Vegas, but she can't afford the $10,000 a year tuition.

Instead, she's sending him to a Nevada public school that is spending $15,000 a year on his education.

 That is why, for several sessions, Sen. Barbara Cegavske has introduced a special needs scholarship bill, modeled after the McKay Scholarships in Florida. Unfortunately, her bill has never made it out of committee, and parents, like Melissa, are unable to select the best school for their children, even though doing so would save the state money and improve the lives of children with special needs.

Learn more about the McKay scholarships here.

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Nevada News Bureau » Blog Archive » Lawmaker Review Of 45-Year-Old Nevada Public Education Funding Plan Hits Financial Roadblock

Celebrating School Choice Week in Nevada

It’s School Choice Week, and across the country advocates of parental choice are shining the spotlight on options that yield effective and accountable education.

In Nevada, where school choice is often shackled by partisan politics, political jockeying and legislative kick-the-can, parents, leaders and school-choice advocates are celebrating the state’s recent strides toward more parental control over their children’s education.

 Recently, Nevada Gov. Brian Sandoval, a Republican, and Assembly Speaker John Oceguera, a Democrat, appointed two staunch school-choice advocates to the Silver State’s newly established State Public Charter School Authority.

Transcending ideological and political differences, Nevada’s 2011 Legislature created the Charter School Authority to both authorize and oversee high-quality charter schools throughout the state. The Authority is also intended to foster a climate in which all Nevada’s charter schools, regardless of sponsor, can flourish.

Elissa Wahl, appointed to the Authority by Gov. Sandoval, is a home-schooling mom. In 2007, she was instrumental in getting the Nevada Legislature to pass less-restrictive homeschooling laws that allow homeschooling plans to be custom-fit to the needs of their individual child.

Melissa Mackedon, appointed by Speaker Oceguera, is a Fallon mom and school-choice advocate. Feeling what she described as a “sense of desperation” regarding the future education of her own young children, Mackedon, along with her sister, co-founded Oasis Academy, a new Nevada charter school.

“The Charter School Authority,” said Wahl in a recent press release, “was established to ensure that regulations pertaining to charter schools will make Nevada a favorable place for new charters to open.

“Nevada, its parents and its children will all benefit from greater choices in education, and I look forward to working on the Charter School Authority to help provide such choices.”

Wahl is also the co-founder and CEO of RISE Resource Center, Las Vegas’ first and only educational facility dedicated to school choice.

Mackedon and the Oasis school were in the news last April, when more than 50 families camped out at the Churchill County Fairgrounds just to register for the new school.

“I believe people are desperate for choice in education,” Mackedon wrote in an e-mail to NPRI over the weekend, “especially in the rural communities of Nevada.”

“For most parents,” she continued, “their children’s education is their top priority, and in so many instances, their hands are tied!”

Last week, at the campus of Oasis Academy, Gov. Sandoval joined 12 other states in proclaiming Jan. 23-29, 2012, as School Choice Week.

“Research in Nevada and across our nation demonstrates conclusively that providing children with multiple schooling options improves academic performance,” wrote Sandoval.

“All children in Nevada should have the right to the highest-quality schools possible.”

In Southern Nevada, school-choice advocates, business leaders, parents and members of the community will gather at RISE Resource Center on Thursday, Jan. 26 to celebrate School Choice Week.

Visitors will mingle, tour the facility and hear guest speakers Wayne Allen Root and Brian Calle. “Homeschool to Harvard” will be the topic of Root, a former Libertarian Party presidential candidate. Calle, a columnist for the Orange County Register newspaper and a representative of the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice, will speak on “Differences Between Charter Schools from State to State & What Nevada Needs to do to Catch Up.”

The RISE Resource Center is on the property of Advent United Methodist Church, located at 3460 N. Rancho Drive. The event, to which the public is invited, will run from 6 to 8:30 p.m.

The superintendent of the Clark County School District, Dwight Jones, was unavailable to comment on School Choice Week in time for this article. However, a CCSD spokesperson responded that “The Superintendent is supportive not only of parent choice but the atmosphere of positive competition among schools open enrollment encourages.”

CCSD recently closed its open-enrollment registration — a limited public-school choice option — for the 2012-13 school year. Parents this year showed increased interest over last year, with 1,318 applications compared to 1,200 last year.  

Last year, three CCSD schools with open seats received more applications than their seat capacity. For the coming year, the district has not yet completed school assignments, but says parents will be notified by Feb. 7.

Amanda Fulkerson, CCSD’s chief communications officer, noted that the district’s new school performance framework, which will make data on each school’s performance and growth publicly available, should have a significant impact on parent choices as parents will be able to see which schools perform best.

“This again is a healthy competition and an honest account of test scores and growth to be used as a tool for parent choice,” she said.

“Choice,” observed Oasis Academy co-founder Mackedon, “is important in nearly every scenario, and education is certainly no different.”

Karen Gray is an education researcher with Nevada Journal. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com and http://npri.org.

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Claim filed on church’s behalf | Pahrump Valley Times

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CJCL to represent Amargosa Valley church camp after U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service negligently floods it

LAS VEGAS — In 1991, Victor Fuentes swam seven miles from the Cuban coast to Guantanamo Bay Naval Base, seeking political asylum in the United States and escape from Fidel Castro's Communist regime.

Today, however, Fuentes is once again facing intrusive, abusive government power: An autocratic U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service illegally rerouted two streams that historically flowed through his Pahrump church camp. Less than three weeks after the rerouting, the stream overflowed the poorly engineered new banks during a rain storm, producing destructive flooding and severe property damage at the camp.

"In Cuba, I had this beautiful image of America as a place of freedom and liberty, and this situation has completely damaged that image," said Fuentes.

After being granted asylum, Fuentes was relocated to Las Vegas with hopes of bringing his ailing mother to the United States for medical care. A group of Cuban nationals living in Las Vegas he met were willing to help him on one condition: that in exchange for securing his mother's transport from Cuba, Fuentes would take part in their illegal drug distribution scheme.

Within a year of Fuentes' involvement, the scheme was busted, and he found himself sentenced to three years in federal prison. As a result, Fuentes was never able to bring his mother from Cuba.

 During his prison sentence, however, Fuentes was introduced to something that Castro's regime had banned for Cuban citizens: religion.

"The Lord saved me from my evil," said Fuentes. "I became a completely different person and wanted to start helping people the moment I stepped out."

Fuentes committed himself to Bible study, and upon release from prison became an ordained minister. Using his personal story as inspiration, he began serving as a youth minister in Las Vegas. In 2004, Fuentes and his wife, Annette, whom he'd known prior to his prison sentence, formed their own church, The Ministerio Roco Solida Church (Solid Rock Church).

"It was wonderful watching the church grow and become a gathering place for so many people," said Annette Fuentes.

Aerial view of the Patch of Heaven property before the December 23, 2010, flood. 

In 2006, the flourishing church purchased a 40-acre, Wild West-themed camp in Amargosa Valley for $500,000, using a combination of member contributions and Victor and Annette's own money. After purchasing the property, they spent another $700,000 refurbishing buildings, installing a septic system and retrofitting elements of the camp — which they renamed "Patch of Heaven."

By 2010, Patch of Heaven was booked "nearly every weekend" with church groups and campers, said Victor. The main attractions of the camp were two spring-fed streams flowing through the property and a swimming pond. The church used the streams for baptisms, and the entire property was treated as an "oasis for anyone seeking God."

"We are providing a service, by freeing people from problems that could cost the government money," said Victor. "People came to our camp for the water, and for a chance to be reborn."

In the fall of 2010, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service began rerouting the streams away from the camp. The streams — which had flowed through the property since the 1800s — were summarily diverted to go around the camp, cutting off its recreational and baptismal waters.

U.S. Fish and Wildlife completed the rerouting project in early December 2010. On Dec. 23, just before Christmas, rain waters raised the stream waters over the federal agency's constructed banks, flooding Patch of Heaven. The camp was submerged in mud and muddy waters, severely damaging the buildings and other property.

The flooded Patch of Heaven property. The flood resulted from the U.S Fish and Wildlife Service negligently rerouting two desert streams.

"It was devastating," Annette recalled. "Seeing all the work we put into [the camp] ruined by some type of government negligence was unbelievable."

In addition to the structural damage, she and Victor say, the overall value of the camp property is now significantly less. Not only has the camp been deprived of its water source, it is now on a government-created flood plain.

The Fuenteses reached out to several government officials for help, but received few responses.

"The government acts like a separate entity from the people — they are there, and we are here," Victor Fuentes told Nevada Journal when a reporter visited the camp.

In the year since the flooding, the Fuenteses have fixed most of the damaged buildings. The pond remains dried up, however, and the number of people coming to the church camp has decreased sharply.

Patch of Heaven after the flood receded. The rerouted streams dried up the property's swimming pond and baptismal stream. 

"I came to this country because I didn't want the government's hands on me," said Victor Fuentes.

"I fled that government. That's not the government I wanted to find here."

On Jan. 16, 2012, NPRI's Center for Justice and Constitutional Litigation announced it would file a claim against the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service seeking more than $86,000 in damages on behalf of the Ministerio Roco Solida Church. The claim covers the damage done to Patch of Heaven during the December 2010 flooding.

"In these types of situations — even when the government agency is clearly wrong — federal agencies often win by default because private individuals are intimidated and unable to stand up to the federal government," said Joseph Becker, chief legal officer and director of the CJCL. "That's not going to happen in this case."

The U.S Fish and Wildlife Service will have six months to respond to the CJCL's claim.

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter with Nevada Journal. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com and http://npri.org. For more on the Fuentes' case visit http://justice.npri.org/cases/justice-for-victor-fuentes/.

Nevada News Bureau » Blog Archive » Nevada Think Tank Announces New Case Aimed at U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service

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Who are ‘John Does 1-10’ in monorail-bond lawsuit?

Just who are the Las Vegas Monorail's "John Does 1-10"?

Currently unknown, they nevertheless are being sued — along with Citigroup — for alleged fraud in the monorail's bond sales.

 So says the September lawsuit filed by the Lord Abbett mutual fund group in New Jersey federal court.

According to the complaint, these "individuals and/or entities … are liable for damages suffered by" the fund group, but their "identities are presently unknown."

What is the prospect that these "presently unknown" individuals or entities will ever be identified? Or — to ask the question a different way — what is this "John Doe" ploy, anyhow?

In securities litigation, naming of unknown "John Doe" defendants is common. It allows cases to proceed before all legally liable "individuals and/or entities" are fully identified — and before statutes of limitations allow such parties to escape responsibility.

A revealing example is a case currently in the national news. It names, not 1-10, but 1-5,000 John Doe defendants.

The complaint — filed by producers of the motion picture "The Hurt Locker" — is over alleged copyright infringement.

Targeted are all the currently unnamed individuals who used the BitTorrent peer-to-peer Internet protocol to illegally download the film, despite its copyright.

"The true names of Defendants are unknown to the Plaintiff at this time," says the filmmakers' complaint. "Each Defendant is known to the Plaintiff only by the Internet Protocol (‘IP') address assigned to that Defendant by his or her Internet Service Provider on the date and at the time at which the infringing activity of each Defendant was observed.

"The Plaintiff believes that information obtained in discovery will lead to the identification of each Defendant's true name and permit the Plaintiff to amend this Complaint to state the same."

Finding the John Does in the case of the Las Vegas Monorail appears similar:  Legal discovery would be a prime route through which Lord Abbett could seek to identify the currently unknown "individuals or entities" it seeks.

For many other investors in the monorail bonds, however, their chances of recovering damages are probably low. That's because of statutes of limitations.

Under current federal law, specifically Sarbanes Oxley, securities claims must be made within two years after the discovery of facts constituting the violation or five years after the violation actually occurred.

Additionally, for those inclined to seek arbitration, the window for claims for securities on both the NYSE and NASD exchanges is usually only open for, at most, six years.

The initial offering of the Las Vegas Monorail bonds to prospective investors took place in August and September of 2000, according to a deposition by a central player in the monorail project, Cam Walker. He was deposed by attorneys for AMBAC Assurance Corporation in early 2010.

AMBAC had insured monorail bonds in 2000, raising their attractiveness in investors' eyes. However, after the monorail began defaulting on its bonds, AMBAC also failed, following the worldwide financial crisis.

The timing of the Las Vegas Monorail Company's initial bond offering, 2000, suggests that for many immediate purchasers of the bonds, their losses are now most likely well beyond the statute of limitations.

Notably, the Lord Abbett complaint filed in September 2011 says that the firm purchased its second-tier monorail bonds well after the initial offering — "between September 21, 2006 and October 4, 2006." That would put them within the five-year window.

Thus, if the Lord Abbett complaint can be relied on, John Does 1-10 were also actively involved in the selling of Las Vegas Monorail bonds in and around the fall of 2006.

The initial selling of the monorail bonds in 2000 was orchestrated by Citigroup and an MGM Grand executive, Scott Langsner, according to Walker's deposition testimony.  

Langsner, representing MGM Resorts, shared primary responsibility for managing the small monorail that in the late '90s ran between the MGM Grand and Bally's, with Mark Dodson, representing Park Place Entertainment (later, Caesar's Entertainment).

The name of the casinos' joint firm was the "MGM Grand Bally's Monorail Limited Liability Company."

According to Walker, Langsner, as the LLC's treasurer, controlled finance issues, while executives from Park Place oversaw legal issues.

From the beginning, the LLC's declared goal was to expand the small system, via some kind of non-casino financing, into a larger one that the hotels' customers could take all the way to the Las Vegas Convention Center on Paradise Road.

Because the monorail bond offering, testified Walker, "was unique and somewhat different, we wanted to make sure everyone was aware of what the MGM Grand Bally's Monorail, Limited Liability Company was putting together in the plan of finance."

Also called the "road show," the bond-selling effort entailed bringing in "potential investor groups from the different people that would be purchasing and acquiring the debt and the bond offerings."

Langsner and Dodson addressed the groups, as did "Regional Transportation Commission individuals," testified Walker. For example, Bruce Woodbury and Jacob Snow were brought in from the RTC to speak to prospective monorail bond investors "about the regional planning process of mass transit and transit in general."

Showing up to explain and discuss Las Vegas demographics, said Walker, was Rossi Ralenkotter from the Las Vegas Convention and Visitors Authority or other LVCVA representatives.

Also appearing to speak to prospective investors was a representative of URS Greiner Woodward Clyde, the consulting firm that the LLC had hired to make ridership forecasts for the new Las Vegas Monorail Company it wanted bond investors to finance.

URS Greiner's ridership projections would ultimately prove about three times too optimistic — estimating 20 million riders a year, when 7 million was the best the monorail ever achieved.

According to the Lord Abbett lawsuit against Citigroup, Citigroup only provided Lord Abbett with the URS Greiner ridership forecasts, and held back the ridership projections issued in 2000 by the Wendell Cox Consultancy out of Ohio.

The Cox analyses had already proven, over the intervening years, to be much more accurate.

The road-show presentations were emceed by Walker, who was in a partnership with Bob Broadbent, his father-in-law.

Their firm, Broadbent & Walker, Inc., had been on the payroll of the MGM Grand Bally's Monorail LLC since 1997 to help shepherd the new, larger bond-financed monorail into reality.

Whether or not John Does 1-10 ever will be publicly identified — revealing what casino or monorail executives, if any, must pay damages — will almost certainly hinge on legal discovery efforts pursued by Lord Abbett.

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

Read more:

State senator’s resignation doesn’t keep conservatives from pursuing lawsuit – Tuesday, Jan. 10, 2012 | 12:50 p.m. – Las Vegas Sun

Nevada News Bureau » Blog Archive » Nevada Think Tank Says Issues Raised in Separation of Powers Lawsuit Not Moot

Think tank opposes dismissal of lawsuit against state senator – News – ReviewJournal.com

Monorail bondholder sues for fraud

Critics of the selling of the Las Vegas Monorail project and the State of Nevada's role in it have long predicted that someday the whole affair would end up in court, the subject of fraud litigation.

That day has come.

 Citigroup — which the State of Nevada hired to be lead underwriter for the issuance of the monorail's state-approved bonds — is being sued for fraud.

According to the complaint, Citigroup's official prospectus for the $600 million-plus bond offering in 2000 failed to disclose a highly material report — one that "seriously undermined the reliability of" ridership projections that Citigroup and monorail backers were using to convince investors that the monorail was a sound investment.

At the same time, Citigroup did include with the monorail prospectus a highly optimistic projection of ridership numbers, for which monorail backers had paid.

Under U.S. securities law, underwriters are responsible for the accuracy and completeness of representations made to bond purchasers.

Bringing the legal action is one of the oldest mutual-fund companies in the United States, Lord Abbett, based in Maryland.

The firm is charging that Citigroup defrauded it of $13 million in 2006 by selling it second-tier monorail bonds while knowingly concealing highly material expert information about the monorail's poor prospects.

"As a secondary market offeror and seller of the Second Tier Bonds to the Lord Abbett Fund," says the complaint, filed in U.S. District Court in New Jersey, Sept. 23, "Citigroup was responsible for making full and fair disclosure to Lord Abbett of all material facts that it was aware of at the time the Bonds were sold to the Lord Abbett Fund."

Citigroup, say the complaint's authors, quite willingly provided Lord Abbett's analysts with rosy ridership predictions from the monorail's own hired consultants, URS Greiner Woodward Clyde.

But the highly authoritative analysis done by the Wendell Cox Consultancy, which Citigroup had possessed since 2000 and which Citigroup knew had proven itself much more reliable, was knowingly concealed from them and the public, say the mutual fund attorneys.

"Citigroup provided Lord Abbett with the 2000 Official Statement with the URS Study, LVMC's 2005 audited financial statements and the Presentation of the 2006 Budget. Citigroup did not, however, disclose the existence or content of the Cox Report to Lord Abbett."

Citigroup was not the only defendant named in the Sept. 23 complaint. Also listed were "JOHN DOES 1-10."

According to the complaint, "John Does 1-10 are individuals and/or entities who are liable for damages suffered by the Lord Abbett Fund but whose identities are presently unknown to the Lord Abbett Fund."

In an effort to learn more specifically what "individuals or entities" might be liable for such damages, Nevada Journal consulted several attorneys. However, none had responded by press time.

Significantly, however, it was the State of Nevada that issued the monorail bonds, with Citigroup serving as the state's agent.

It is conceivable, therefore, that the state may be targeted for damages suffered, not only by the Lord Abbett Fund, but by every investor who can testify that he or she relied upon Citigroup's offering prospectus for the disclosure of relevant facts.

Likewise, individuals and firms that were active in the "road show" in the initial selling of the monorail bonds could, arguably, be liable. That could include not only individual board members of the Las Vegas Monorail Company, but also the predecessor firm, where members of the board were executives of ParkPlace/Bally's (now Caesars Entertainment Corporation) and the MGM Grand (now MGM Resorts International).

Attorneys for the Lord Abbett Fund are seeking damages, repayment of lost interest, costs, punitive damages, attorney's fees and "any other relief which the Court deems proper."

They also demand a jury trial.

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

Examining the Tax Plans of Top GOP Candidates

CCSD trustees show change of heart on Policy Governance

LAS VEGAS — For more than a decade the Clark County school board has governed under Policy Governance® — the trademarked governance paradigm that Drs. John and Miriam Carver promote and for which they sell training services.

However, for nearly just as long, CCSD trustees' allegiance to the paradigm has drawn fire. Critics asserted that trustees too often have used it to evade their responsibilities, avoid accountability and disempower their constituents.

What allows such charges is the fact that the Carvers' approach hinges upon separating "issues of organizational purpose (ENDS) from all other organizational issues (MEANS)."

This means, according to the Carvers' website, that "Policy Governance boards demand accomplishment of purpose, and only limit the staff's available means to those which do not violate the board's pre-stated standards of prudence and ethics." (Emphasis added.)

Policy Governance® thus imposes separate and distinct roles on both trustees and staff.

Nevada's term-limits laws eventually eliminated from the CCSD school board the trustees who first embraced Policy Governance®. But remaining trustees continued to sing the praises of the governing approach and brought three freshman trustees — Deanna Wright, Chris Garvey and Linda Young — into the consensus, also.

Current board President Carolyn Edwards, the board's longest-serving member, often expressed her confidence that Policy Governance® was a way to hold the superintendent "much more accountable."

In 2009, discussing the evaluation of former superintendent Walt Rulffes, Edwards declared: "I feel strongly that [the] monitoring reports have been evaluated fully by the board and that it is the best of our abilities…."

Therefore, she indicated, she was not inclined to go back and reevaluate what the board had already accepted as superintendent compliance.

Last year, Edwards even pursued the chance to present before the International Policy Governance Association on the topic of how Policy Governance® can be used successfully by elected, non-profit boards.

 "If [the $300 membership fee] is a stumbling block for anybody," Edwards told her fellow trustees, "I would be willing to pay that out of my travel money."

The board approved the IPGA membership fee and Edwards gave her presentation that summer.

Increasingly, however, veteran trustees sound more like their Policy Governance® critics than the dedicated practitioners they were last year.

This summer, as trustees reviewed Superintendent Dwight Jones' first annual "executive limitation" financial monitoring reports, as required under Policy Governance®, Trustee Wright announced that she has "struggled, my years on the board, with the superintendents' interpretations" of the policies spelled out by the board.

"I have felt in other monitoring reports," she said, "that they were just a restatement of what was already there — not necessarily the interpretation the superintendent was gleaning from the policy."

Board President Edwards, too — long back from her presentation at the International Policy Governance Association on how boards like CCSD's can achieve success with Policy Governance® — now sounds grumpy.

Finding issues with how Jones had interpreted the board policies on those financial monitoring reports, Edwards wanted trustees to critique his interpretation.

She advised other board members that their role, upon receiving such a report, was to examine how the superintendent had interpreted the board's policies.

The board members should ask themselves, she said: "Is that what we meant by that policy?"

Then, in September, after trustees failed to evaluate the board's intent in Jones' interpretations for recently submitted monitoring reports, Edwards complained to Bill Charney, the board's new Policy Governance® consultant, a few days later during a governance training retreat.

"I don't think this board now does a good job of assessing the superintendent and holding him accountable," Edwards told Charney. "Nor do I think any previous board has," she asserted.

 "We had three monitoring reports Thursday night," Edwards used as an example. "There was hardly any discussion about the interpretation. I was astonished because that's how we hold [Jones] accountable."

So, has the school board finally seen what its critics have been arguing for years?

Probably not. 

Such discussions, regarding superintendent interpretations, have apparently never been custom or practice at the Clark County school board.

Indeed, a review of board conversations during the monitoring reports for 2009 and 2010, when most members on the current board were serving, reveals that former Superintendent Walt Rulffes turned in 20 monitoring reports with 130 interpretations.

Not once did the board ask, "Is that what we meant by that policy?"

Perhaps that's because John Carver told trustees in 2006 that their role was to "pass the policy," while it was "the superintendent's next step to interpret the policy." And about that, the board "should keep [their] mouth shut…"

This October, trustees discussed new feelings about Policy Governance®.

"Policy Governance, the structure as it was set from the Carvers, doesn't really work for us because we're not a GE or a Disney or a Verizon Wireless," said Wright. "We're an elected board that has constituents that need to speak to us…."

"It puts one in a very uncomfortable space," agreed Trustee Chris Garvey, who said that her constituents, too, feel they do not get the kind of response they expect.

Trustee Young, often critical of the constraints imposed by Policy Governance®, said she gets "a little perturbed" that the paradigm accepted by the board for so many years puts her "in this box," when she can be a resource.

"I want to be effective as a trustee," she said. "I want the people, my constituents to see me as effective.  When they call me, I can pass the ball … and do my part."

Garvey expressed the consensus: "I don't think I'm ready to throw the baby out with the bathwater. But I would like to see continued discussions and involvement."

While not ready to toss out the baby, trustees are ready to "shape it" and "mold it" to meet their needs.

"I'm OK with Policy Governance," said Wright, "to the point that we can still continue to shape it in the way that we need to, to be responsive to parents…."

Edwards advised trustees that they should view Policy Governance® as merely an instrument, one which can be modified to meet their needs. 

"Policy Governance is simply a tool," said Edwards. "It is not the end of anything."

 "I think there's a perception that it can't be modified to meet our needs, but I think it can be modified to meet our needs," she elaborated. "Bill Charney said that very clearly." 

Taking a "slightly different view," newly appointed trustee John Cole, who too stated he had some issues with Policy Governance®, cautioned that Superintendent Jones needs leeway to get things done and trustees should be careful not to wind things too tightly.

"Right now," said Cole, "I want [Jones] to have the open field to run in, as far as he needs to go, to bring the changes we all know this district needs at this point and time."

"Let's also keep in mind," Cole said later, addressing a description by Edwards of how the board could fail, "that if this is too tight, that's another definition of how we can fail."

Karen Gray is an education researcher with Nevada Journal. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com and http://npri.org.

Ratepayers tapped for a $4.4 million early Christmas gift to City of Las Vegas

LAS VEGAS — NV Energy officials presented the City of Las Vegas with a $4.4 million rebate check Tuesday, but it was state ratepayers who were actually funding the check.

So far, $113 million has been paid out for more than 1,300 solar projects across the state under the electricity monopoly's "SolarGenerations" program, according to spokesman Tony Sanchez.

The program was established under NRS 701B, a mandatory solar-energy incentives law passed by state legislators in 2007, and then amended in 2009.

It funds the incentive checks through dollars the state Public Utilities Commission allows NV Energy to take from general ratepayers under NRS 701B.230 (4). 

Las Vegas is the largest government recipient so far, having received more than $7.4 million in rebates. Tuesday's $4.4 million was a reward for installing 33 solar "trees" — metal poles with solar panels on top — in front of the new City Hall building.

"These trees artistically demonstrate the city's commitment to renewable energy," City Manager Betsy Fretwell said during the presentation. The city reportedly spent $8.2 million on the solar trees and on additional solar panels at 16 different city facilities.

According to NV Energy's Sanchez, other facilities benefiting from the solar rebates include eight fire stations, Centennial Hills Community Center, Lorenzi Park, and the East and West Service Centers.

Fretwell asserted the city's solar investment "created or saved" 41 jobs, and that the complete City Hall construction project created 1,450 jobs.

Economists, however, point out that jobs government claims to "create" in one area merely re-route dollars that would have generated jobs in other areas, had those dollars been left in the private sector.

The new City Hall is currently LEED-certified "silver," meaning it achieves a certain point total in categories such as sustainability and indoor environmental quality, said Mayor Carolyn Goodman. She predicted the building would receive "gold" certification by next year.

"Sometimes you have to spend money up front to get money back," said City Councilman Bob Coffin. "Government has to spend taxpayer money in the short-run to get money back in the long-run."

In the case of renewable energy, however, taxpayer investment frequently doesn't produce positive long-run results while instead hindering the growth of private-sector investments.

Other projects, such as Solyndra, become political fiefdoms attached to the government, and taxpayers are left footing the bill when, as frequently happens, government's investment fails.

Behind such instances, says Geoffrey Lawrence, deputy policy director at the Nevada Policy Research Institute, is a tactic he describes as "rent-seeking cronyism."

"Solyndra's business model — like that of many ‘renewable'-energy-component manufacturers — doesn't achieve success by producing goods that consumers value and would purchase freely," wrote Lawrence. "Instead, this business model achieves success by petitioning politicians to legally compel consumers to purchase the company's product."

In addition to NV Energy's rebate, Las Vegas has received nearly $28 million in federal "stimulus" grants, municipal bonds and ratepayer-funded rebates to implement its "Sustainable Energy Strategy."

Other city renewable projects include constructing 17 solar-covered parking structures on city properties, replacing old street lamps and installing charging outlets for electric vehicles at the new City Hall.

The city also purchased two expensive and sporty Chevy Volts and plans to purchase two more by the first quarter of 2012. Financed in part out of a $1.4 million city Green Building Special Revenue Fund — funded by "utility rebates, energy savings, and incremental increases in franchise fees" — the cars are also financed out of Department of Energy loans secured by U.S. Sen. Harry Reid, D-Nev., and Congresswoman Shelley Berkley, D-Nev.

"These [renewable energy projects] are examples of what this city is trying to do," Goodman said at her press conference. "Public-works projects are near and dear to my heart, and projects like these will help lower the city's energy bill."

Goodman touted the new hall as a beacon for the "new downtown Las Vegas" and the city's commitment to renewable energy.

"[Las Vegas wants] to be a leader when it comes to sustainability in this state," Goodman said. "We're going to set a good example with this building and our other green projects."

The new City Hall is expected to open officially on Feb. 27, with a ribbon-cutting ceremony on March 5.

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter with Nevada Journal. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com and http://npri.org.

‘A total lack of common sense’ at health district?

It was a story that made headlines across Southern Nevada.

The Southern Nevada Health District (SNHD) descended upon a banquet for fresh-food enthusiasts in Overton, Nev., and forced the hosts to pour bleach on the meals, making them inedible.

 The supposed problem at Quail Hollow Farm? The food — coming, as it did, right off the farm — bore no stickers saying it was "U.S.D.A. certified."

When news reporters contacted the district and sought an explanation or justification, Supervisor Susan Labay claimed she and the inspector she'd been directing over the phone at the farm had had no choice.

"I don't necessarily have the choices that everyone thinks we might," she told Colleen McCarty of 8NewsNow. "I don't necessarily agree with every law that I have to regulate [sic], but I can't choose how to apply that law. That is already decided for me."

Labay made similar remarks to Las Vegas Sun columnist J. Patrick Coolican. "We don't have an option," she said.

A bit of research, however, reveals that Labay's claim is false. More than once, NRS 446 explicitly allows health-district officials to exercise discretion in their regulation of food establishments, whether temporary or permanent.

Some two-dozen times the chapter uses the legal term that designates discretionary actions: "may" — rather than the mandatory "shall."

One instance is under the "Temporary Food Establishments" heading, where NRS 446.865 says that a "health authority" — defined in NRS 446.050 as "the officers and agents" of the state health division or local boards of health — "may … Prohibit the sale of certain potentially hazardous food" (Emphasis added) — clearly allowing for the possibility that such food not be prohibited.

Another instance is under "Provisions for Enforcement," NRS 446.870. It says, "The health authority may exempt a food establishment from the provisions of this chapter if the health authority determines that the food which is sold, offered or displayed for sale, or served at the establishment does not constitute a potential or actual hazard to the public health." (Emphasis added)

The use of the phrase, "potential … hazard to the public health," in that last line is an example of poor statutory phrasing by state lawmakers, and requires that health district officials use yet more discretion.

That's because Nevada's state law on food establishments — and the health-district ordinances that derive from that law — all rely, for their key definitions of "potentially hazardous food," on the federal Food and Drug Administration's Food Code — which defines virtually everything edible as "potentially hazardous."

In themselves, the FDA's definitions are reasonable, given that all foods, if improperly handled or prepared, can produce illness.

But NRS 446.870, as written, misses that important distinction. On its face, it allows bureaucrats deficient in common sense to presume that if a food is "potentially hazardous," it must be prohibited. But given that nearly all foods — being organic and subject to microbial and bacteriological action — can spoil, such an interpretation would be absurd: It would mean that no foods, properly handled or not, can be offered to the public.

"For any legal rule," observes Frederick F. Schauer, a leading scholar of jurisprudence and legal process, "the possibility will always exist that applying the plain meaning of the rule's words will produce a result at odds with what the rule was designed to accomplish, or even at odds with simple common sense."

Clearly, NRS 446.870 is such a law.

Nevada Journal asked attorney Pete Kennedy, of the Farm to Consumer Legal Defense Fund, about Labay's assertion that she and other health-district inspectors had no discretion.

"That's baloney," he said. "They have discretion; they just showed a total lack of common sense."

The health district's overbearing behavior, said Kennedy, is not an isolated case, but is part of a growing trend of "regulators gone wild." He added that "Most laws in this area are antiquated and have not caught up with changes in the local food movement."

"Incidents of food-borne illness [from farm-to-consumer sales] are almost non-existent," he said. "The regulatory burden needs to be lifted through some common-sense legislation."

Generally speaking, said Kennedy, president of the legal defense fund, "The U.S.D.A. regs on the farm slaughter of meat need to be changed." They "deprive farmers of income" and "make it very difficult to make a living as a small farmer."

Quite frequently, he said, the record shows that the regulations really have an economic purpose. Though disguised as health measures, their real intent is to "prevent the local-food movement from growing as it should," in order to "benefit the larger food processing companies by preventing competition from smaller farms that would sell direct to the consumer."

What would improve the situation, said Kennedy, would be "a two-tier system where the factories would be subjected to licensing and inspections, but direct-to-consumer farms would be exempt from any licensing and inspections."

"If [a] consumer is willing to take on the responsibility [of buying direct], they should have the right to," he said.

SNHD's Labay did not return Nevada Journal's repeated calls for comment.

Robert Fellner lives in Las Vegas and is a contributing writer to Nevada Journal. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com and http://npri.org.

Legislative ‘police powers’ said to trump U.S. Constitution

The attorney for homeowners in the Wells Fargo v. Renslow case defended the constitutionality of Nevada's controversial Foreclosure Mediation Program on Friday, asserting that the Legislature's "police powers" during an emergency trump the U.S Constitution's contract clause.

"In response to the crisis created by the down-turn in the real estate market coupled with the vast number of questionable loans made by lenders, the Nevada legislature enacted legislation modifying the requirements for a lender to use [Nevada's] non-judicial foreclosure process," wrote attorney Carole Pope in her response.

 "A clear emergency existed that required attention to protect and promote the welfare of Nevada's citizens as well as preserving the real estate market to some degree."

Pope cited the 1978 U.S. Supreme Court case Allied Structural Steel v. Spannaus, which recognized a state's residual authority under its police powers to intervene in and modify contracts:

First of all, it is to be accepted as a commonplace that the Contract Clause does not operate to obliterate the police power of the States. "It is the settled law of this court that the interdiction of statutes impairing the obligation of contracts does not prevent the State from exercising such powers as are vested in it for the promotion of the common weal, or are necessary for the general good of the public, though contracts previously entered into between individuals may thereby be affected. This power, which in its various ramifications is known as the police power, is an exercise of the sovereign right of the Government to protect the lives, health, morals, comfort and general welfare of the people, and is paramount to any rights under contracts between individuals."

Stating that Nevada's real estate bubble was a "clear emergency," Pope wrote that the Nevada Legislature was "merely exercising its police powers in a limited fashion to assure that lenders take the mediation process seriously."

Thomas McAffee, a constitutional law professor at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas' Boyd School of Law, said Pope, in behalf of the Renslows, presented a "plausible argument" and that police powers fall under the "general legislative powers" of the Legislature.

"The basic idea is that the Legislature can enact any law they think will promote the welfare of the people so long as it's not prohibited by the Constitution," said McAffee. "The difficulty is the concept of separation of powers places an implicit limitation on what can be passed."

Pope addressed Wells Fargo's separation-of-powers argument in her response, asserting that the mediation program presents a "justiciable controversy," should the lender act in bad faith, and that "the judiciary is the proper branch of government to oversee a dispute resolution program designed to resolve such controversies."

Pope gave a step-by-step argument to illustrate her point:

In this type of matter, 1) the lender claims a right to foreclose, which the homeowner contests; 2) the interest between lenders and homeowners are adverse; 3) the homeowner has a legal interest; 4) the filing of Notice of Default makes the action ripe for decision by the judiciary.

Wells Fargo originally argued the mediation program was an administrative agency, as it had been defined in a May 2011 Second District Court ruling. As such, said the bank's attorneys, the program had been unconstitutionally located within the state's executive branch, rather than the judiciary.

The judge who authored the definition, Patrick Flanagan, subsequently repudiated that definition in an August case brought by Deutsche Bank, which also challenged the Foreclosure Mediation Program's constitutionality.

Flanagan's August ruling could be seen as having alluded to government's police power, although it did not explicitly cite it:

The Foreclosure Mediation Program is an example of all three branches of government, Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary, working to meet the needs of its citizens who face an unprecedented crisis of epic proportions.

One of the issues not addressed in the response of the Renslows' attorney is whether Nevada Supreme Court justices are obligated to recuse themselves from hearing the case, given that they oversee the mediation program and helped craft it.

According to the Supreme Court Clerk's office, the reply brief from Wells Fargo is due Jan. 3, 2012.

Snell and Wilmer, the law firm representing Wells Fargo, declined to comment.

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter with Nevada Journal. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com and http://npri.org.

Despite repeated promises of backers, government takeover of monorail looms

The Las Vegas Monorail — despite years of protestations to the contrary — is still seeking a shotgun marriage with Nevada taxpayers, hearings in U.S. bankruptcy court confirmed this week.

Moreover, the odds of monorail insiders accomplishing their long-held goal of making Clark County government take the system over appear to be growing ever stronger.

In that effort, the monorail appears to be succeeding — by failing.

 In 2006, the casino-servicing "nonprofit" quit paying on its $660 million debt — while continuing to pay lavish salaries to insiders like CEO Curtis Myles III. His annual compensation over the four-year period, 2006 through 2010, averaged $350,631.

Now, the monorail's remaining tier-one bondholders — desperate to minimize their losses — have agreed to a reorganization plan that would erase the $450 million they are owed.  In exchange, they would accept new promises from the monorail: that it will pay them, down the road, approximately one-tenth of that sum: $44.5 million. The alternative — taking ownership of the system's assets — might yield a mere $8.5 million.

Under the plan, other bondholders — the second and third tier, owed some $207 million — are simply wiped out.

Altogether, the Las Vegas Monorail Company (LVMC) owes approximately $707 million — repayment of which it will almost entirely avoid.

While Judge Bruce Markell ordered hearings this week in U.S. bankruptcy court to help him determine whether the monorail plan even makes financial sense, to some extent that question is merely academic: Whether the judge chooses to confirm the plan or not, virtually all roads still lead to a county — or, possibly, state — takeover.

Say that Markell does not confirm the reorganization plan. Then, the belly-up company — absent some near-divine financial intervention — will almost certainly soon run out of the maintenance and capital-equipment-replacement funds it needs to continue operating.

Las Vegas would then face the very real prospect of a huge, dead, mechanical white elephant sprawling across its world-famous resort corridor — an image of failure and depression that would be lethal for tourism and the city's economic-revival hopes.

Conceivably, the monorail infrastructure could simply be torn down and removed, using the security deposit that the LVMC placed with Clark County for such an eventuality. But is it plausible that county commissioners would, at this late date, suddenly deprive Strip gaming moguls of their people-mover to the Las Vegas Convention Center?

Thus, long before any dire situation would be allowed to arise, county commissioners — with whatever assistance they would need from the State of Nevada — most likely would take decisive action.

But what about the alternative possibility — that Judge Markell might confirm the LVMC's reorganization plan?

As the judge's cross-examination of the monorail CEO and a top advisor made clear Monday, there are ample reasons to doubt that the reorganization plan, even if approved, will work.

"How can I confirm a plan … which, at its core, says in 2019 [the LVMC will still run] a $38.4 million shortfall?" asked Markell. "How can I confirm a plan that shows that, under any accounting standards that you choose, [the LVMC is] going to run losses from now until 2019?

"How can I confirm a plan," he continued, "that admits that there are going to be significant capital expenditures required in 2019 or earlier, and certainly by 2025, that are not accounted for, nor is there any credible evidence that they can be met by the debtors' ability to generate cash?

"Finally, under feasibility, how can I confirm a plan in which [the] total debt structure imposed … is more than twice what both witnesses indicated they thought the reorganization value of the company is?"

Those questions — presented to monorail attorney William N. Noall on Monday by Markell — show how serious the challenges the LVMC will face are — even if the court confirms the reorganization plan.

CEO Curtis Myles III and restructuring advisor Matthew Kvarda told the judge that, at present, they see only three "up-side" possibilities under which the company could quit running deficits:

  • 1) The monorail might pick up from 240,000 to 480,000 new riders a year from the Project Linq "observation wheel" entertainment development being planned by Caesar's Entertainment on the Strip;
  • 2) The monorail might pick up about 65,000 new riders annually if the planned, but still indefinite, re-opening of the Sahara hotel-casino occurs;
  • 3) The monorail might be able, by changing its legal relationship to the state or the county, to receive significant federal grants and subsidies.

None of the three scenarios were included in the reorganization plan's revenue projections, said Myles, given their highly tentative nature. But he did reveal that the possibility of federal money is something he and the monorail board have, since 2006, been pursuing vigorously — talking to U.S. Transportation Department officials "several times" every year.

With the federal funders, however, the talks regularly ran into two primary obstacles, said Myles. One was the monorail's massive debt, on which the company was not paying. The second was the fact that the monorail was not, in federal transportation parlance, a "grant-eligible" entity — i.e., it lacked the appropriate "legal relationship with the state, or an entity of the state."

What exactly characterizes such a "legal relationship"? Federal Transit Administration rules suggest it would entail the monorail becoming a legal instrument of the local municipality. Afterward, it would be the municipality — the county or the city — that receives the federal dollars and assumes responsibility "for the daily administration and management of the grant in compliance with the grant agreement and applicable FTA circulars and regulations."

For all intents and purposes, therefore, the monorail would become a city or county agency — for which the ultimate financial responsibility passes to taxpayers.

Myles indicated that, by declaring bankruptcy and shedding the hundreds-of-millions-of-dollars obligation to bondholders, the LVMC now expects to surmount the first obstacle to getting the federal dollars.

To deal with the second obstacle to receiving those funds, Myles said, "we've had some discussions with various parties around the community about becoming a grant-eligible entity — either directly, or through a legal relationship."

Nevada residents were repeatedly promised at the kickoff of the monorail project, in 2000 and the years before, that they would never get stuck with its tab or have to bail it out.

However, at that very time, monorail proponents were also busy writing provisions into Clark County ordinances to facilitate transfer of the monorail to the county, when the time was right.

Title 5 of the Clark County Code of Ordinances sets forth several ways that Clark County can assume ownership of the monorail:

  • It can be taken through eminent domain. If it does, however, it must provide the casinos the same service, at "fares and performance conforming to those existing at the time of acquisition, for a period necessary to protect the usefulness of the monorail to the franchisee."
  • The monorail company can simply abandon the system. Then the county, after providing LVMC with notice and "a reasonable opportunity to cure," can take it over, and "the monorail shall be deemed voluntarily transferred to the county."
  • Finally, the county can also acquire the monorail through "voluntary transfer," in which "the county and franchisee may mutually agree to any terms."

Absent an undiscussed possibility — or the political courage to tear it down — a government takeover of the monorail seems inevitable. It also raises a serious question: Was this outcome, contrary to promises to the public, the monorail backers' long-term plan all along?

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Monorail bankruptcy judge: Let’s talk money

The federal judge in charge of the Las Vegas Monorail Company bankruptcy case is ordering, for the second time, the debt-ridden firm to come up with solid evidence that it will ever be financially viable.

Unless it does, suggested U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Bruce Markell last week, the company will never exit from bankruptcy court.

 The judge directed monorail attorneys to be ready at the next confirmation hearing, Nov. 14, to demonstrate realistic financing prospects for the bankrupt company.

Markell first issued an order on this same subject on Sept. 9, expressing his "concerns … as to … whether the Debtor will likely obtain financing" that would permit it to satisfy debt obligations and meet capital-spending needs.

Monorail attorneys were then directed to bring the judge, by Sept. 16, "admissible evidence" demonstrating that their proposed monorail reorganization plan will have adequate financing behind it and "is not likely to be followed by the liquidation, or the need for further financial reorganization, of the debtor or any successor" firm.

Markell underscored the issue he wanted the monorail's attorneys — Gordon & Silver, Ltd. — to address, citing multiple bankruptcy cases in which courts denied debtor-reorganization plans, finding them too vague financially.

Cited were cases:

  • Where the "debtor offered evidence of voluntary donations and oral pledges, not firm commitments";
  • Where the debtor offered "uncorroborated testimony [about a] contributing source for needed capital and [where the] prospective sharing agreements [were] mere speculation and wishful thinking";
  • Where the "proposed financing was based on contingencies, at best conditional, and thus, not feasible";
  • Where the "debtor's plan to obtain refinancing was speculative [and] where industry standard … would be insufficient to meet plan obligations"; and
  • Where "the debtor offered no credible evidence as to why it had been unable to obtain refinancing during the two years since filing bankruptcy, no evidence as to the value of the properties, and no evidence as to its general financial situation and prospects."

Monorail attorneys responded to Markell with assurances that the "Debtor believes that the changes made in the Third Amended Plan, as Revised, will address at least part of the Court's feasibility concerns."

However, after the judge received the latest version of the plan — by count, the sixth version that had been "supplemented" twice — he clearly found it less than adequate.

Therefore, on Nov. 1, Markell issued his second order on the subject, this one explicitly titled, "Order Regarding Plan Feasibility."

Repeating much of his initial Sept. 9 order, Markell added that, "Neither Debtor's new plan, nor any supplement relating thereto, fully resolves the court's initial concerns.

"Thus, the court repeats its previous request that, at the confirmation hearing" on Nov. 14 "and independent of any objections by interested parties, counsel should be prepared to address the court's concerns with admissible evidence that demonstrates Debtor's new plan satisfies" the requirements of federal law that it actually be viable.

In particular, repeated Markell, he wanted to see evidence "whether Debtor will likely obtain future financing," noting that without that financing, "Debtor will be unable to satisfy debt obligations" and to fund construction of the new monorail stations the bankrupt company still intends to build.

The judge also directed monorail attorneys to be ready to explain "what steps, if any, Debtor has taken, or plans to take," to obtain such financing.

The bankrupt Las Vegas Monorail Company owes creditors approximately $650 million — spread over three classes, or "tiers," of bonds: $451.5 million in the First Tier, $149.2 million in the Second Tier, and $48.5 million in the Third Tier.

On Oct. 31, lawyers for the Third Tier bondholders' trustee filed an objection to the monorail company's sixth plan for reorganization, asserting that the plan, as proposed, would simply "stiff" many people unfairly.

"Many of the Debtor's creditors — including investors, former employees, and injured parties with claims against the Debtor — stand to receive little, if any, recovery, with Debtor asserting that it has little money to pay creditors," wrote the trustee's counsels. "In short, Debtor's financial condition is a mess."

What is worse, argues the objection, the monorail's latest reorganization plan seeks to illegally shield monorail company insiders and other third parties:

"Invariably in cases such as this one, the activity leading up to and during the bankruptcy — the actions of the Debtor's leadership, insiders, advisers and parties that have received payments from the Debtor — are closely examined and often become the subject of legal proceedings to help recover losses suffered by creditors of the estate.

"Such legal action, whether brought by the bankruptcy estate itself or directly by creditors, often serves as an important source of recovery, and sometimes the only source of recovery in a cash-starved case."

However, noted attorneys for the Third Tier trustee, the Las Vegas Monorail case has already departed significantly from normal practice in Chapter 11 bankruptcies, which calls for an official committee of unsecured creditors to be appointed to lead the review and prosecution of such potential causes of action.

Because "no Committee has been appointed," assert the Third Tier trustee attorneys, "a void in the overall representation of unsecured creditors" was created.

"Into that void, the Debtor has now proposed its Plan, which seeks to bury potential litigation against its directors, officers, and other debtor-related parties ("Insiders").

"If that were not enough, Debtor also proposes to grant illegal releases to these Insiders protecting them from claims that the Debtor or others might assert in this bankruptcy case."

Because the trustee attorneys cited Section 1102, Subchapter 1 of Chapter 11 of the U.S. Bankruptcy Code, Nevada Journal looked it up.

The section states that, "as soon as practicable after the order for relief under chapter 11 of this title, the United States trustee shall appoint a committee of creditors holding unsecured claims…."

The one exception, in section 1102, to the rule is that, "On request of a party in interest in a case in which the debtor is a small business debtor and for cause, the court may order that a committee of creditors not be appointed."

Nevada Journal contacted the federal Office of the U.S. Trustee, part of the U.S. Department of Justice, seeking to learn why the Trustee had not, in the case of the Las Vegas Monorail Company, followed the apparent meaning of 11 U.S.C. § 1102.

An e-mail response from the Executive Office of the U.S. Trustee Program said that "there's no information on the public record." The message added that, "In general, under section 1102 of the Bankruptcy Code, ‘a committee of creditors … shall ordinarily consist of the persons, willing to serve, that hold the seven largest claims against the debtor of the kinds represented on such committee …'" (Ellipses in the original.)

The Washington, D.C., and San Francisco offices of the Executive Office of U.S. Trustees said that decisions about the appointment of creditor committees in Southern Nevada bankruptcy cases are made locally in the U.S. Trustee's Las Vegas office.

A spokesman at that office informed Nevada Journal that Athanasios Agelakopoulos is the office's attorney in charge of the Las Vegas Monorail bankruptcy.

However, multiple calls and e-mails to Mr. Agelakopoulos seeking an on-the-record explanation were not returned by publication time.

An experienced bankruptcy attorney consulted by Nevada Journal on a not-for-attribution basis said it is "highly unusual" that no creditors' committee was appointed in the monorail case.

Even if the different creditors may be reaching agreements in their private negotiations, he said, one would still expect the appointment of multiple creditors' committees because of all the different interests in play.

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

CCSD police issuing tickets on Nevada highways

While heavy auto traffic around Clark County elementary schools is creating chaos and endangering children, school district police spend time on Nevada desert highways, running traffic stings on motorists.

Multiple stories and letters to the editor in the Las Vegas Review-Journal and Sun last week reported serious issues with traffic around schools.

From Nevada JournalYet, as documented by this video — taken by a passerby last Wednesday — Clark County School District police were out beyond the 93/95 Searchlight exchange on the road into Boulder City, hoping along with Henderson, Metro and Highway Patrol officers to nab careless motorists.

The area is listed as a "speed trap" on the website U.S. Speed Trap Exchange.

The Las Vegas Sun reported this weekend that Fred Peters, a concerned grandparent on a "self-appointed mission," routinely stands in a crosswalk outside his granddaughter's elementary school holding a stop sign — just so children can get safely across the street after school lets out.

"I don't want to wait until we see somebody get run over or killed before we do something," Peters told the Sun. Peters hasn't gotten much of a response from elected officials, the school district, Metro Police or school district police regarding the traffic nightmare at Wright Elementary School.

The Sun article described traffic chaos with a hundred cars parked in a no-parking zone, waiting to pick up kids, while cars "stuck in the pileup" maneuver "around the narrow street any way they can, even if it requires an unsafe U-turn or a stop in the middle of a crosswalk or driveway."

Initially, Wright's principal, Carol Erbach, would go to the back of the school herself to direct traffic and help kids cross the street. Then she was informed that employees aren't allowed to leave school grounds for "liability" reasons.

It's an all-too-familiar story for many folks in the valley. On Wednesday, the R-J noted that police are investigating the crosswalk crash the previous Friday that killed one girl and severely injured two others. Six years before that, two Clark County School District middle schoolers, 11-year-old Amanda Aragon and 12-year-old Timothy Hill, were killed in two separate traffic incidents as they walked to school. 

Aragon was killed by a hit-and-run driver in a crosswalk, and Hill later died from injuries suffered after being struck by a car outside a crosswalk.

"Everything that [Sun] article mentions, I've experienced," says Gina Greisen, parent of a former Tomiyasu Elementary School student.

In 2005, Greisen was where Peters is now, she told Nevada Journal.  Like Peters, she also was known for her tenacity and impatience. And after getting the same "liability" excuses from CCSD officials that Peters received, Greisen also took off on her own "self-appointed mission."  

For over a year, she pushed the school district to address traffic safety at her daughter's school.  Just days before Amanda Aragon was killed, Greisen finally got media attention on Tomiyasu's traffic nightmares — parking in no-parking zones, parking in cross-walks, double parking.

A month later, she organized parents in a ticketing campaign, issuing fake tickets to vehicles breaking traffic laws outside the school.  Then, after months of relentless work, Greisen organized Look-Out Kids-About (LOKA), a coalition, still in existence today, of public officials, community partners and parents focused on safe routes to school and school-zone safety.

That coalition, says Greisen, "was put together to address exactly every issue in that [Sun] article." 

In fact, it was Greisen and her coalition, including CCSD officials, that initiated the idea of giving school police authority to issue traffic citations on roadways adjacent to schools.

"Children were dying," explains Greisen. "If giving school police authority to issue tickets in school zones could save lives, I was all for it."

In 2007, the Nevada Legislature granted authority "on the streets that are adjacent to the school property, buildings and facilities within the school district for the purpose of issuing traffic citations for violations of traffic laws and ordinances during the times that the school is in session or school-related activities are in progress" to school district police officers.

Which, brings us back to Peters.

As this weekend's Sun article indicates, school district staff are still prohibited from traffic control, and Wright Elementary School remains the most crowded elementary school in the district — with over 1,100 students (900 of whom walk).  Moreover, the poor traffic design results in hordes of cars parking in no-parking zones, making unsafe U-turns and stopping in the crosswalks.

So why aren't school police enforcing the traffic laws at Wright before and after school? 

After all, wasn't it to avoid these very circumstances that CCSD sought — and received — authority from the Nevada Legislature for school police to issue traffic citations on roadways adjacent to schools?

"This bill is about safety and nothing more," Craig Kadlub, then CCSD's director of government affairs, told the Senate Committee on Human Resources and Education in 2007. "Every year we see multiple incidents where children are struck by cars and sometimes fatally. … The back of the bill says it would allow school police to have jurisdiction on streets contiguous to these schools and during times when school functions are in session."

"This is about parents that double- and triple-park, make illegal U-turns, park in the crosswalks, et cetera. The officers would not be engaged in anything out in the community," Kadlub told the Assembly Committee on Education. [Emphasis added]

So, why then, nearly five years later, is it necessary for Peters to stand in a school crosswalk, holding a stop sign, just so children leaving school can get across the street safely?

One reason is that, contrary to Kadlub's assertions — and Nevada statutory law — school police are often busily engaged "out in the community," rather than protecting kids in school zones.

The video mentioned above was taken around 12:30 p.m. on Wednesday, Oct. 26 by a passenger in a car on U.S. 93. It shows Clark County School District police "out in the community," lined up for a traffic sting on the highway just beyond the 93/95 Searchlight exchange heading into Boulder City.

According to CCSD's bell schedule for the 2011-12 school year, 108 elementary schools had afternoon kindergarten starting within 20 minutes of that video being taken.

Roughly two hours later, as the same passerby returned along that stretch of highway, as shown in this video, CCSD police were still engaged in the traffic sting.  Meanwhile, across the Las Vegas Valley, 60 elementary schools, let out an estimated 39,000 primary-school students, between 2 pm and 2:50 pm. 

Says Greisen: "It's that 20 minutes of chaos — utter chaos — before and after school, when school police are most needed to issue traffic tickets and educate parents on school-zone safety."

While CCSD school police are content to leave traffic safety around chaotic schools in the hands of a few conscientious volunteers like Peters, their actual legal authority to be writing tickets "out in the community" away from schools is dubious.

Karen Gray is an education researcher with Nevada Journal. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com and http://npri.org.

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Second lawsuit challenges constitutionality of foreclosure mediation program

The constitutionality of Nevada's Foreclosure Mediation Program is once again being challenged in court — with lawyers this time arguing that the program violates not only the state's basic charter, but also the U.S. Constitution.

Wells Fargo is appealing to the Nevada Supreme Court an order from the state's Second District Court rewriting several terms of a defaulting homeowner's mortgage. Attorneys from Snell & Wilmer, representing the bank, argue that Nevada's program violates the Takings, Contract and Due Process Clauses of the U.S. Constitution, as well as Article III of the Nevada Constitution, the separation-of-powers clause.

 "The Foreclosure Mediation Program authorizes the taking of private property — including the real property that is the collateral underlying home mortgage loans — for public use, and thus violates the Takings Clause of both the United States and Nevada constitutions," Wells Fargo's legal team wrote in its appeal.

The program also violates the state Supreme Court's own rulings regarding Nevada's eminent-domain statutes, according to the appeal's opening brief:

It could not be clearer the Foreclosure Mediation Program is a per se regulatory taking that violates both Constitutions. This Court explained in Sisolak that "a per se regulatory taking occurs when a public agency seeking to acquire property for a public use enumerated in NRS 37.010 fails to follow the procedures set forth in NRS Chapter 37, Nevada's statutory provision on eminent domain, and appropriates or permanently invades private property for public use without first paying just compensation." 122 Nev. At 670, 137 P.3d at 1127. That is exactly what the Foreclosure Mediation Program does.

In addition, the program violates Nevada's separation-of-powers clause by "blurring the lines" between the branches of government, says the brief.

"As this Court has explained, the separation of powers is complete, and it is crucial," it continues. "It does not admit of minor exceptions in which the judiciary exercises a bit of executive power, any more than one can be a little pregnant."

In August, Second District Court Judge Patrick Flanagan ruled the mediation program constitutional in a case brought by Deutsche Bank. To do so, however, Flanagan had to repudiate his own previous ruling that the program was an administrative agency and belonged under the executive branch.

Although no date has been set for the Supreme Court to hear the appeal, the Court's own ethical canons could force it off the case.

Numerous legal observers have noted that, because the Supreme Court itself administers the mediation program, ruling upon its constitutionality would present a clear conflict of interest.

Moreover, given the appeal's claim that the program violates the U.S. Constitution, the case could also ultimately make its way to the U.S. Supreme Court.

Wells Fargo "raises some legitimate and serious constitutional issues" in the appeal, said Joseph Becker, director of NPRI's Center for Justice and Constitutional Litigation.

This is true, he observed, even though banks "are not terribly sympathetic clients," having "allowed themselves to be co-opted by government through bailouts and other regulatory acquiescence."

Wells Fargo received $25 billion in federal funds from the 2008 Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP), but repaid the government in late 2009 — along with $1.4 billion in dividends reported on the "government's investment."

The bank has also supported bailout proponents such as Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid and current Assembly Speaker and announced congressional candidate John Oceguera.

Oceguera, along with then-speaker Barbara Buckley, was a joint sponsor in 2009 of AB149, the state legislation that created the Foreclosure Mediation Program.

According to former foreclosure mediator Keith Tierney, the biggest issue that both Wells Fargo and the state Supreme Court may encounter is their apparent conflicts of interest in regard to the mediation program.

"You've got the [state Supreme] Court paying a firm to represent the program against homeowners, and a bank that's paid the same firm to attack the Court. It's a clear contradiction," said Tierney.

Wells Fargo is a former client of the law firm Fennemore Craig — the same law firm used by the Foreclosure Mediation Program.

Tierney said he thinks the mediation program is constitutional and "well-intentioned" but has been poorly administered.

"This program was intended to help homeowners, but if a bank fails to act in good faith during the mediation, the program's punishments don't cut it," Tierney said. "You end up with a lot of apprehensive judges and a program that doesn't quite live up to its expectations."

In Becker's view, the separation of powers and "legislative malfeasance" are the major issues of the case.

"Making matters decidedly worse and violating the all-important ‘separation of powers' clause in the process was the Legislature's imposition of an unconstitutional duty to execute this constitutionally infirm mischief upon the judicial branch," said Becker in an e-mail.

The courts' "proper role is to adjudicate actual cases or controversies between real parties and not those invented or conjured up through legislative malfeasance," he wrote.

Attorney Carole Pope represents the respondents in the appeal, Duke and Tina Renslow, of Reno. Although Pope has 30 days to file a response, she indicated to Nevada Journal she may ask for an extension.

Her formal response, she said, should be submitted to the court by early December.

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter with Nevada Journal. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com and http://npri.org.

Clark County School District police routinely use police powers outside of school grounds

Is the Clark County School District Police Department usurping police powers it is not granted under the law?

Nevada Revised Statutes specifically designate school police as Category II peace officers, who have only temporary and restricted authority in Class A felony crimes. Their jurisdiction is limited to school district property, district events when held off property and roadways adjacent to district property.

 In contrast, Nevada Highway Patrolmen and officers in Metro, Henderson and North Las Vegas, who work for primary law-enforcement agencies and have authority over all crimes in their jurisdictions, are Category I peace officers.

Nevertheless, according to CCSD police spokesman Lieutenant Ken Young, district school police officers routinely enforce traffic laws as part of a multi-agency traffic task force out on local freeways and business and residential streets not adjacent to school property. They also, according to the spokesman, investigate Class A felonies other than murder and attempted murder.

The CCSD police force has also amassed multiple kinds of heavy duty police armaments and technology. When Nevada Journal asked the CCSD Finance Department which line items in the budget had paid for weapons, ammunition and more, the department wrote back that it "declined" to respond.

Pressed on the authority question, Lt. Young said that the district's officers can do all this because they are "state officers" with the full authority of Category I peace officers. They have that authority, he argues, because they receive Category I training and certification under Nevada's Police Officer Standards and Training (POST) regimen.

"For us, we know that we operate as a Category I agency and we're recognized by our duties as a Category I agency," said Young. "We are state-certified police officers."

Other local law-enforcement entities believe the same thing: Even though state law — NRS 289.470 (12) — clearly states that school district police are Category II law enforcement, the overwhelming response from local peace officers is that school district police are — like themselves — Category I police.

"Peace officer standards give them authority to enforce laws anywhere in the state," said Lieutenant Joseph Wingard, Nevada Highway Patrol communications commander. "But they would probably, normally, have a policy or something" specifying when they do so.

In the view of Sgt. Tim Bedwell of the North Las Vegas Police Department, "Category is not really their training; it's their status."

"There is a training requirement to meet the status," continues Bedwell, "but once you become a peace officer in the state of Nevada your power is limited by that category. They're Cat I peace officers, so they have the same power as any other peace officer anywhere in the state. They are limited by their organization policy in what activity they get involved."

Henderson police weighed in along the same lines as did the Highway Patrol and North Las Vegas.

Despite the confident assertions of local police officials, Nevada Revised Statute 289.460 clearly states: A "Category I peace officer" means a police officer who has unrestricted duties and who is not otherwise listed as a category II or category III peace officer. (Emphasis added.)

However, NRS 289.470 (12) clearly designates school police as Category II officers. Furthermore, school police duties have pointed restrictions in NRS 171.1223.

The Nevada Legislature went out of its way to emphasize limits on the power of school police officers in 2001, when lawmakers reduced the authority of school police by writing NRS 171.1223 into law. The statute requires school police, when confronted with category A felonies, to immediately notify primary law-enforcement forces of the city or the county.

Moreover, when primary law enforcement arrives at the scene of the felony, says the statute, school district police are to "immediately transfer the investigation" — unless an inter-local agreement exists.

Such an agreement, between CCSD-PD and the primary law-enforcement agency, would authorize school officers to respond to and investigate the felony without immediately notifying the primary law-enforcement agency.

However, no inter-local agreements exist between the district and local law-enforcement agencies, according to police departments queried by Nevada Journal.

Lawmakers also amended Nevada Revised Statute 289.190 to require that any school police officer shall perform his or her duties "in compliance with the provisions of NRS 171.1223."

In 2007, the Legislature extended school police jurisdiction to roadways adjacent to school district property, but it did not endorse CCSD-PD issuing traffic citations out in the community.

"This bill is about safety and nothing more," testified Craig Kadlub, CCSD director of government affairs, to the Senate Committee on Human Resources and Education. "Every year we see multiple incidents where children are struck by cars and sometimes fatally…. The back of the bill says it would allow school police to have jurisdiction on streets contiguous to these schools and during times when school functions are in session."

Later, Kadlub testified before the Assembly Committee on Education, "It would only be the streets that touch the school property….

"This is about parents that double and triple-park, make illegal U-turns, park in the crosswalks, et cetera. The officers would not be engaged in anything out in the community," Kadlub continued.

Could it be that CCSD-PD's decision to assume the posture of a Category I force, given its POST certifications, outranks the letter of Nevada statutory law?

No, says Nevada Police Officer Standards and Training Deputy Director Tim Bunting.

"POST sets standards for training and certification," explained Bunting. "It is not in POST authority to regulate jurisdiction of law-enforcement agencies."

Presented with Bunting's remarks, CCSD-PD spokesman Young did not respond. At the Henderson police department, a spokesman insisted Bunting must have been misunderstood.

But when Nevada Journal enquired once again, just to make sure, the POST spokesman said, "It's really not complicated."

"Anyone can train to a higher level," explained Bunting, "but that doesn't mean they can effect an arrest outside their jurisdiction."

When he received the faxed question from Nevada Journal, said Bunting, he thought, "Somebody' s feeding you something."

It is for the purpose of determining minimum training standards that the Nevada Administrative Code, NAC 289.130, briefly describes the four categories of Nevada Peace Officers, not jurisdiction, he wrote in an e-mail.

Peace officers can always train higher, said Bunting, but it is "statute [that] sets jurisdiction."

School police, he explained, are parallel to Gaming Control agents, who are also designated Category II, even though they train and certify to POST Category I standards. "Their jurisdiction ends up being in the casinos and things like that."

"Just because you're Cat-I certified," continued Bunting, "it doesn't give you carte blanche to go outside your jurisdiction."

But CCSD-PD is currently operating with a carte blanche view of its authority.

Recently replaced CCSD-PD chief Filiberto Arroyo, in a conversation with Nevada Journal, said that all his officers are Category I. Until last week, Arroyo was on administrative leave and the subject of separate FBI and Metro investigations.

Seeking clarity, Nevada Journal then asked: "But statutorily, they're recognized as Category II?"

Lt. Young, who was present, responded:

[T]hat happened back in 1989 and we just have not thought or really been that concerned about an upgrade [in state law] because, you know, we still do, you know, what we do. The category, for us, really doesn't dictate how we handle business. (Emphasis added.)

The Clark County School District Police Department has evolved quite a bit from what Lt. Young called "door checkers."

Now an $18 million annual operation, the unit has a state-of-the-art law-enforcement facility complete with training rooms, an emergency operation command center, a mobile command center vehicle, a remote camera system soon to be linked to every campus classroom and a 17-operator dispatch center.

Model of AR-15 purchased by CCSD-PDOn any given day, 20 of the force's 168 police officers can be carrying AR-15 assault rifles, in their vehicles, according to the department, while still others may be armed with 12-gauge shotguns. CCSD-PD assured Nevada Journal that the AR-15s were not fully automatic.

Approximately 19 officers are armed with tasers and may carry these on school campus.

Thomas McAffee, a professor at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas' Boyd School of Law, said CCSD-PD acting outside of its statutory authority could have legal implications.

In regards to traffic citations, McAffee said: "It's plausible to think that a judge could [void a speeding ticket issued by CCSD-PD outside its jurisdiction], not certain that he would. If I was a lawyer, I'd argue that he should."

McAffee said that while the Supreme Court has held — in general — that an illegal arrest doesn't void prosecution, a judge would probably consider any evidence gathered in the immediate aftermath of an illegal arrest as an illegal search and not allow a jury to consider it.

Karen Gray is an education researcher with Nevada Journal. For more reports, visit http://nevadajournal.com or http://npri.org.

Update: Metro has responded to Nevada Journal's records request. Metro told Nevada Journal that no interlocal agreements exist between Metro and CCSD-PD. Story has been updated accordingly.

Taxpayers on the hook for court-ordered redistricting masters’ pay

Several members of the public apologized to the special masters at Monday's redistricting hearing, over the need for the masters to take up what was, constitutionally, the Legislature's chore.

In the end, however, the Legislature may need to apologize to the public.

 That's because regardless of how the final maps turn out, Nevada taxpayers are going to pay the bill for redistricting overtime, according to Deputy Attorney General Kevin Benson.

Benson told Nevada Journal that the masters will be responsible for tracking their own hours and a "per hour" rate hasn't been established because the rate, much like the redistricting process itself, will be finalized in the First District Court. Both legal parties will have the chance to weigh in on the proposed rate before Judge James Todd Russell issues a final order.

"We know taxpayers want to know where their money is going, so we want everything tracked and accounted," said Benson.

According to the deputy attorney general, the Legislature's Interim Finance Committee will be responsible for paying the masters. Given the legal process, said Benson, he was skeptical about the committee allocating pay by Dec. 15, its final meeting of the year.

"There are several questions we'll have to answer before they're paid," Benson said.

One question concerns the role of special master Alan Glover, who is the Carson City Clerk. Since Glover is already a public employee, he'll be receiving a second taxpayer-funded paycheck, unless the court says differently.

Another question is the length of the redistricting process. Thomas Sheets, a special master and acting chair of the public hearings, hinted that the masters could start work on the maps this evening, after their public hearing today in Carson City.

However, with the recent Supreme Court order indicating the high court's possible intervention, as well as possible legal challenges from both parties, the masters' redistricting activities could linger into the holiday season.

"Obviously, all of us want to draw maps that'll avoid legal challenges," Sheets said during the hearing. "We're taking every testimony into careful consideration — and we have a lot of testimonies — so every option is on our table."

The issue that could cause the masters to clock long hours is determining whether Nevada requires a Hispanic majority-minority congressional district. During the hearing, legal teams from the Democrat and Republican parties presented their views, while over a dozen citizens testified on the issue.

"If [special masters] intentionally create a majority-minority district, it would be unconstitutional," said Kevin Hamilton, attorney for the Democratic Party, during the hearing. "Nevada isn't Mississippi or Texas, and has no history of official discrimination."

The Democrat attorneys argued the Hispanic Citizen Voting Age Population (CVAP) in the Republican-drawn majority-minority district wasn't above 50 percent, and that CVAP should be the measuring stick when drawing the districts.

The Republican legal team countered that the Hispanic population is an "easily defined and geographically compact group," and claimed CVAP should be disregarded because the Census didn't ask individuals about citizenship, meaning CVAP numbers are skewed.

"No one raised a question about CVAP during [the legislative] session but suddenly it's an issue," said Ryan Selsow, a redistricting director who testified on behalf of the Republicans. "I'd be uncomfortable drawing numbers based on data I don't know where it came from."

Hispanics who testified were split on the majority-minority district.

Alex Garza, a Las Vegas resident who has also filed a lawsuit in District Court, said if anyone doesn't believe Hispanics are a community of interest, "I'll take them in my car and drive them around and show them."

"I support their [Republican] maps, and I think they'd lead to more turnout of Latinos," Garza said during the hearing.

Vincenta Montoya, who identified herself as an "activist" and presented her own maps, accused the Republicans of packing Hispanics into one district.

"The political reality is most [Hispanics] are Democrats," Montoya said during her testimony. "The Republican map looks like it's just playing politics."

Russell gave the masters the responsibility of determining whether a majority-minority district is valid, but as he still has final approval, he could still overrule their maps.

Russell and the masters hope to finish by October's end, as the Supreme Court will hear oral arguments by both parties on Nov. 14.

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter with Nevada Journal. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com and http://npri.org.

White House: $1.3 billion more in Nevada will ‘create’ 10,000 new jobs

President Obama claims his recently proposed American Jobs Act could provide $1.3 billion to Nevada and create nearly 10,000 jobs.

But what the historical data strongly suggests, says a Duquesne University economics professor, is that the money will do no such thing.

 "The government does not create jobs. It moves jobs," says Dr. Antony Davies, who is also a research fellow at George Mason University's Mercatus Center.

"Yes, it is absolutely the case that when the government spends money, jobs appear," he says. "But that's only half of the argument.

"The other half is that the money doesn't fall from heaven — right? You get the money by taxing somebody else. So when you're taxing somebody else, you're destroying jobs.

"What really happens is, you're moving jobs," says Davies.

So is it possible that Obama's legislation could still move jobs to Nevada — even if equivalent jobs are being destroyed somewhere else?

That prospect appears unlikely, since — in the competition between the states for federal dollars — Nevada is a net loser, by a hefty margin: As of last year, only 65 cents of every dollar paid by Nevadans in federal taxes returned to the Silver State in the form of federal spending.

Moreover, says Davies, the longer-term historical impact of all so-called government stimulus spending is actually negative. He cites data over 50 years showing that when one looks back, from either four or eight quarters down the road after government spending, the impact of that spending on economic growth is seen to be negative (See here and here).

As multiple observers have noted, Obama's proposed legislation greatly resembles his 2009 stimulus package, the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA) — although the president now conspicuously avoids the word "stimulus."

ARRA channeled more than $3 billion in federal funds into Nevada state and local governments, part of some $830 billion nationally that the administration said would "create or save" 3.5 million "shovel-ready" jobs and prevent unemployment from exceeding 8 percent.

Since ARRA was passed, however, national unemployment rose past 9 percent, and the jobs picture worsened, with employers in August adding zero new jobs.

As of June 30, according to the most recent filing on ARRA's website, Nevada had received more than $3.3 billion from the federal government, which went to "create or save" some 3,893 government or government-funded jobs in the state over the two-year period ending June 30, 2011.

At a per-capita rate of approximately $847,675.30 — split over the two years — each job would have cost taxpayers $423,837.65.

Now, however, the White House is projecting that about $1.3 billion will "create or save" more than 9,000 Nevada jobs — more than twice as many as allegedly resulted from the ARRA's $3.3 billion.

Specifically, the administration's online summary claims Nevada would receive:

250,800,000

 

infrastructure

     

258,300,000

 

first responders/ educators

 

168,400,000

 

public schools

     

585,600,000

 

refurbishing/rehabilitating foreclosed homes

39,100,000

 

colleges

       

 $  1,302,200,000

 

Total

       

The resulting jobs claimed are:

3,300

 

infrastructure jobs

   

3,600

 

first responder jobs

   

2,200

 

public school jobs

   

9,100

 

Total

   

The Obama administration's pronounced efforts to subsidize state and local government employees — very apparent in the 2009 ARRA legislation — are also noticeably present in the administration's proposed jobs act.

One possible reason for this, a Harvard study has recently suggested, is that so-called "blue states," where the administration's government-employee-union allies are strong, increasingly are being seen by bond traders as at greater risk of default than so-called "red states."

Daniel Nadler and Sounman Hong are the authors of a recent study that mathematically reveals robust correlations between the higher interest rates charged certain states in the bond markets and those states' higher debt, powerful government-employee unions and the pronounced dominance of Democrats in the state legislature.

"We find that, all things being equal, states with weaker unions, weaker collective bargaining rights, and fewer left-leaning state legislators pay less in borrowing costs at similar levels of debt and similar levels of unexpected budget deficits than do states with stronger unions and more left-leaning legislators," wrote Nadler and Hong in their conclusion.

Although Nevada was not one of the states cited in the study, it fits many of the criteria observed by the Harvard authors.

For example, one good indicator of union power — prevailing wage law — was the subject of a report earlier this year by Geoff Lawrence, deputy policy director at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. It showed how Nevada law has been skewed to give labor unions publicly financed wages higher than anything obtainable in a free market.

"Due to the artificially high union wage rates that prevailing wage laws effectively require, taxpayers become liable for paying inflated labor costs on public works projects," Lawrence wrote in his Who Really Prevails Under Prevailing Wage? study. "Nevada's prevailing wage laws forced taxpayers to pay at least $972 million extra for public works projects in 2009 and 2010 alone."

Tax cuts and an unemployment-benefit-based retraining proposal are also included in the White House legislation and — in an exception — are expected to get support in the Republican Congress.

Tom Cargill, an economics professor at the University of Nevada, Reno, said unless the tax cuts are made permanent, the market will react negatively.

"The market knows the cuts will end at some point and businesses can't plan long-term when they know something may end," said Cargill. "There's a fundamental failure of politicians on both sides of the aisle to understand the proper role of government.

"For politicians of both parties to pat themselves on the back and think D.C. creates jobs is nonsense," he said. "There was an opportunity for a serious jobs discussion but [the administration bill] ends up looking like a political document, spending the same kind of money on the same groups."

The Jobs Act, if passed as is, could benefit Nevada by default, according to Stephen Brown, director of the University of Nevada, Las Vegas' Center for Business and Economic Research, simply because of the state's high unemployment rate.

"At this moment, it's funny because Nevada would see some benefit but I don't think the rest of the U.S. would," said Brown. "Standard Keynesian economists would say this is stimulus but it's a little bit of kicking the can down the road."

Both Cargill and Brown were skeptical about the bill's chances of passing Congress.

Although Republicans have introduced their own American Jobs Act in the House, majority Democrats in the Senate have yet to introduce Obama's bill.

Steven Miller is the managing editor and Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter on Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

CA Gov. Brown: market fundamentalism ‘an impediment’

LAS VEGAS  — California Gov. Jerry Brown referred to anti-tax hike advocates as having a notion “that taxes are like a sexually transmitted disease” during a panel discussion featuring Western state governors at the National Clean Energy Summit.

Second District Court rules for foreclosure mediation program

The Second District Court in Washoe County has ruled that Nevada's Foreclosure Mediation Program — the subject of a legal challenge by Deutsche Bank — is constitutional.

Whether or not the bank will appeal the ruling is not yet clear. After the decision, the Las Vegas law firm representing Deutsche Bank, Brooks Bauer, issued a bland statement saying it is reviewing the decision and looking at various options.

Nevada Journal logo"Each branch of government is a separate, but not independent, arm of government. In the great enterprise of making democracy workable, all are partners," opined Judge Patrick Flanagan.

"The Foreclosure Mediation Program," he wrote, "is an example of all three branches of government, Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary, working to meet the needs of its citizens who face an unprecedented crisis of historic proportions."

One of Deutsche Bank's most cogent arguments against the program's constitutionality had been Flanagan's own ruling, in a May case.

The "Foreclosure Mediation Program," wrote Flanagan in Nathan & Dorothy Kuhl v. Carrington Mortgage Services, LLC et.al., "is certainly an Administrative Agency."

"If a party seeks to challenge the actions of the Foreclosure Mediation Program itself, then a Chapter 233B Petition would be the appropriate vehicle," wrote the judge, referring to a chapter of Nevada law that specifies how unaccountable public agencies may be closed down.

"Judge Flanagan's recognition that the FMP is an Administrative Agency demonstrates the constitutional dilemma that the FMP has created," wrote the bank's attorneys, "as such an agency should be administered by the executive branch of the government."

Thus Flanagan, to say that the mediation program was constitutional, had to repudiate his May ruling. And he did.

This Court had previously indicated that the Foreclosure Mediation Program was an administrative agency…. To the extent that this Court previously indicated that the Foreclosure Mediation Program was an administrative agency, that statement was incorrect.

Although the Foreclosure Mediation Program bears significant similarities to an administrative agency, in the State of Nevada an administrative agency pursuant to Chapter 233B is inherently part of the Executive Branch.

Were the Foreclosure Mediation Program an administrative agency pursuant to Chapter 233B, but delegated to the judiciary, that would be a likely violation of the separation of powers clause.

Flanagan noted that the Nevada Supreme Court, itself, "in an unreported order, dealing with the Foreclosure Mediation Program," had "analogized to the procedures for service of pleadings in administrative actions under Chapter 233B."

Nevertheless, now wrote the judge, while the program "bears significant similarities to an administrative agency," it "is not an administrative agency within the definition of that term under Nevada law."

Flanagan acknowledged that "[t]he mere fact that some entity with some authority does something does not make it right or lawful.

"However, this Court takes some guidance from the fact that the entirety of the government of the State of Nevada appears to believe that AB 149 [which established the mediation program] did not violate any constitutional mandates or provisions."

While the judge upheld the FMP's constitutionality, he spent much of his opinion discussing the program's statutory inability to deal with violations of its processes by homeowners — an inequity legislatively built into the program by lawmakers that, the bank's attorneys had argued, demonstrated the inherent unconstitutionality of the program.

"To hold lenders to a standard of strict or substantial compliance, while excusing violations of homeowners would be manifestly inequitable," Flanagan wrote.

Flanagan's solution, citing inherent powers of the courts, was to fine respondent John Truex, a Nevada homeowner seeking mediation, $250 for withholding information. He also fined Deutsche Bank $500 for failing to provide documents by a 10-day deadline. The fine amounts are, by the normal standards of Nevada courts, trifling.

The judge ordered a new mediation session, in front of a "randomly assigned mediator," for which the parties would be responsible for the costs.

Truex's attorney, Wayne Pressel, was pleased with Flanagan's ruling, overall.

"If he had ruled the whole thing unconstitutional, there would've been nothing left to protect homeowners from banks, and we wouldn't be able to do anything about it until the next [legislative] session," said Pressel.

He added that the sanctions against his client and Deutsche Bank could become "live wire" issues should either side appeal.

"He [Flanagan] shouldn't have sanctioned us for a mere technicality," said Pressel. "The [FMP's] constitutionality was the big ruling, but the sanctions seemed out of line."

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter on Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information,visit http://npri.org/.

Biden cites now-cancelled moon program in renewable energy speech

LAS VEGAS — Vice President Joe Biden cited John F. Kennedy's famous "moon" speech as a reason to invest in renewable energy during his keynote address at the National Clean Energy Summit.

NY Times writer: Electric vehicle success ‘depends on government regulations’

LAS VEGAS — New York Times environmental journalist Jim Motavalli said electricvehicle marketability depends on "the education of the American people" during a Future of Energy panel presentation at the National Clean Energy Summit. 

Secretary Chu: “When you swing from the heels, you expect a few strikeouts”

LAS VEGAS — Secretary of Energy Steven Chu used a baseball analogy describing renewable energy investments in Nevada, saying the government has been "investing in singles" instead of "investing in homeruns."

Reid: ‘short-sighted to stop energy revolution’

Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid called politicians who want to end federal subsidies for renewable energy "short-sighted" and said they want to "stop [an] energy revolution" during his morning press conference at the National Clean Energy Summit.

A better school for your child?

LAS VEGAS — Is your son or daughter attending one of the 71 failing Title I schools in the Clark County School District?

If so – and if you want him or her to go to a better school next year — you should consider taking advantage of a provision in the federal No Child Left Behind law: It says that if you want, your children must be allowed to transfer to another, better public school.

From the Nevada JournalAs you might expect, however, there are some catches. Even though the school district is required by federal law to give you notice of your options, the notices being sent out:

1) are written in a convoluted and hard-to-understand form,
2) do not really explain how to take advantage of the school-choice option,
3) are easy to miss until it's too late, and
4) don't tell parents that if their child goes back to his or her old school and sits down, they can no longer choose a different school.

The Clark County School District mailed its notices for the 2011-12 school year on Aug. 13, 2011.  Those letters thus should be in students' homes now.

The letter, written according to federal requirements, is admittedly "overwhelming," says Kim Wooden, interim deputy superintendent of student support services. It also does not explain how to take advantage of the school-choice option. That information is also missing from CCSD's Back to School Reporter — and the district website. 

However, in an interview last week, senior CCSD officials shared with NPRI important facts about how they are implementing the NCLB school-choice option and just what parents must do to take advantage of school choice.

"Failing Title I school," in the context of federal law, has a technical meaning: a Title I school that "has not made adequate yearly progress (AYP)" for two or more consecutive years.

Parents whose children are in such a school must be offered the option of transferring to another public school that has not been identified as in need of improvement, corrective action or restructuring. The schools to which the children can transfer include public charter schools. Transportation must be provided by the school district.

According to Patsi Saas, director of the district's Title I ESEA programs, parents can transfer schools up until the time their student takes a seat at a school for that school year.

For instance, suppose a child is zoned for a particular Title I school that is eligible for school choice, and on Monday, Aug. 29 (the first day of the school year) the child's parents have not yet taken advantage of their school-choice option. According to Saas and Wooden, the family can still opt for school choice if the child misses the first day of school. It is only once that child takes a seat at the old or a new school that the family's school-choice options end.

So, although the CCSD letter doesn't mention it, a definite deadline exists for parents to exercise their school choice.

Also not explained in the letter is the process to transfer schools — which is relatively simple. 

Attached to the notice, parents will find a page with two duplicate forms. They then simply fill out the form and take it to the school chosen (one of the two schools offered in the letter). Alternatively, they can take it to the zoned school the child is leaving.  School staff will do the rest — disenrollment from the zoned school, enrollment in the new school, transfer student records and notify transportation. 

"We make it as simple as we can for parents," says Saas.

In some instances, however, parents may have to contact transportation themselves. If that's the case, said Saas, school staff can help parents do that through computers in the school office.

An important note for parents regarding transportation: The bus stop for pick-up and drop-off to and from the new school is at the school of origin — that is, the zoned school the student is leaving. Parents are responsible to get the student to the bus stop, including students living outside the two-mile walk zone.

Under the federal law, students opting for school choice can remain at their new school through that school's highest grade level. Thus the CCSD parental notice says that "all transferring students should be treated as students who have moved into the receiving school's attendance zone and allowed to enroll in class and other activities on the same basis as all other students at the public school."

One odd wrinkle, however, is that if your child's school of origin later improves, and is no longer classified as "in need of improvement, corrective action or restructure," the NCLB transportation rules no longer apply. Parents then are obligated to supply the transportation for their child.

The transportation issue  will likely confuse some high school transferees for the coming school year. While the district normally has no Title I high schools, for the past two school years, six high schools were designated as Title I schools under the American Recovery and Reconstruction (or "stimulus") Act (ARRA). That temporary program expired this year, and CCSD once again has no high schools qualifying for Title I.

High school students who took advantage of school choice under ARRA can remain at their option school through graduation. However, parents will be responsible for transportation.

Some other important facts shared in the CCSD interview, but not elsewhere:

  • Students must remain at a school once the student has seat time. However, CCSD will allow parents to petition the area superintendent to return to a zoned school of origin.
  • Students can re-enroll in their zoned school of origin at the start of any school year.
  • New students must be offered the school-choice options.

As of Aug. 23, CCSD did not have a current list of qualifying schools or option schools on its website.  However, CCSD expects the information to be posted soon. According to Saas, when a list is posted, parents should be able to find it here

In the meantime, NPRI has compiled a list of the CCSD elementary and middle schools, which should be eligible for school choice, based on current Title I and AYP status*:

ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS:

Beckley (N3)

Cahlan (N1)

Cambeiro (N2)

Cortez (N3)

Cox, Clyde (N2)

Craig (N7)

Crestwood (N1)

Culley (N1)

Dearing (N4)

Detwiler (N3)

Diaz (N1-Hold)

Earl, Ira (N5)

Edwards (N4)

Fitzgerald (N7)

Fong (N5)

Gragson (N2)

Hancock (SIG)

Harmon (N1)

Herron (N8)

Hickey (N2-Hold)

Hollingsworth (N6)

Jeffers (N3)

Kelly (N4-Hold)

Lake (N5)

Lincoln (N1)

Long (N5)

Lowman (N1)

Lunt (N3)

Manch (N1)

Martinez (N4)

McWilliams (N7)

Moore (N5)

Paradise (N5)

Park (N1)

Petersen (N5)

Pittman (N7)

Reed (N7)

Ronnow (N8)

Ronzone (N5)

Roundy (N2)

Rowe (N2)

Rundle (N7)

Snyder (N1)

Squires (N3)

Sunrise Acres (N3)

Tate (N7-Hold)

Taylor, Robert (N7)

Thiriot (N2-Hold)

Thomas (N3)

Vegas Verdes (N4)

Warren (N5-Hold)

West Prep (N1-Hold)

Whitney (N3)

Williams, Tom (N7)

Woolley (N6)

Wynn (N6)

 
           

MIDDLE/JR. HIGH SCHOOLS:

Bailey (N4)

Brinley (N8)

Cashman (N1-Hold)

Fremont (N6)

Garside (N8)

Gibson, Robert (N7)

Mack, Jerome (N4)

Martin (N3)

Monaco (N8)

Orr (N2)

Robison (N8)

Sedway (N7)

Smith, J.D. (N3)

Von Tobel (N9)

West Prep (N8)

*Number of years that the school has been listed as "In Need of Improvement" is placed in parentheses

For more information, parents should contact Alyiah Smith in the Title I office at 799-3850.  For Spanish, ask for Norma Sume.

Karen Gray is an education researcher with the Nevada Policy Research Institute and Alexander Cooper is a policy intern with the Nevada Policy Research Institute.  For more, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ or http://npri.org/.

Court-managed foreclosure program may violate Nevada Constitution

Is the statewide home-foreclosure modification program run by the Nevada Supreme Court actually unconstitutional?

Nevada Second District Judge Patrick Flanagan wants to know. And since it's a real question that could seriously impact the State of Nevada in multiple, powerful ways, he's joined the state, represented by the Nevada attorney general, and the program's administrator to a case being heard this afternoon in Washoe County.

The Foreclosure Mediation Program (FMP) was passed by the 2009 Nevada Legislature — unanimously in the Assembly and 17-4 in the Senate — as Assembly Bill 149. Becoming law as NRS 107.086, the act allows delinquent borrowers threatened with foreclosure to request and receive third-party mediation with their lenders (whether or not the lenders actually want mediation) — and possibly receive modification of their loans.

 AB 149 put the entire program under the administration of the Nevada Supreme Court, which not only assigns the mediators but also oversees the Mediation Administration that governs the program.

That's the basic problem, argues the legal brief submitted by plaintiff Deutsche Bank: AB 149 unconstitutionally "authorizes" the judicial branch to exercise executive branch powers — violating the Nevada Constitution's separation-of-powers clause, Article III.

Because of multiple and substantive activities by the Supreme Court that "are properly in the province of the Executive Branch," writes plaintiff's attorney Michael Brooks, high court justices are at serious risk of violating several different judicial canons, including Canon 2.2, regarding impartiality and fairness, and Canon 2.9, against one-party communications.

According to Brooks' supplemental brief, those substantive activities include "rulemaking not incident to a judicial proceeding; hiring of an FMP Administrator; and the hiring and training of mediators, just to name a few…."

Moreover, since any district court decision would most likely be followed by appeals to the Nevada Supreme Court, the high court would itself most likely be in a quandary: Since the justices themselves formed and now administer the mediation program, aren't they all irretrievably compromised and necessarily required to recuse themselves from hearing the case?

Nevada thus could face the bizarre prospect of an entirely empty Supreme Court bench.

"This would be a big question for the Court and really put them on the spot," said Thomas McAffee, law professor at UNLV's Boyd School of Law. "There's no particular precedent for this type of case and there doesn't appear to be room for the federal court to jump in."

McAffee thinks the FMP should be ruled unconstitutional but was doubtful the courts would rule against it.

"Acts of legislation receive a presumption of constitutionality in the courts," McAffee said. "The courts could be pretty dismissive of [the case] and just drag it out."

The defendant-borrower in the case, John D. Truex, of Reno, is represented by Carson City-based attorney Wayne Pressel, who argues that because "a foreclosure is a legal dispute at its core," the Foreclosure Mediation Program is constitutional. Moreover, because state lawmakers passed AB 149, "it is the homeowner's right to require a mediation."

Pressel also argues that banks have "no significant rights at risk in the mediation," other than the risk of being sanctioned by the courts on grounds of bad faith and non-compliance with their mediation agreements.

But the issue of the constitutionality of the State of Nevada Foreclosure Mediation Program is much bigger than the dispute between Truex and Deutsche Bank.

Flanagan, in his order joining the State of Nevada to the case, wrote:

[Because] this case raises substantial constitutional issues that impacts (sic) the Foreclosure Mediation Program as a whole … the State should be provided the opportunity to weigh in. If this Court were to ultimately agree with Petitioner's argument, it would effectively shut down the Foreclosure Mediation Program, at least temporarily, and call into question the validity of prior mediations. It would impair the State's interest in performing a Legislative mandate, would impede the Legislature's intentions in enacting NRS 107.086 and could lead to liability by the State without providing the State the ability to defend itself if it is found that the Administrator of the Foreclosure Mediation Program has acted unconstitutionally and wrongfully prevented financial institutions from exercising their statutory rights under NRS 107.080.

Flanagan is the sole judge in Northern Nevada assigned to hear foreclosure mediation cases. His counterpart in Southern Nevada, Donald Mosley, has repeatedly appeared in news reports involving the issue of the mediation program's constitutionality.

According to an October 2010 Las Vegas Review-Journal report, "Mosley said that shortly after he and Washoe County District Judge Patrick Flanagan were chosen to hear foreclosure matters they determined the Legislature's approach was unconstitutional.

"You can't take people's property without due process," the Review-Journal reports Mosley saying. "The Legislature gave us authority, but we judges determined it was not constitutional. You can't just wave a magic wand and start taking money from people."

Advancing the argument that the Supreme Court's activity in the program is primarily administrative, attorney Brooks cited Kuhl vs. Carrington Mortgage, a Deutsche Bank case heard in the district court in January. In it, the court recognized the Foreclosure Mediation Program as an "Administrative Agency," which, wrote Brooks, "demonstrates the constitutional dilemma that the FMP has created, as such an agency should be administered by the executive branch of the government."

Should the Second District Court rule in Deutsche Bank's favor, the foreclosure-modification program would immediately become unconstitutional in Washoe County.

When former Assembly speaker Barbara Buckley, who introduced the program's enabling legislation in 2009, responded to Nevada Journal's requests for comment, she did not defend the program's constitutionality.

Rather, she emphasized that "the legislation was approved by a landslide vote by both parties of the Nevada Legislature," noting, "We are ground zero in the foreclosure crisis with the highest foreclosure rate in the nation."

After two years, the mediation program's success remains questionable. During the 2009 session, then-speaker Buckley stated, "It will be hard to estimate how many homeowners will take advantage of this mediation."

However, she told Nevada Journal that "The good news" is that "out of 10,439 mediations, 52 percent resulted in agreements. This is an incredible result — and a real tribute to the lenders and homeowners in those cases."

In 2009, Buckley used the "best guestimate" from the Center for Responsible Lending, which "guestimated" the program would save 17,700 homes and $1.6 billion.

After the program's first year, the program reported 3,860 mediation sessions, in which a third of the lenders didn't show during the sessions. No financial reports were released.

In July, the Reno Gazette-Journal filed numerous public-records requests with the program to review its effectiveness but discovered "incomplete data and a far-reaching confidentiality policy that encompasses nearly all of its records."

Citing attorney-client privilege and confidentiality, the Supreme Court's administrator for the program honored only three of the RGJ's 16 records requests.

Keith Tierney, a Reno lawyer and former mediator, has since become one of the program's most vocal critics. The Gazette-Journal quotes him as saying, "For a program designed to get more accountability from lenders, the lack of accountability is appalling.

"They say they have all these statistics and information and when you ask them to release it, they say most of it is confidential," said Tierney. "That's what the program is set up to do. So, why are they hiding all this?"

During the 2009 session, NPRI policy analyst Geoffrey Lawrence criticized Buckley's legislation soon after its introduction.

"Mortgage companies, who would be forced to assume all of the home buyer's risk under the Buckley plan [AB 149], would likely respond to this change in the incentive structure by refusing to make new loans," Lawrence wrote. "This means that the Buckley plan would push interest rates on home loans up to unprecedented levels."

The Foreclosure Mediation Program isn't the first Nevada-related mortgage program taken to court. Earlier this year, the Reno-based law firm Hager and Hearne challenged MERS, the Mortgage Electronic Registration System, in a California court for "robo-signing" thousands of bank notes without proper authorization.

If the District Court doesn't rule today, it's likely the court will issue an extended briefing for a later date or move the matter under submission, according to UNLV's McAffee.

Steven Miller is the managing editor and Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter on Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

Records reveal 90 percent of North Las Vegas firefighters live outside city

NORTH LAS VEGAS — If you've wondered why the North Las Vegas firefighter union feels free to take such an aggressive stance toward North Las Vegas taxpayers, it might have something to do with the fact that very few of the union members are city taxpayers themselves.

According to department records obtained by Nevada Journal, a mere 7 percent of North Las Vegas firefighters actually live in the city.

 The majority of NLV firefighters live in Las Vegas or Henderson, while some live as far away as Carson City. Others even live out of state, such as in St. George and Cedar City, Utah.

The situation with the North Las Vegas police union — while not as pronounced — is comparable. About three-quarters of its members, or 74 percent, live outside the City of North Las Vegas, say additional public records obtained by Nevada Journal.

Thus, after the recent North Las Vegas City Council election recount was completed, public records reveal non-residents heavily influenced the election, especially with campaign contributions.

Specifically, during the Ward 4 race between incumbent Democrat Richard Cherchio and Republican Wade Wagner, Local 1607 of the International Association of Firefighters, composed primarily of non-resident employees of the North Las Vegas Fire Department, was extremely active.

The union spent heavily against Cherchio, funding attack ads that even the Las Vegas Sun found notable for their dishonesty. Cherchio, a retired postal worker who'd been appointed to the council, lost to Wagner, a dentist, by one vote.

Because over 90 percent of the firefighters live outside the city, says Cherchio, they easily support cuts to other areas of the city, such as parks, recreation centers and public restrooms, during the city's financial crisis.

"As long as the cuts come from somewhere other than their paychecks, they don't care, because they aren't raising families here or utilizing everything in the city," said Cherchio.

The ex-councilman noted that while only about 25 percent of NLV police staff reside in the city, the city was able to cut 83 police positions — something the firefighter union was able to avoid.

The firefighter union's campaign against Cherchio dates back to the spring, when Cherchio proposed public safety layoffs to help solve a $30 million budget deficit. The firefighter union balked at the idea of layoffs, claiming its members had already agreed to "millions in concessions."

What the unions suggested instead, said Cherchio, was an increased property tax — a convenient solution since most of them don't live in the city.

"I realize they're protecting their [turf], but they're suggesting cutting turf they don't even live on," Cherchio said.

Cherchio demanded an election recount, but the recount confirmed Wagner as the victor. Former North Las Vegas mayor Mike Montandon characterized the recount as primarily "procedural."

"The rules don't change just because an election's close," said Montandon. "It was a rough election, but every election has perceived irregularities."

Cherchio attempted to highlight the dominant role public safety unions played in Wagner's campaign, specifically the large amount of donations.

According to campaign finance reports, Wagner's largest donors were all public employee unions, with the NLV Firefighters' PAC and Police Officers' Association each contributing $10,000. The Las Vegas Firefighters contributed the next-highest amount with $7,500, followed by the Henderson Firefighters PAC at $5,000.

By contrast, Cherchio received no donations at the $10,000 level. The largest contributions listed in his most recent campaign expense report were several $5,000 contributions. The only donation Cherchio received from a public employee union was $1,000 from the Teamsters, which represents many clerical city employees. They face additional lay-offs when fire and police unions avoid equitable reductions.

Overall, public sector unions contributed well over half of Wagner's reported $55,514 in total donations. The police and fire political action committees did not comply with Nevada election laws, failing to file expense and contribution reports on time. While the secretary of state's office fined the police PAC over $1,300, no fine has yet been imposed on the firefighters.

Wagner defended his campaign contributions, saying such contributions are "part of the political process."

"I could point fingers at Mr. Cherchio and say he was paid for by his campaign contributors," said Wagner. "Every candidate has to raise money and people and interest groups always have their favorites."

Wagner added that Cherchio's campaign "raised plenty of money" and "messaging, not fundraising" was the difference in their campaigns.

The NLV Firefighters PAC contributed far more money to Wagner's campaign than it did to higher profile state elections. According to its most recent campaign and expense reports, the NLV Firefighters PAC's largest expense to a candidate during the 2010 election cycle was $1,500, and it gave only $500 to its own assistant chief, Assembly Speaker John Oceguera.

Cherchio wasn't the only person affected by the unions' brutal campaign. Bobby Mockbee, owner of TheInfopeople, a North Las Vegas engraving shop, told Nevada Journal that union campaign signs depicting a flood of crime increases from proposed public safety cuts made the entire area look bad.

"When you see a sign depicting a 50 percent crime increase — which isn't true — and other doom and gloom signs, it takes an effect on the city," said Mockbee. "Customers understand [the election], but people coming in from out of town aren't going to be too happy."

Mockbee's business has been in North Las Vegas for over 30 years, and while he said it was too soon to know if the campaign signs have impacted his business, he said wasteful city spending was the real crime on the rise.

"All the city did was spend, spend, spend on everything from public employees to failed construction developments," Mockbee said. "If they'd spent wiser and had a bit of a rainy day fund, they wouldn't have to make any cuts."

Since so many union members are nonresidents, they don't have to worry about the big-picture impact of the signs, said Mockbee, because "they're only here for their shift."

Dozens of North Las Vegas residents testified at city council meetings against the signs "sending threatening messages to citizens," indicating the union PACs showed little regard for the day-to-day activities of residents, according to Mockbee.

"Some of the workers leave, but the signs always stay, and they don't have to see their signs when they go home," Mockbee said.

Recently, the firefighter local agreed to a 5 percent pay cut, preventing 35 pending firefighter layoffs. The city will save $2 million from the concessions, which entailed firefighters foregoing educational, bilingual and uniform maintenance pay incentives. The cuts took effect Aug. 1.

With Wagner now in office, Cherchio said it'll be worth seeing how close Wagner stays to the unions who helped elect him.

"They agreed to the cut, but he'll be expected to help them out at some point," Cherchio said.

Wagner insisted he'd represent the entire city of North Las Vegas as opposed to just the unions.

"I told every person who gave me money, ‘thank you for your contribution towards good government,'" he said. "There's way too much work to do [for the city] and I intend to do my best for it."

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter on Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://nevadajournal.com or http://npri.org/.

Horsford-led IFC may have illegally plundered millions from College Savings Plan

Did Nevada's most powerful legislators, sitting as the Interim Finance Committee last year, illegally plunder millions from a college savings program serving almost 10,000 Nevada families?

Chaired by Senate Majority Leader Steven Horsford, the IFC on July 21, 2010, took $4.2 million out of the Nevada College Savings Plans' endowment fund and used it to fill a growing hole in the state's Millennium Scholarship program.

 Problem was, the endowment funds are under the legal authority of the College Savings Board — a point acknowledged by Horsford just a month earlier — and board trustees had never given their permission.

Moreover, the trustees — to deal with an at-least $16.3 million deficit in Nevada's Prepaid Tuition Program, for which they have fiduciary responsibility — had already, three months earlier, committed nearly all of those endowment funds.

Unanimously, at the trustees' April 28 meeting, trustees had voted to transfer at least $1.32 million per year, over the coming 10 years — as recommended by the program's actuary — from the endowment fund into the Prepaid program's trust fund. For the first year, 2010, the payment was to be even higher, at $1.75 million.

The program's full name is the Nevada Higher Education Prepaid Tuition Program. It was established by the state under the federal IRS code and NRS Chapter 353B as a tax-advantaged way for Nevada parents, grandparents and others to lock in future college tuition rates at today's prices, years in advance of when the beneficiary students enter college. Contract purchasers can choose from:

  • Plans from one to four years' length,
  • Plans with varying payments schedules, and
  • Plans for different kinds of schools — in-state or out-of-state schools, public or private.

As of a year ago, 9,933 Nevadans owned contracts for prepaid tuition with the College Savings Board, according to its actuary. Those contracts are not backed by the State of Nevada, however, but solely by the fiduciary relationship between board trustees and the investors.

Those Nevadans — according to a nationally experienced securities attorney consulted by Nevada Journal — may now have legal grounds to sue the College Savings Board, demanding that it seek to recover the $4.2 million taken by the IFC.

Because the Prepaid Tuition program was damaged by the IFC action — made financially weaker than it otherwise would have been — investors in the program would have legal standing against the program, said the attorney, who was consulted on a confidential basis.

While the investors cannot sue the state directly, as they themselves have not yet been personally damaged by the IFC taking of the savings endowment moneys, they can sue the College Savings Board to compel it to perform its fiduciary responsibility in behalf of the Prepaid Tuition program's trust fund, according to the attorney.

Possible targets for legal action by the College Savings Board could include the board's auditors and the board's actuary — both of whom missed the significance of the taking in their reports — and the State of Nevada, given the IFC action.

During the June 24, 2010, meeting of the IFC, Chairman Steven Horsford asked about, and was informed of, purposes for which the College Savings Board had already committed the endowment-fund monies. And although the board had approved a transfer of $200,000 to help the Millennium Scholarship program, Horsford wanted much more.

According to minutes, Horsford "speculated that at the time the board made the decisions, the commitments to new programs made sense. However, with a decline in tobacco revenue funds, Senator Horsford thought it made sense to reconsider those decisions in order to honor the first commitment, which was to students and their families for scholarships."

Steve George, chief of staff for the Treasurer's office, "explained that the Treasurer's office did not make those decisions; they were made by the College Savings Board, of which the Treasurer was one of five members…."

"Cochair Horsford remarked the use of the funds was at the discretion of the College Savings Board. [But he] suggested the Committee approve an amount to increase the reserve transfer for a total of $2.8 million … and ask[ed] the College Savings Board to return to IFC, should there be an additional shortfall projected for the remainder of fiscal year 2010, with any additional requests, some of which may include reconsideration of some of the marketing, outreach and financial literacy programs originally planned."

John Oceguera, then the incoming speaker of the Assembly, said he "agreed that marketing, financial literacy and fund stabilization were worthwhile areas [for the College Savings Board] to fund," but he wanted the Treasurer's office to bring him "more information on the computer upgrade and the financial monitoring of the accounts."

Senior Deputy Treasurer Karen Duddlesten "replied that the College Savings Board considered the financial monitoring and Prepaid Tuition computer system to be critical and necessary to protect the state's interests."

Sen. Bill Raggio said he was concerned to hear suggestions "to transfer more from the College Savings Program to the Millennium Scholarship Program." He emphasized the difference between a trust program, which was funded by voluntary payments on behalf of students, and the scholarship program.

"Such a transfer could be a violation of the trust," said Raggio, according to meeting minutes. He added that he "feared further withdrawals from the College Savings Program could put that program in jeopardy."

It was legislation passed by Nevada lawmakers in 2009, however, that had set the stage for what Raggio saw as possible damage to the Prepaid Tuition trust. Senate Bill 63 had moved the college savings endowment fund — which receives its moneys from fees paid by firms that manage investments for three other college savings plans — out from under the clear authority of the College Savings Board and made it instead part of the state General Fund. By that action, legislators implicitly subordinated the highest standard of care at equity and law to a lower one. They made the fiduciary relationship between College Savings trustees and the parents and grandparents who invest in the tuition plans something secondary to the political goals and relationships of the lawmakers themselves.

By the July IFC meeting, the effort to take the money had gathered full momentum. Behind the scenes, IFC staffers had requested and received information on the state of the endowment fund from the Treasurer's office. They appeared to be following a road map originally laid out by Treasurer Kate Marshall and her staff.

In March, Marshall had proposed the College Savings Board take $2 million out of its endowment fund to help fill the growing hole in the Millennium Scholarship kitty. But a College Savings Board majority proceeded to reject Marshall's proposal, offering $200,000 instead.

Now the IFC was after much more, and the Treasurer's chief of staff, Steve George, was encouraging them. Just 21 days earlier the auditor's report had showed the Prepaid Tuition trust had a $9,708,161 deficit. However, George was boasting to the committee that "the Prepaid Tuition Program was currently funded at approximately 100 percent."

He went further. The IFC was implementing, he said, "the decision that Treasurer Marshall has been looking at all along from when this first came up," namely, "how can we get the funding" for the Millennium Scholarship program.

"I can say for Treasurer Marshall," continued George, "I'm very pleased with what is going on here today.

"It will not adversely affect College Savings. It will not adversely affect Nevada Prepaid, and it will fund the Millennium Scholarship through this next year…. So I think it is a good decision you're making today."

The IFC then proceeded to confiscate essentially all the money in the endowment account. In so doing, the committee not only killed the board's effort to directly address the Prepaid Tuition Program's deficit, but also its plan to increase program marketing. More contract sales, actuary Alan Perry had told the board, would be an exceptionally effective way to strengthen the program.

Had the behind-the-scenes cooperation behind IFC staff and the Treasurer's office gone beyond the requirements of law, circumventing the position adopted by the College Savings Board? A statement by Sen. Bob Coffin appeared to suggest as much.

"I'd like to thank Treasurer Marshall and the staff — Steve [George] — for working with us and our staff to arrive at slicing this baby without killing both ends," he said. "It's not easy."

A bit later Coffin added: "I was reluctant to support any transfer … but … looking at the way it's been worked out between the Treasurer's office and staff," he found it acceptable.

Perhaps another piece of evidence was a paradoxically loud silence — by lawmakers, legislative staff and committee witnesses — on the important question left resonating after June's IFC meeting: Had or had not the College Savings Board actually agreed to Sen. Horsford's "request" that it kick in more dollars from the endowment fund?

The fact than no member of the IFC or witness before it even brought up the question during the entire meeting clearly suggests that all the players had been informed exactly what was going on.

Yet one more factor could have played a part in the public "unmentionability" of the board's refusal to acquiesce to Horsford's demand. A massive audience of Millennium Scholarship recipients and college student politicians from all around the state were attending the IFC meeting by teleconference. Approximately half of the roughly hour-long meeting was devoted to hearing the students' entreaties to get somebody's money, somewhere, to fill the hole in the Millennium Scholarship coffers.

It was clear that few people understood why the Nevada College Savings trustees had resisted offering up the endowment funds to fill the Millennium Scholarship hole. Even the IFC's legislative counsel staffers, according to minutes of the April 19, 2010 College Savings Board meeting, had been asking Treasurer Marshall why the Prepaid program "had to be funded at 120 percent, or even at 100 percent," and why it could not, like the state's pension plans, be underfunded.

The reasons were several, according to board minutes and trustees' statements. One was the recommendation of the actuary firm, Milliman, hired to advise the board on such matters. Given recent pronounced market volatility, said Milliman's Alan Perry, "he would prefer to see the program well above 100 percent, possibly at 120 percent funded." That meant a reserve of 15 to 20 percent.

Another important reason for caution was the very real risk that the Prepaid plans' investments would not achieve the highly optimistic rate of expected return that the actuaries had projected for the Prepaid fund — 7.25 percent. That was the rate of return needed to be able to pay out the contracted future tuitions that Nevadans had purchased.

And the Board had genuine reason for concern, since the returns between October 2007 and June 30, 2010 had approximated a negative 1.7 percent, as the trustees would soon learn at their August 30, 2010 meeting.

A unique challenge facing the Prepaid Savings program was that it had to cope with not just one unknown, many years in advance — the future rate of return the trust fund would be receiving — but yet a second unknown: the level of tuition that colleges would be charging, years in the future when the prepaid contracts would be cashed in. While the Nevada System of Higher Education was insisting that its tuition rates would not be going up, it was clear to realists on the board that the rates would — as indeed happened.

For all those reasons, minutes show, trustees Michael Leonard and Bill Hartman frequently made the point that their clear, primary fiduciary responsibility, under the law, was to ensure so far as possible the health and viability of the Prepaid tuition program. The Millennium Scholarship program was the state's responsibility.

So, the IFC ignored their concerns and transferred — possibly breaking the law by doing so — $4.2 million to the Millennium Scholarship program. And even if the IFC's actions are ultimately held to have been legal, they did damage the Prepaid Savings program and thus also to the parents and grandparents who had invested money for their young family members' education.

Sen. Horsford did not return repeated calls for comment.

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

Speaker Oceguera got more double-dipping pay than he claimed

Assembly Speaker and North Las Vegas Assistant Fire Chief John Oceguera has repeatedly insisted publicly that he worked and was paid by the City of North Las Vegas for "only" nine hours a week during this year's legislative session in Carson City when he was also being paid as a Nevada legislator.

In an interview with Nevada Journal, Oceguera said, "I was paid for nine hours a week [during the session] and the rest of the time was accrued vacation or furlough time, meaning I did not get paid."

 Oceguera's boss, Fire Chief Al Gillespie, repeated the same talking points in television and print interviews and a letter to the editor published in the Las Vegas Review-Journal. "During the legislative session," asserted Gillespie, "Oceguera was paid for only nine hours of work a week, and for the rest of the time he was on either unpaid leave or used accrued vacation time."

The fire department also produced an agreement between Oceguera and the City of North Las Vegas, which states he would only be paid for nine hours a week during the session.

City of North Las Vegas payroll records, however — obtained last week by Nevada Journal — flatly contradict Oceguera, Gillespie and the written agreement. (Click graphic for full PDF document.)

The records indicate that during the 2011 Legislature, Assistant Fire Chief Oceguera spent almost twice the number of days on the city payroll as he previously said.

For most of the session, Oceguera was being paid by the city at the 18-hours-a-week rate. This was twice the rate specified in the repeated public statements by Oceguera and Gillespie and by the badly written agreement given to the media by the fire department.

At the same time, in his second government job as an assemblyman, Oceguera was drawing legislator pay, per diem pay and leadership pay.

On June 28, after Nevada Journal first began investigating this issue, Oceguera denied the accuracy of the North Las Vegas Fire Department staffing records obtained from the department by Nevada Journal.

Those records, given up in response to a public-records request, regularly credit the speaker with 36-hour work weeks for the last four years, whether he was leading his fellow Democratic legislators in Carson City, or was in his North Las Vegas office.

Oceguera contended that city payroll records were more accurate and would bear him out. They would show, he argued, that during the 2011 Legislature he had only worked nine hours a week for the fire department — using holiday and annual leave, or unpaid leave, for most days of the 2011 Legislative Session.

Fire Chief Gillespie, too, when interviewed denied the accuracy of his own department's staffing-log records and asserted that the city's payroll records were more precise.

Gillespie then released to news media purported agreements between the fire department and Oceguera for the 2009 and 2011 legislative sessions. The documents spelled out nearly identical fire-department duties for Oceguera during each session.

According to the documents, Oceguera was to work for the department 18 hours a week during the 2009 Legislature when he was majority leader, but would work only nine hours a week for the department during the 2011 session, as Assembly speaker.

However, the payroll records, when released July 12 by the North Las Vegas City Clerk's office, show that during most two-week pay periods during the 2011 session, Oceguera received 18 hours of pay a week.

Sent the city payroll record July 20, and asked about its different numbers contradicting his account of his pay during the session, Oceguera initially said that the city records didn't make sense to him and that he didn't recognize many of the pay or benefit acronyms on the document.

"I'm just being straight up with you. I don't understand this sheet," he said, adding that "I may be able to get some more clarity after I talk to somebody who can explain this."

Oceguera later sent Nevada Journal a PDF document showing a list of voluntary furlough days recorded. However, the document is entirely consistent with the city payroll records, indicating that Oceguera averaged one day of voluntary furlough per week during the session, except in May, when six furlough days were recorded within four weeks.

Credibility issues increasingly beset NLV fire department records and administration accounts of those records. Not only has senior management sought to discredit the work-roster logs, but the city's timecard software system was also revealed as questionable when Oceguera sent a screen-shot from the software showing a two-week period in May 2011.

The entries showed him using unpaid furlough for May 11 and 12, and annual leave for May 16 through May 19 — in contradiction of the staffing records. However, the same screen shot showed him to have been paid by the city for nine hours on Monday, May 9 and another nine hours on Tuesday, May 10. On both days he was in Carson City.

According to the journal of the Nevada Assembly, on May 9 Oceguera was presiding over that chamber. Also on that day, according to Senate minutes, he testified before the Senate Education Committee. On May 10, he again presided over the Assembly, later speaking to reporters as Assembly Democrats passed their proposed education budget.

On June 28, Oceguera attempted to explain the discrepancy between his publicly recorded activities and the work schedule reported by the city's timecard software system as merely errors that had been entered into the software for "ease of coding."

However, that raises the question: Just how much is the "easy way" the norm in the North Las Vegas Fire Department?

As both Gillespie and department public relations chief Cedric Williams have emphasized, for top brass in the department, "there are no timesheets or clocking in and clocking out."

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Nevada gets more energy from nuclear than from all heavily subsidized in-state renewables

The federal government has spent over $440 million subsidizing Nevada's "green economy," yet imported nuclear energy provides more power to Nevada customers than taxpayer-subsidized electricity generators such as solar, wind and biofuel.

According to recently updated data from NV Energy, since the stimulus passed in February 2009, imported nuclear energy generated over 328,000 megawatt hours of electricity for Northern and Southern Nevada customers, whereas solar, wind, and biofuel sources combined to produce less than 212,000 megawatt hours.

 NV Energy imports nuclear energy from the San Onofre Station in Southern California and the Palo Verde Station in Arizona, despite the political muscle that state political leaders devote to fighting the nuclear energy industry.

"We use much more nuclear than people want to admit," said Paul Seidler, executive director of the Nevada Alliance for Defense, Energy and Business, a research division at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas. "At some points during the year, particularly during peak demand times, we're using over 100 times more nuclear than we're using solar or other types of [renewable] energy."

Solar generation industry lobbyists have hosted fundraisers for Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid and then secured federal subsidies.

Even so, says Seidler, solar power may never replace the need for imported energy in Nevada. That's because no matter how much money is invested, a solar plant will never produce as much "baseload," or minimum amount of power, that nuclear plants do.

"The economy hasn't helped, but we haven't really seen a return on our investment yet in many of these subsidized plants," Seidler said.

Specifically, solar is not showing a big return. According to the 2010 Stimulus Profile of Nevada, the most recently available federal report, 8.8 million taxpayer dollars have gone into new solar projects in Nevada so far. Yet NV Energy's "Power Content" labels for the last two quarters suggest the new solar suppliers generated less than 200,000 megawatt hours for the entire state. Also, projections from the Energy Information Administration show that solar energy will cost almost twice as much as nuclear power in the future. Compared to the cost of natural gas or coal power, solar energy fares even worse.

These numbers are troubling for Nevada since the Solar Energy Industries Association ranked the Silver State as the No. 1 state in the country for installed solar energy capacity. If Nevada is heavily invested in solar energy, which the EIA projects will be more than two or three times as costly as competing power sources, energy economists naturally question if the rest of the country will bear those costs.

"If our goal is to be a free market and let the market sort everything out, we [nevertheless] have all of these subsidies that do different things," said Stephen Brown, an energy economist and current director of the Center for Business and Economic Research at UNLV. "So we're not really pursuing a free market, we're not really pursuing energy security, and we're not really pursuing climate policy."

The high subsidy costs, coupled with rising energy prices, puts a "hidden stranglehold" on the economy, according to Seidler.

"The last thing we want to do is saddle ourselves with a large energy bill," he said. "We don't want to make arbitrary investments into areas where we could get into a lot of trouble."

According to Bob Boehm, director of energy research at UNLV, subsidized energy projects have an easier time obtaining land development rights, since 90 percent of Nevada's land is federally owned.

"Since we [Nevada] have much less privately owned land, it's tougher for companies to take the traditional route in developing a piece of property," said Boehm, "but because we have so much federally owned land, it's easier for the Feds to say what we should and shouldn't do with it."

Former state energy director Jim Groth acknowledged the difficulty in land development in his 2009 "Status of Energy in Nevada" report to then-governor Jim Gibbons:

"The large amount of federal ownership makes it difficult for even privately owned lands to be developed for renewable energy production since many sites must be accessed through federal lands," Groth wrote in the report. "The impediments to developing federal lands and accessing private lands must be removed to enable Nevada to live up to the expectation of becoming the ‘Saudi Arabia of Solar.'"

Even ENN Mojave Energy Corp., a Chinese solar manufacturer that is seeking approval from Clark County to build a factory in Laughlin, needs help from Reid to obtain a federal waiver to develop on the land. According to the Las Vegas Sun, Reid met with the company during his secretive trip to China in April.

Without Reid's help, the company wouldn't have such an easy approval process.

"In a lot of these [energy] cases, [Reid is] the difference maker," Seidler said.

Brown added that due to the subsidies, Nevada suffers from an "entrepreneurship problem," since private entrepreneurs can't obtain funds as easily as politically selected companies.

"In theory, entrepreneurs would be encouraged by a state with so many clean energy promotions," Brown said. "However, some companies received large amounts of [federal] stimulus and other companies received different federal grants, so it's difficult to know exactly what you'd get."

Whether Nevadans receive a return on their investment in clean energy will depend on cost-competitiveness, something politicians shouldn't control, according to Seidler.

"The challenge is seeing if we can make some of these technologies cost-effective," Seidler said. "We're in a position to do this, but we need the best technology to win because it's the most effective, not because it had the most [federal] funding thrown at it."

For more information on state energy issues, please visit http://nevadajournal.com/.

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter on Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

The school board strikes back

For more than a decade, the Clark County school board has celebrated the board's use of Policy Governance®, the board leadership paradigm created and taught by Dr. John Carver.

Under the Policy Governance® paradigm, the board gives the superintendent broadly written policies describing the outcomes the board expects and describing actions to be avoided by the superintendent in achieving those outcomes. The superintendent is allowed to use any reasonable interpretation of those policies. Further, the superintendent is then authorized to "establish all further policies, make all decisions, take all actions, establish all practices, and develop all activities."

 At its work session tomorrow, however, the board may amend those teachings — contradicting years of Dr. Carver's training — to limit the autonomy of Clark County School District Superintendent Dwight Jones.

Under Policy Governance®, a board's focus is on major policy and long-term impacts, not the administrative or programmatic means of attaining those goals. In this way, the board maintains a clear distinction between its role and that of the superintendent.

Now that CCSD has a new superintendent pushing for genuine education reforms, however, trustees appear to be signaling a major change of heart.

Former superintendent Walt Rulffes, whom the board often praised for his work, enjoyed the flexibility of providing trustees any reasonable interpretation of their broad policies and choosing the very data that would support his claims of reasonableness. Indeed, after new data arrived, Rulffes was allowed to revise his interpretation to align with the new data.

So if you wonder to what extent CCSD trustees support this new superintendent they just hired, you can probably get a pretty good idea by examining how much leeway they give him.

In that light, new moves to hobble Superintendent Dwight Jones strongly suggest this board — or interests behind it — harbor some serious hostility toward the reforms Jones is pursuing.

Last month, when Jones laid out phase one of his plan for CCSD, he provided trustees with a chart that aligned his initiatives with the outcomes and restraints already endorsed by existing board policies. But some board members are now making it quite clear that they want to change the rules.

In 2006, Dr. John Carver spent days helping the school board take what are now its current policies to the broadest, furthest levels. According to the training discussion Carver led, when a board gets into the deeper details, it begins to micromanage. And micromanagement is a clear violation of board-superintendent roles under Policy Governance®.

Broadly written policies, according to Carver, are "far, far more important" than how the board gets into the details. Of course, theoretically, the board can wade far deeper into policy to control the superintendent's actions. However, the crux of Carver's training advised against it. Point one, says Carver, is that the board stay precisely at the broadest level of policy.

And yet, when Dr. Miriam Carver, John Carver's wife and co-founder of Policy Governance®, was in Las Vegas in March, conducting her training session for the board, she was emphasizing ways the board could limit the superintendent's actions. Digging down deeper into policy layers, she explained, could put additional restraints on a superintendent.

"The rule is," advised Dr. Miriam Carver, "you go into as much detail as it takes to allow the board to accept any reasonable CEO interpretation."

In some ways, therefore, Policy Governance® appears to be a prescription that justifies whatever a board — a client — wants to do.

And on that front, CCSD board President Carolyn Edwards has thrown down the gauntlet.

In late June, at the next school board meeting following Jones' presentation of the guide, Edwards immediately set the ball rolling to rein in Jones' authority.

When Jones submitted financial monitoring reports prepared by staff to allow the board to do a final evaluation of Rulffes, Edwards advised other board members that their role, upon receiving such a report, was to examine how the superintendent had interpreted the board's policies.

They should ask themselves, she said, "Is that what we meant by that policy?" Finding issues with how Jones had interpreted the board policy being monitored, Edwards wanted trustees to critique his interpretation.

Trustee Deanna Wright — who, along with Edwards, had met with Jones earlier — volunteered her concerns that interpretations the board received were not what board members had meant. She said she had struggled for years with the interpretations received, thinking they did not reflect the board's intent. Of course, Wright had not raised her concern until now.

But how important is it, really, if Jones' interpretation differs from what the board meant? According to Dr. John Carver, as long as the superintendent has supported his interpretation with data, it is a reasonable interpretation. The board, says Carver, might not get what it wants.

"You look at it [superintendent's interpretation] and say, ‘it may look reasonable to you [superintendent], but it's not to me,' or, you say, ‘Okay, it's not what I would have chosen; that's not what I meant.' But, what I would have chosen and what I meant are absolutely, totally irrelevant," if the interpretation was proven, said Carver.

Jones, at least, had clarity on the matter: Policy is what the board makes, and reasonable interpretation of that policy is what the superintendent does.

"The trustees really don't say ‘we agree, we disagree with your interpretation,'" he responded to Edwards. "The interpretation is my own and the trustees actually work on the rule."

Seemingly, John Carver couldn't even argue with that.

Carver has also said, frankly, that it's not the job of the board to help with the interpretation: "What happens is you pass the policy…," he advised trustees. "But, the superintendent's next step is to interpret the policy. Now, he doesn't need you for that and you should keep your mouth shut about that…"

Furthermore, even if the interpretation was not what the board wanted, but it was what the board's policy words asked for, then, says Carver, the board needs to firm up its policy.

Edwards, however, didn't skip a beat.

In what she characterized as "good clarification," Edwards lectured Jones in no uncertain terms — at times eliciting uncomfortable laughter from the dais, shock and stirring from the audience, and even a groan or growl from other trustees on the dais:

I agree that your interpretation is your interpretation, but it is of our intent, um — Yes! It is — and, it's of our policy. And, so, if we do not agree with your interpretation, it implies that we need to change our policy.

And, so there are consequences if we don't agree with your interpretation. And those consequences are, we'll tighten our policy…

So, then you either agree — maybe you change your interpretation — or, you don't. And then we change our policy…

But, if it comes down to, you believe your interpretation is absolutely your interpretation and you're sticking by it, and, we want something different, the way we get that is through a joint — a board level, seven people coming to a new policy discussion.

Whether we loosen it up or tighten it down — either way.

Edwards in the past has publicly claimed trustees changed policy in light of Rulffes' interpretations. And at this June board meeting she asserted that Rulffes changed his interpretation at board urging. On each occasion, NPRI requested that such changes be identified for the record. Those requests have gone unanswered.

So Edwards has thrown down the gauntlet.

Tomorrow, the school board meets at 8 a.m. for a work session. Agenda items 2.02, 2.03, 2.04 and 2.05 relate to Policy Governance®.

Karen Gray is an education researcher at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com or http://npri.org/.

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Update: Fixed two typos.

Change is harder for some folks

The Clark County School District's new superintendent, Dwight Jones, was hired to be a "game changer."

What district trustees increasingly signal from their dais, however, is — at best — ambivalence about actually allowing him to change the game.

 Jones quickly separated himself from the status quo in January, when he released his white paper, A Few Lessons Learned. Taking a decidedly fresh view of Nevada's economic downturn, he wrote of the "real opportunity" it affords for the district to do things differently. And he laid out a path to improved student performance through more school choice and more site-based autonomy — taking the principles behind the district's current but limited empowerment program, for instance, and scaling them up district-wide.

Yet while Jones is optimistic and motivated, he is also realistic.

"Change comes harder for some folks," he told the Public Education Foundation's board of directors earlier this year. He could have pointed at the CCSD board of trustees to illustrate that point.

Take school choice, an important key to Jones' design for reform of the Clark County district. More choice for teachers, principals, parents and students introduces vital new dynamics into school districts and, over time, yields powerfully positive transformations. Innovations by Mike Strembitzky — whom CCSD hired as a consultant for the development of its empowerment schools — demonstrated this in the Edmonton, Alberta, school district he headed.

Yet at the pinnacle of school choice are school vouchers, which Edmonton offers. And while vouchers were not specifically identified in Jones' outline for district change, the new superintendent has publicly supported Gov. Brian Sandoval's proposed education reforms — which do foresee a large statewide school-voucher program.

This CCSD board, however, appears to hate the very idea of vouchers.

During January's regular school board meeting — the first with Jones as superintendent — Joyce Haldeman, the district's chief lobbyist and, as expressed by Jones, the superintendent's "voice," presented trustees with a list of issues likely to surface in the 2011 Nevada Legislative Session. Vouchers promised to be a hot-button topic this session, she told trustees, advising them to be open to discussions.

Open, however, is what the trustees weren't.

"I oppose vouchers," declared Trustee Erin Cranor early in the discussion. And from the dais she directed Associate Superintendent Haldeman, too, to "Oppose school vouchers."

During the subsequent discussion, no trustees spoke up for the principle of choice.  "I do get your message," said Haldeman, eventually. "We'll be opposing vouchers."

While politically school vouchers weren't likely to pass, the chasm yawning between the board and the superintendent they'd hired was visible.

Later that evening, after Jones highlighted that A Few Lessons Learned outlined his vision for the district, the board turned to planning future agenda items. Trustee Chris Garvey then spoke up — acknowledging personally that "change isn't always easy," and "[i]n fact, it's very painful" — seeking to clarify board policies on empowerment schools.

Scaling up Clark County's empowerment school program, like increasing site-based autonomy, is a key principle in Jones' A Few Lessons Learned white paper.

To make things "easier" on everyone, said Garvey, let's "revisit what our current policy is on empowerment schools; what the definition is; [and] what are the parameters of what a site-based administrator can make decisions on and what they cannot."

While a seemingly simple request for clarification, Garvey's request implicitly challenged Jones and explicitly challenged his authority under the district's governance structure. Under that structure — Policy Governance® — the empowerment program is not even within the purview of the board. All administrative and programmatic means are the role of the superintendent. In fact, the school board has no policy on empowerment schools — and never has.

Indeed, last year, using empowerment schools as an example, board President Carolyn Edwards explained to the public how, under Policy Governance®, the superintendent does not even have to consult with trustees — although he may, if he chooses.

Former CCSD superintendent Walt Rulffes, noted Edwards, "came to the board and asked about, do we want to continue with empowerment schools, and, the board gave direction, yes we do … but, we give him the freedom to bring those things to us," she told the audience.

The point of Policy Governance®, advised Edwards, was to hold the superintendent "much more highly accountable" for results. "And," she explained, "if we tell him how to do everything, then we can hardly hold him accountable for the decisions we make about what he's doing, if we're telling him how to do it."

In A Few Lessons Learned, Jones talks about thinking outside the box and delivering student services differently. And whether he speaks to a group of parents, a group of business leaders or one-on-one, he steadfastly maintains that money is not the solution to CCSD's problems. The district needs to learn to do things better and cheaper, he often says.

This past spring, facing a prospective $400 million budget cut, Jones went "outside the box" and proposed some cuts that are traditionally taboo.

In his proposed budget submitted to the board, based on the projected loss of revenues, Jones assumed $191.4 million in employee concessions — $39.9 million in salary step and education freezes, $23.2 million in health care costs assumed by employees and a 7.8 percent salary reduction.

He also assumed class-size increases, and the elimination of over 1,600 staff positions. Assuming no union concessions, he projected increased cuts to administrative department staff, textbook and supply budgets, computer strategists, literacy specialists, special education facilitators, ELL facilitators and magnet school staff ratios. That still left a $51.9 million gap, however. In all, with no employee concessions, Jones proposed eliminating from 2,486 to 5,428 positions to balance the district budget against projected revenues.

Trustees, however, wanted Jones, like his predecessors, to seek additional revenue.

"Just as we begin the discussion," Cranor began, "I wonder if we can just maybe agree on one semantic: to not refer to this [Jones' assumptions] as Plan A, but rather, to refer to this as Plan B and Plan C. Plan A being that we will work effectively with our legislature; that we will seek ways to increase revenues at the district level; that we will seek ways to possibly advocate for, um, local school support tax not sun-setting this summer; other things like that…."

After trustees briefly discussed how that might look, Jones pointed out to trustees and the public that district staff was not in a position to work for tax increases.

"Staff is really not in the position to use taxpayer dollars or staff during staff time to assist with groups to try and decide if they're going to support, put pressure to raise taxes or those kinds of things," said Jones.

"I wouldn't want the public to think that we would use taxpayer money to do anything in support of a potential tax increase," he continued.

For most of the next two hours, trustees expressed their "disgust" for the "misguided" Sandoval and sermonized about the need for Jones and the community to work for increased revenues while "urging" people to pressure the Legislature and Sandoval.

"I don't see a solution other than seeking to increase revenues," said Edwards. "It has to be, it has to be mitigated by an increase in revenue. And, I think, I think we need the public to be talking to their legislators and to the governor specifically, to say, ‘Find a way to increase revenues.' If you can't offset all of it, let's offset 50 percent of it; let's, let's mitigate the impact of this on education."

Later, Garvey urged everyone to "get out there and start pushing these people to look for revenue."

"So, we've gotten some direction," Jones chided as trustees concluded their lengthy pontifications.

"The reality we're faced with" — he responded to trustees with sobering seriousness — is, "we still have a shortfall. …

"The failure to get concessions …" Jones emphasized, "is a loss of jobs." There are no two options, he concluded.

When the superintendent failed to gather children, parents and teachers — as is customary — to sing the "woe is me" song appealing for increased taxes for education, the trustees attempted an end-around.

During the May 12 school board meeting, Jeff Weiler, chief financial officer for CCSD, called forward Jeremy Aguero of Applied Analysis. Aguero's firm is a CCSD consultant who's been paid, according to CCSD warrants, over $61,000 since November 2008.

Aguero spoke for nearly an hour, proselytizing for Reconstructing Nevada, the plan of Democratic leaders in the state legislature for new service and business margin taxes, plus extension of other, sun-setting taxes. Legislative Democrats on May 10 had passed education budgets assuming that their $1.2 billion in tax increases would also pass. It didn't, and Sandoval subsequently vetoed the Democrats' May 10 education plan.

As promised, Jones recently released Phase I of his design for CCSD reform.

A Look Ahead: Phase I  Preliminary Reforms Report, Improving Achievement in the Clark County School District, strategically highlights innovation and school choice to "flatten" the district. Some key elements of the design:

  • Performance zones, the reorganization of area service centers to 12 or more performance zones with feeder-aligned schools;
  • Autonomous zone, a single autonomous zone for schools that are academically successful. Schools will have greater latitude with budgeting, staffing and program design;
  • New schools division, these include empowerment schools, charter schools and educational management organizations;
  • Growth model, a system designed to gauge how each student in grades 3-8 progresses yearly;
  • Four-tier teacher evaluation, changing from the satisfactory/unsatisfactory evaluation system to an evaluation ranking system of highly effective, effective, minimally effective and ineffective. A future element of the shift is that the performance of students (i.e., academic growth) is considered during the process of teacher evaluation.

After a short summary by Jones, trustees — being what one observer called "cautiously diplomatic" — commended Jones for his report but postponed comment on the substance until they'd had more time for review.

Two weeks later Jones helped focus board discussions with a two-part "guide" correlating key components of A Look Ahead with the board's own Ends and Governance Policies. Trustees, in stark contrast to their activity when A Few Lessons Learned was offered, stayed out of the details. Primarily they reserved their comments to praising Jones' transparency in providing the "guide."

"There will be a temptation," said Edwards, commending trustees for their reserve, "to get into the weeds with this.

"And I want to remind all of us … that we need to stay out of that and let the work that needs to be done, be done by the superintendent. So that we can hold him accountable for the outcomes that we're looking for," she concluded. And she thanked Jones for delineating the board's role.

But for the all the praise and thanks dispensed, Policy Governance® in actuality limits the board — requiring it to direct the superintendent through broadly written policies and then allowing him to "establish all further policies, make all decisions, take all actions, establish all practices, and develop all activities" when reasonably interpreting those policies.

So Jones' "guide" for the trustees was not only a help-aid for them. It was also a tactful way of getting them out of his "weeds," drawing a clear line in the sand that pushed the trustees back into their proper role.

Coming next week: And sometimes when folks get pushed, they shove back…

Karen Gray is an education researcher at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more visit http://nevadajournal.com or http://npri.org/.

NLV fire department confirms Oceguera’s double-dipping

Responding to a Nevada Journal news story, the North Las Vegas Fire Department Wednesday released copies of previously undisclosed employment agreements with Nevada Assembly Speaker John Oceguera, who also is the department's assistant fire chief.

The documents describe schedules outlining the assemblyman's fire-department work obligations during the 2009 and 2011 legislative sessions when he was also acting as a top officer of the state assembly —  in 2009 as Democratic majority leader and in 2011 as speaker.

According to the documents, Oceguera and the department agreed that during the 2009 legislative session he would work 18 hours a week for the department, half of his normal fire-department work week. For the 2011 session, the agreement specified he would work for the department at least 9 hours a week. For the balance of the legislative sessions' work weeks, he would take annual and holiday leave and unpaid furlough days.

The department thus confirmed on the record that Oceguera was being paid by North Las Vegas taxpayers during a significant amount the time he was at the 2009 Legislature and also when at the 2011 Legislature. During that time he was also being paid by Nevada taxpayers as a state legislator.

The Nevada Constitution specifies that state legislative sessions run for a minimum of 120 calendar days, with no interruption. That means any paid work by a government employee/lawmaker for his government employer during that period is, by definition, "double-dipping."

The story Nevada Journal reported Wednesday arose out of a reporter's request for staffing-log records showing when all personnel in the department worked. The department then sent Nevada Journal staffing records that department officials now say do not accurately report top officers' work schedules.

A fire department spokesman also had informed NJ that the staffing records the department provided are the basis for the department payroll. Now department officials say that is not true — at least when it comes to the department's top officers.

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

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Speaker Oceguera – another government ‘double-dipper'?

Speaker Oceguera – another government ‘double-dipper’?

While leading Assembly Democrats in Carson City the last four years as majority leader and then speaker, John Oceguera was also drawing full-time pay as a City of North Las Vegas fireman, according to city fire department records.

Oceguera and Fire Chief Al Gillespie, however, say the records are inaccurate.

"I was paid for nine hours a week," said Oceguera, "and the rest of the time was accrued vacation or furlough time, meaning I did not get paid."

 However, fire department work-roster logs for 2009 and 2011, obtained by Nevada Journal under the state open-records law, credit the assemblyman with four-day work weeks, nine hours each day, for most of both legislative sessions.

Shown those records, Oceguera sent a screen-shot of the city's timecard software showing a two-week period in May 2011. The entries show him using unpaid furlough for May 11 and 12, and annual leave for May 16 through May 19 — in contradiction of the staffing records. However, the same screen shot showed him to have been paid by the city for nine hours on Monday, May 9 and another nine hours on Tuesday, May 10. On both days he was in Carson City.

According to the journal of the Nevada Assembly, on May 9 Oceguera was presiding over that chamber. Also on that day, according to Senate minutes, he testified before the Senate Education Committee. On May 10, he again presided over the Assembly, later speaking to reporters as Assembly Democrats passed their proposed education budget.

Asked about the screen shot showing him being paid by the City of North Las Vegas for two days when he was actually in Carson City, Oceguera explained in an e-mail that the information shown in the screen shot was not literally true:

Yes, 9 hrs a week as I described to you, its [sic] just coded 2 days of furlough, 4 days of Al [annual leave], and two days of regular pay for ease of coding.

For the fire department's administrative personnel, much of the department's record keeping of hours on duty does appear to reflect not fact, but merely "ease of coding."

"We don't work seven days a week," Chief Gillespie told Nevada Journal. "But all of my administrative staff normally is listed seven days a week because theoretically they could respond."

He, like Oceguera, emphasized that Oceguera was "on-call virtually every weekend."

Asked if any remuneration went with being "on call," Gillespie said: "We have a salary. We're salaried. So it doesn't matter what our … when we're actually in the office or when we're responding to calls."

Gillespie acknowledged that, because Oceguera is salaried, his salary is paid to him regardless of the particular hours he puts in. Yet the chief also insisted that the assistant chief's salary had been smaller during legislative sessions, reflecting unpaid furloughs.

However, Gillespie seemed unable to explain why the city had reported in 2009 that Oceguera had received what Oceguera himself described to Nevada Journal as his full base pay, plus longevity pay, when Oceguera had spent at least one-third of the year as Assembly majority leader in Carson City.

Since Oceguera's total reported compensation for the year was $151,772, one-third of the year's salary would exceed $50,000.

The issue, therefore, is whether — or to what extent — Oceguera was "double-dipping," or receiving two taxpayer-financed salaries for two government jobs at the same time.

In 2003, Wendell Williams, Kelvin Atkinson and Kathy McClain — other Assembly Democrats who at the time also had full-time jobs with local governments in Southern Nevada — were all fired by their local-government employers after news reports detailed different ploys the legislators had used to receive compensation from their local-government employers while in Carson City at the Legislature.

Williams repeatedly allowed himself to be reported as at work for the City of Las Vegas when he was actually working in Carson. Atkinson reported himself as on sick leave when he actually was legislating or dining with colleagues in Carson. McClain, too, used the sick-leave ploy.

In 2003, Oceguera was a second-term assemblyman, having first been elected in 2000. When asked how he juggled his fire department job against his legislative job, he regularly explained that he traded shifts with other firemen or took annual or holiday leave.

And indeed, that explanation is consistent with eight years of Oceguera shift trades, leaves and furloughs listed in the 10 years of fire department work-roster logs obtained by Nevada Journal. The logs were reported to cover all fire department employees between Jan. 1, 2001 and May 31, 2011. According to Captain Scott Gorgon — who administers the TeleStaff-brand software the department uses to manage its rosters — for the last five years the TeleStaff data has been the basis of the department's payroll.

Oceguera, however, argues that while the information in the roster-management system may be correct for line personnel — firemen, fire engineers, etc. — it is not correct for top administrators. He points out that Fire Chief Gillespie's name does not appear in the records Nevada Journal received. And when some of the administrators and battalion chiefs listed on the department's Web home page are checked against the records, some are present, but others are not.

Interestingly, however, the records do correctly reflect the new 36-hour-a-week work schedule that Oceguera began when he became assistant fire chief in 2008. And the work rosters do agree — regarding that four-day-a-week schedule — with the schedule shown on the screen shot Oceguera submitted.

But the rosters also list him as having been on active duty in the North Las Vegas Fire Department during the 2009 and 2011 legislative sessions when, as a legislator, he would have been active in Carson City.

During the 2009 Legislative Session, for example, Oceguera was credited with 68 fire department work days, nine hours each day, for a total of 612 paid hours. During the 2011 session, he was credited with 64 days, nine hours a day, for a total of 576 hours.

At the rate the city reported paying Oceguera in 2009 — $151,772 — and the number of hours the logs report him being "on duty" during the year — 1,809 — one can calculate an hourly 2009 rate of roughly $84. Multiplying that rate by the number of hours Oceguera was credited with during the 2009 Legislature (612 x $84) would suggest he was paid some $51,345 by the North Las Vegas Fire Department during the 2009 session.

During the 2011 session, if he had received no raise in the meantime, Oceguera would have received at least another $48,325 from the department while legislating in Carson City.

During both sessions, Oceguera would have also been pocketing his legislative pay. According to Chapter Two of the state Legislative Manual, lawmakers currently receive pay of $130 a day for the first 60 days of the session, plus per diem of $154 per day for all 120 days or more. Thus every lawmaker receives at a minimum $26,280 per session. Lawmakers get an additional "communications allowance of $2,800 per session, while their costs associated with travel during a session (moving expenses, housing and furniture rental, and travel related to legislative business) are reimbursed, subject to an overall limit of $10,000. Members who chair standing committees or are in legislative leadership receive an extra $900 per session.

Thus at a minimum Oceguera would have received legislative compensation from the 2011 session of some $29,980, and possibly that much additionally from the 2009 session.

These calculations do not include the legislator and per diem pay Oceguera would have received during the Legislature's interim sessions, when he attended 16 meetings of the powerful Interim Finance Committee, or seven meetings of the Legislative Commission, which he chaired. Spot checks indicate Oceguera also was reported receiving full-day fire department pay for days when he was recorded as being present at meetings of the Interim Finance Committee or the Legislative Commission.

The records received by Nevada Journal suggest that Oceguera began his time in the Nevada Legislature conscientiously observing North Las Vegas city policy, which requires employees who are also legislators to take time off from their city jobs during session. In the words of city spokeswoman Juliet Casey, that policy exists so city employees are not "working in Carson on City time."

During the 2001 session — his first session in the Legislature — Oceguera had arranged with other firemen to trade shifts to cover over 92 percent of the time he was in Carson City. At the end of the session, having paid his co-workers back 48 hours working Sundays, he still owed them 912 hours. During the rest of the year, he paid back 222.

In 2002, say departmental records, he paid back another 352 hours but used another 190 in additional shift trades. He thus ended the year with a 528-hour shift-trade deficit.

Beginning with the 2003 Legislature, Oceguera changed his strategy, the records suggest. During the subsequent regular session and two special sessions, he cut his use of shift trades in half, to 480, and was reported as working more Fridays, Saturdays and Sundays back in North Las Vegas. He also used 175 hours of annual leave and 96 hours of holiday leave. Finally, for 240 hours, according to the department staffing roster, he simply went without pay.

With the additional shift trades, 72 of which were paid back during the session, Oceguera returned to North Las Vegas after the 2003 session owing his fellow firemen 936 hours. Over the rest of 2003 and 2004, he added another 204.5 shift-trade hours but paid back 689, according to the records, reducing his balance owed to 451.5 hours.

During the 2005 legislative sessions — one regular and one special — the assemblyman added another 168 hours net in shift trades, raising the hours he owed other firefighters to 619.5. According to the roster records, he also took 351 hours of leave, put in 293 hours back in North Las Vegas, working Fridays and weekends, and simply went without pay for another 124 hours.

By the end of 2006, according to the records, Oceguera had worked off a net 273.5 hours of the shift trades he owed, leaving a balance of 346.

During the 2007 sessions — one regular and one special — Oceguera's owed shift-trade hours increased by a net 198, to a total of 544. Then, during the balance of 2007 and 2008, he made up 112 shift-trade hours before officially assuming his new position as assistant fire chief of the North Las Vegas Fire Department.

Thus, when named to his new post, Oceguera still appeared to owe his firefighter colleagues for 432 hours they had worked for him while he was in Carson City and that he had never paid back.

Oceguera denies that, however, saying that during the 1990s, when he was a young, single man with no children, he regularly worked Christmas and New Year's for other firemen. Those shifts, in the eyes of firefighters with families, he said, were worth multiples of regular shifts and so he was able to begin the new century with a significant balance of shift trades owed him.

Asked if city policy on city employees in the Legislature was informal or embodied in ordinance or written policy, Casey directed Nevada Journal to the secondary-employment section of the city's human resources policy and procedures manual. Because that policy requires approval from the employee's immediate supervisor and department head for any outside job, any anomalies in Oceguera's long-standing participation in the Assembly would also reflect on Gillespie.

When Nevada Journal first sought to interview Gillespie and other department officials on Monday, the publication each time was referred to the office of the city attorney, which did not return calls. Even the department public information officer, Cedric Williams, declined to speak to a reporter.

On Tuesday, however, Assistant City Attorney Jeff Barr called Nevada Journal's parent organization, the Nevada Policy Research Institute, and left word that Chief Gillespie would be available for the previously requested interview.

So — during the 2009 and 2011 legislatures — how much, in city spokeswoman Casey's words, was Oceguera "working in Carson on City time"? His own remarks, like those of Chief Gillespie, indicate that the department's official records of who, when and where personnel are "on-duty" — whether in the TeleStaff roster system or the city's payroll reporting system — simply lack credibility.

In Oceguera's own phrase, the numbers input into both the roster system and the payroll appear to primarily reflect, not reality, but "ease of coding."

Steven Miller is the managing editor of Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more in-depth reporting, visit http://nevadajournal.com/ and http://npri.org/.

Nevada’s green-energy laws will mean higher electricity prices, big job losses, suggest studies

While higher unemployment numbers usually gain more attention than higher electricity rates, two new policy studies indicate Nevada's renewable portfolio standards may increase both rates.

Suffolk University's Beacon Hill Institute studied renewable portfolio standards (RPS) in New Mexico and Oregon and projected that, as a result of those standards, both states can expect to lose more than 15,000 jobs and have electricity prices rise by 20 percent.

From the News BulletinSince Nevada's electricity rates are the second highest in the West, the studies' authors said Nevada could face a similar economic forecast.

"Most renewables in Nevada and across the country need heavy taxpayer subsidies to survive, because they aren't cost competitive," said Paul Bachman, Beacon Hill's director of research. "As long as renewables aren't cost competitive — and the EIA [Energy Information Administration] shows they won't be for the foreseeable future — RPS standards will weigh down states."

The harm projected for the Oregon economy is highly relevant for Nevada because Nevada and Oregon have the same demanding RPS — "25 by 25," meaning that 25 percent of all energy must be generated by renewable sources by 2025. According to Beacon Hill's study, by that date Oregon's portfolio standard will have cost the state's taxpayers $992 million and residential electricity prices will have risen 24 percent.

"The devil's in the details [of Nevada's RPS]," said Assemblyman John Ellison, R-Elko, a member of the Assembly Commerce and Labor Committee. "We can't have bills that select favorites and put more of a burden on our state."

Supporting Ellison's claim, the Oregon study noted the reduction in greenhouse-gas emissions available from solar and wind energies — the two green technologies that politicians most favor — does not justify their additional economic cost.

"One could justify the higher electricity costs if the environmental benefits, in terms of reduced greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, outweigh the costs," the authors wrote. "However, it is unclear that the use of renewable energy resources, especially wind and solar, actually reduce GHG emissions."

According to federal EIA data, Nevada's residential electricity prices are already rising more than 5 percent per year, dating back to 1997 when the state passed its first RPS. At this pace, Nevadans will be paying more than 30 cents per kilowatt hour by 2025.

Prior to the Nevada Legislature's imposition of the portfolio standards, state residential electricity prices only increased by 3 percent per year, according to EIA data.

Green energy mandates are increasing the cost of Nevada's energy

Source: US Energy Information Administration

California's renewable portfolio standards and electricity prices are both higher than Nevada's, and like Nevada, California is in an economic mess. In 2009, then-governor Arnold Schwarzenegger, a Republican, issued Executive Order S-21-09, mandating a California RPS of 33 percent by 2020. Schwarzenegger's executive order expands state Senate Bill 107, passed in 2006, which established a 20 percent RPS by 2010.

Notwithstanding the official standards, however, data from California's Public Utilities Commission shows the state's three largest energy companies all had RPS deficits dating back to 2008, and missed the 2010 RPS as well. Additionally, consulting company Black and Veatch projects California utilities will only meet the RPS requirement once in the next 15 years.

"California's going to have some challenges with their [energy] prices," said Nevada Assemblyman Ed Goedhart, R-Amargosa Valley, a member of the Assembly Commerce and Labor Committee. "If prices get to a point where they discourage business, you've got problems."

Energy legislation from lawmakers already discourages business. Along with RPS mandates and the resulting higher electricity rates, legislation expanding government control in the energy sector has prevented businesses from hiring new workers.

An example is the recently passed AB432. Sponsored by Assemblywomen Marilyn Kirkpatrick, D-North Las Vegas, and Teresa Benitez-Thompson, D-Reno, AB432 revised the qualifications for state home energy auditors and shifted auditing oversight from the Nevada Energy Commission to the state's Real Estate Division within the Department of Business and Industry.

The bill's new requirements, according to Paul Taylor, owner of Sierra Green Builders, a home energy auditing company in Reno, means auditors licensed under the old regulations could lose their jobs. Companies will spend more money training employees to meet the new state requirements.

"With the new regulation as it is written, I feel confident that I will not be hiring any more employees in the foreseeable future," Taylor wrote in a letter to the Nevada Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency Authority last fall.

"I may even have to let go my current employees," he wrote, protesting the bill draft request that became AB432. "Like many of my former competitors, this may be the last straw and I may have to close my business all together."

Taylor estimated two-thirds of home energy auditors lost work due to the housing crisis. The new regulation will prevent that number from recovering, he said.

"I still haven't hired any new employees," said Taylor. "Realtors who can afford lobbyists like the bill, but people who do this [home energy auditing] for a living weren't asked to weigh in."

California politicians are also willing to sacrifice economic growth to score green points, sparking a ballot initiative — Prop 23 — from those wishing to push back. The measure would have suspended the California Global Warming Solutions Act of 2006 (AB32) until unemployment fell to 5.5 percent. The "Solutions Act" is essentially California's version of the Kyoto Protocol, and requires greenhouse-gas emissions to fall to 1990 levels.

Because Prop 23 failed, the "Solutions Act" is projected to slow economic growth and cost the Golden State nearly 1 million jobs, according to Benjamin Zycher. He's an economist at the Pacific Research Institute, a Palo Alto-based think tank.

Employment with Prop 23

While such ballot initiatives attempt to take energy decisions out of politicians' hands, eventually energy economics will have to be returned to the dynamics of the market, says Goedhart.

"We can't go any higher than 25," the assemblyman said, referring to Nevada's RPS. "More and more efficient technologies will come along, and if they're cost-competitive they'll help, but we need to step into it [renewable energy] cautiously."

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter on Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

For more information on state energy issues, please visit http://nevadajournal.com.

State laws encourage green energy, discourage efficiency

Nevada residents, encouraged by politicians to "go green" to save energy, are being hit with higher rates for doing so. And more rate increases are in the pipeline.

Beginning July 1, courtesy of state renewable-energy laws and the state Public Utilities Commission, ratepayers will pay an additional 3.4 percent to subsidize the state energy monopoly, NV Energy.

 According to the PUC's approval order, the rate increase reflects NRS 704.785, passed during the 2009 Legislature as SB358. That law gives electric utilities the "opportunity to recover lost revenues associated with energy efficiency and conservation ("EE and C") programs" and further allows the PUC to "implement the lost revenue recovery mechanism."

A "recovery mechanism" is government-speak for rate increase. The PUC approved two new rates that will appear on electricity users' bills: the energy efficiency program rate (EEPR) and the energy implementation rate (EEIR).

NV Energy has reported that it lost over $100 million from energy-efficiency program investments and consumer energy conservation. Both sources of NV Energy's revenue loss reflect government-mandated programs designed to interfere with the natural economic forces of supply and demand in order to accomplish political goals.

Nevada's most costly energy initiatives are the state's mandatory and highly "aggressive" Renewable Portfolio Standards (RPS). First established in 1997, the RPS requires electric utilities to obtain certain percentages of their energy from renewable power sources. RPS standards began at 1 percent and expand every year. SB395, passed by lawmakers in the 2009 Legislature, established the "25 by 25" mandate, requiring that 25 percent of the monopoly utility's energy production come from renewable power by 2025.

Judy Stokey, NV Energy's director of government affairs, says the company supports the RPS and will continue to comply with them, but believes "market-based processes" are the best way to get the "lowest and best prices for customers."

NV Energy has met the RPS standard only once in 13 years but has spent over $100 million on renewable energy programs.

No legislation was introduced during the 2011 Legislature to reform the RPS, notwithstanding the state's economic depression and the destructive impact on ratepayers of existing energy laws. Instead, the current rate increases were assured by AB150, which endorsed SB358's "recovery mechanisms."

Assembly Democrats David Bobzien, Kelvin Atkinson and John Oceguera sponsored the bill, and it received Senate sponsorship from Majority Leader Steven Horsford and Commerce, Labor and Energy Committee Chair Michael Schneider — both of them Democrats. However, AB150 unanimously passed both chambers and Gov. Brian Sandoval, a Republican, signed the bill May 13.

Thus, in addition to agreeing to $620 million in tax increases in the state budget, lawmakers and the governor also approved legislation sanctioning an average $5-per-month increase in ratepayers' monthly power bills.

Senate Energy Chair Schneider introduced another bill which would have increased electricity rates, SB184. Originally, the bill would have established a "feed-in-tariff," in which larger utility companies would have been required to pay "tariffs," or subsidies, to smaller green-energy providers feeding the power grids. Essentially, the tariff would have taxed existing utility companies — and thus rate-payers — to further subsidize politically connected green-energy companies for which market demand doesn't exist.

"This bill [SB184] legislatively picks a winning technology," said NV Energy spokesman Stokey during a March 11 hearing before Schneider's committee. "NV Energy supports strategies which the prices paid for renewables are driven by a market-based process in order to obtain the best value for customers."

Schneider eventually dropped the tariff mandate from the bill, and replaced it with a mandate that the PUC study the scheme for possible passage in the 2013 Legislature. While the watered-down SB184 passed the Senate, it was stuck in the Assembly Commerce and Labor Committee before dying without a vote in the full Assembly. Schneider blamed that on freshmen assembly members, telling the Las Vegas Review-Journal, "I'm not sure [Atkinson's] committee understands it all that well, because there are so many novices."

Schneider, a member of U.S. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid's Blue Ribbon Panel on Energy, didn't stop with SB184. He also introduced SB281, which would require the PUC to establish an "Electric Vehicle Demonstration Program" that could give $3,000-per-vehicle state subsidies to registrants of 1,500 electric vehicles in Nevada by 2016. Section 14 of the bill — authorizing "an electric utility to recover its costs incurred in carrying out the Demonstration Program" — would allow NV Energy to raise rates further, to "recover" the resulting $4.5 million in costs.

SB281 passed the Senate on a near party-line vote in late April but ultimately died in Atkinson's "novice" Assembly committee.

One of Schneider's "demonstration programs" which did pass and was enrolled by the governor was SB182, creating a Thermal Solar Demonstration Program. It requires at least 3,000 solar thermal installations throughout the state by 2019.

Schneider wasn't the only legislator introducing "demonstration programs." Assemblyman Steven Brooks, D-Las Vegas, introduced AB442, again requiring the PUC to "achieve the Legislature's goal" of 10 megawatts-worth of community solar gardens in Nevada by 2021.

Brooks, a freshman on the Assembly Commerce and Labor Committee, also introduced AB172, which adds two employees each to the state Office of Energy and the Department of Health and Human Services to "manage and coordinate the use of any grants or other money to promote the use of renewable energy in this State" as well as "promote the use of measures which conserve or reduce the demand for energy or which result in more efficient use of energy."

Brooks' bill, thus, would promote the same energy-conservation measures that are currently resulting in rate increases. According to fiscal notes, the bill would add $700,000 to the government payroll for salaries in the expanded departments.

Both bills never reached a committee vote, but they could be reintroduced for the 2013 session.

According to a PUC spokesman, either NV Energy or PUC commissioners could file a repeal of the rate increase order but said it is "unlikely."

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter on Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

For more information on state energy issues, please visit http://www.nevadajournal.com/ or join NPRI on June 21 for a policy luncheon featuring CATO Institute Senior Fellow in Environmental Studies Patrick J. Michaels.

‘Revised’ Democrat maps show more gerrymandering, little Hispanic influence

Lawmakers spent 89 session days drawing their first redistricting maps, but Assembly Democrats managed to produce "revised" maps only three days after Republican Gov. Brian Sandoval vetoed the first set.

Assembly Democrats introduced their new maps — in AB566 — Tuesday, May 17 during an Assembly Legislative Operations and Elections committee meeting. They then passed them in the Senate and Assembly committees by party-line votes.

 The maps included revised voting-age populations for 28 Assembly districts, all 21 Senate districts, and the four congressional districts.

"Based on floor statements, based on talks of deviations, [and] based on the governor's veto, we made changes," said Assembly Speaker John Oceguera, D-Las Vegas, during the meeting.

Despite the population revisions, most of the Hispanic-influenced districts remain unchanged, meaning the revised Democrat maps still contain fewer Hispanic-influenced districts than do the Republican maps. Each party has accused the other of potentially violating the federal Voting Rights Act.

The Democrats' original maps contained two Hispanic-majority Assembly districts and one state Senate district. The original maps reduced the number of Hispanic-majority Senate districts from the current number but kept the same number of Hispanic-majority Assembly districts.

In their revised plan, the Democrats retain two Hispanic-majority Assembly seats from their original plan (Assembly Districts 11 and 28), and add a second Hispanic-majority Senate seat (Senate District 10). The new plan increases from 12 to 13 the number of Assembly districts with a Hispanic voting-age population greater than 25 percent. The number of such Senate districts remains unchanged at six.

Some of the biggest changes in the new plan were in the new congressional districts, with the current district of Rep. Shelley Berkley, a Democrat, now stretching into Esmeralda, Lincoln and Lyon counties, and Republican Rep. Joe Heck's district remaining wholly in Clark County.

 

While the district shapes changed, the Hispanic voting-age numbers in each district remained nearly identical to the original plan. The Hispanic voting-age population in CD-3, now represented by Heck, increased from 24.69 percent in the first plan to 31.33 percent in the revised one, while the comparable percentage in CD-1 (Berkley) dropped from 28.71 to 22.29. The Hispanic voting-age populations in Congressional Districts 2 and 4 changed by less than 0.3 percentage points.

 

"It's hard to see any major changes or envision a different end result," said Assemblyman Pat Hickey, R-Reno, during the May 17 meeting. By "end result," he indicated, he was referring to a Sandoval veto.

Hickey also criticized the lack of quality debate concerning the Democrat and Republican map alternatives.

"Our [Republican] map wasn't really heard in this committee," Hickey said. "I disagree [with Assembly Speaker Oceguera] and don't think we've had any real conversations at this point."

Democrats countered they wouldn't give the Republican map a hearing because Republican map data hadn't been released on public mapping systems. On May 20, the Republicans released their data and a statement indicating their willingness to compromise.

"Democrats have put forth two plans with info but no Republican [info]," said Assemblyman and committee Chair Tick Segerblom, D-Clark, during the meeting. "If we don't see any data or changes, we're going to go back and forth with party-line votes."

Despite "changes" mentioned by Oceguera, the new plan's lack of Hispanic influence suggests little Democrat attention to the wording in Sandoval's veto statement.

"Of the four Congressional seats it establishes, not one contains a Hispanic majority — though such a district can clearly and simply be drawn, consistent with traditional redistricting principles," Sandoval had written. "The representation of the Hispanic population would be no more fair in the State Senate and Assembly plans, where most Hispanics are crowded into as few districts as possible and where those that are not constitute overwhelming minorities in the districts they are in."

Sandoval also charged political gerrymandering, writing: "This plan ensures partisan opportunity rather than the fair representation of all Nevadans. Partisan gerrymandering is not legal, equitable, or acceptable."

Assembly Democrats' revised maps do enhance their partisan advantages.

Originally, the maps offered by the Democrats gave their party three Democrat-leaning districts (CDs 1, 3 and 4), while CD-2 retained a Republican advantage. In their revised maps, the Democrats padded or maintained their advantages in CDs 1, 3 and 4 while decreasing the Republican advantage in CD-2. Registered Democrats remained at 47 percent in CD-1, increased from 35 to 36 percent in CD-2 and increased from 44 to 47 percent in CD-3. In CD-4, registered Democrats decreased from 43 to 42 percent, but registered Republicans remained at 35 percent, thus maintaining a Democrat advantage.

The configuration of the proposed new Democrat congressional districts would benefit several of their rumored congressional candidates, including Senate Majority Leader Steven Horsford, D-Clark, Sen. Mo Denis, D-Clark, and Oceguera. The newly proposed CD-1, with a 47 percent-to-31 percent registered-Democrat advantage, encompasses Horsford's current state Senate district. Oceguera's current district straddles CDs 3 and 4, which are both Democrat-leaning districts. Additionally, the current state Senate district represented by Denis is within CD-3, which also contains the largest Hispanic voting-age population (31 percent).

Denis, Horsford and Oceguera are each members of their respective chamber's Legislative and Operations committee.

If approved, CD-3 would become the most heavily Democrat district in the state (17-percentage-point Democrat advantage). Currently held by Rep. Heck, it would likely make his re-election campaign extremely difficult.

"The congressman expects the state legislators to do their job, but he'd hope in the [redistricting] process they'd put Nevadans above politics," said a spokesman from Heck's office.

Hickey challenged the Democrats' political motives and questioned whether the Democrats' call for "public input" was simply a charade.

"Can you [Legislative Counsel Bureau and Assembly Democrats] show where public plans were incorporated into the amendments?" Hickey asked. "It's not a public process if we aren't incorporating public suggestions."

If Sandoval vetoes the revised maps, it's uncertain whether the Democrats will pursue a third bill in the remaining two weeks of the session. Segerblom told the Nevada News Bureau last week, "There is no Plan C."

Sandoval's office has not indicated whether the governor would make redistricting the topic of a special session, as was the case in 2001, or if he'll allow the issue to be resolved judicially. Both parties, expecting a stalemate over the maps, have filed placeholder lawsuits.

For more redistricting coverage, please visit www.nevadajournal.com/gerrymandering.

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter on Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

Democrat-proposed redistricting plan may violate the Voting Rights Act

While Democrats have criticized Republican redistricting maps for "packed" districts and for making the Hispanic vote "negligible," a closer examination of the plans shows the Republican maps would give Hispanics more power than do Democrat-proposed maps.

Although Nevada's Hispanic population grew by 80 percent over the last decade and Hispanics account for a quarter of Nevada's total population, less than one in 20 assembly and senate districts drawn by the Democrats contain Hispanic majorities.

 Currently, two assembly districts and two state-senate districts have voting-age populations that are majority Hispanic. The Democrat-proposed maps maintain the number of Hispanic-majority assembly districts at two and reduce the number of Hispanic-majority senate districts to one (although another district's voting-age population is 49.9 percent Hispanic). Twelve assembly district and six senate districts under the Democrats' plan have Hispanic voting-age populations greater than 25 percent.

Republican-proposed maps, on the other hand, create nine Hispanic voting-age majority assembly seats and three such senate seats. The Republican plan would establish 14 assembly districts and six senate districts where Hispanic voting-age populations exceed 25 percent.

The number of Hispanic-majority seats in Nevada's legislature is an issue because of Section 2 of the 1965 Voting Rights Act (VRA). Because Nevada is not a "pre-clearance state," it avoids the requirements of Section 5 of the VRA, which the Brennan Center for Justice says requires that, "At least the same number of minority opportunity districts [that existed] in a previous redistricting plan must be drawn in a new redistricting plan."

Under Section 2 of the VRA, the U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that discrimination can occur in redistricting if the districts are drawn in such a way that they dilute the power of the collective vote of a racial minority (Thornburg v. Gingles, 1986). In the Thornburg ruling, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned five North Carolina legislative districts that had been drawn so black voters were not in the majority.

According to the Brennan Center's Justin Levitt, the U. S. Supreme Court laid out three criteria for creating minority districts:

  • The minority group is sufficiently large and geographically compact to constitute a majority in a single-member district;
  • The minority group is politically cohesive; and
  • In absence of special circumstances, bloc voting by the white majority usually defeats the minority's preferred candidate.

While the VRA and subsequent Court rulings specifically mandate the creation of majority-minority districts in certain circumstances, David Damore, associate professor of political science at UNLV, says that such Section 2 criteria are used to avoid creating a minority district "for the sake of creating a minority district."

"Right now, the Republicans' proposal comes across as patronizing but it's a significant improvement from their last [2001] redistricting cycle," said Damore. "The biggest issue may come down to symbolic representation versus political representation."

The "patronizing" aspect Damore refers to is the GOP proposal for an Hispanic-majority congressional district. According to the Republicans' plan, CD-4 population would be 50 percent Hispanic and have a voting-age population that is 44 percent Hispanic. The other three districts in the Republicans' plan have voting-age populations that are 17, 16 and 12 percent Hispanic, respectively.

"The threshold obligation [in Nevada districts]," said Levitt, "will be based on the half-of-a-district-sized-population standard rather than the no-less-than-last-time standard."

The Republicans' plan nearly guarantees CD-4 voters could elect a Hispanic Congressman, but some skeptical Hispanic activists have criticized it for "diluting" the Hispanic vote in the other three districts.

"We respectfully disagree with the Republicans' assembly, senate and congressional districts," said Fernando Romeo, president of Hispanic in Politics, during a Joint Legislative Operations and Elections meeting on May 5. "We feel their districts dilute the Hispanic community and reduce a voice we've earned as a result of the last Census."

By contrast, the largest Hispanic district under the Democrat-proposed congressional plan is CD-1, which contains a voting-age population that is 28 percent Hispanic. Democrat-designed districts 2, 3 and 4 contain Hispanic voting-age populations of 16, 24 and 19 percent, respectively.

Even though Democrats have accused Republicans of "packing," the Democrats' congressional and legislative maps could be challenged for "fracturing," which Section 2 of the VRA describes as "dispersing the minority population among districts."

The Brennan Center defines "packing" as cramming "as many like-minded voters into as few districts as possible. While the group is likely to win in the districts into which they are packed, their voting strength is diminished elsewhere."

The irony, according to Tibi Ellis, chairwoman of the Nevada Republican Hispanic Caucus, is that two of the three Hispanic-majority assembly seats under the Democrat plan are over 70 percent Hispanic, whereas the eight Hispanic-majority seats under the Republican plan are more even, with no seat eclipsing 60 percent.

"They [Legislative Democrats] accused Republicans of packing, but their assembly districts are packed, and their congressional districts are diluted," said Ellis.

According to Ellis, the Democrats have persuaded Hispanics to "think Democrat first, Hispanic second," allowing the Democrats' plan to reflect heavier partisan advantages than does the Republicans' plan.

The Democrats' congressional plan contains three Democrat-leaning districts (CD's 1, 3, and 4) and one Republican district (CD-2), whereas the Republican plan contains two Democrat districts (1 and 4), one Republican district (2), and one district (CD-3), that is Republican-leaning but only by three percentage points.

Recently, the Legislative committees approved the Democrats' plan along a party-line vote. However, Republican Governor Brian Sandoval, who has said he'll only sign off on "fair plans," could veto their maps. The result could be a compromise or a showdown in the First District Court in Carson City, where both parties have already filed placeholder lawsuits.

Assemblyman Tick Segerblom (D-Las Vegas), chair of the Assembly Operations and Elections Committee, thinks both parties can reach a consensus and avoid court.

"Nevada has a history of reaching compromises and I don't think this year will be any different," said Segerblom in an e-mail response. "There is no reason why reasonable politicians would allow courts to do something which is inherently political."

Damore, on the other hand, remained skeptical, noting the 2001 redistricting maps were finalized during a special legislative session.

"It's going to be a long, ugly summer," Damore said. "Especially with the differences in the budget talks, I'd be surprised if they [state legislators] avoided the courtroom."

For more redistricting coverage, please visit www.nevadajournal.com/redistricting.

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter on Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

Hidden Obamacare provision routed money to insider unions, governments, businesses

Obamacare — officially known as the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, or PPACA — is quietly playing Santa Claus with public dollars to the Obama administration's Nevada union allies.

 A little-known provision in PPACA created the Early Retiree Reinsurance Program (ERRP) to subsidize employer-sponsored health benefit programs for early retirees. Nationally, about three-fifths of such plans serve local-government employees or are  union-run or union-negotiated

In Nevada, all 21 programs on the federally supplied list meet that description:

  • Board of Trustees IBEW Local 640 Arizona Chapter NECA Health & Welfare
  • Cement Masons and Plasterers Health and Welfare Plan
  • City of Henderson
  • City of Reno
  • City of Sparks
  • Clark County, Nevada
  • Douglas County School District
  • Electrical Workers Health and Welfare Plan
  • Las Vegas Firefighters Health and Welfare Trust 1285 Local
  • Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Dpt. Employees Health & Welfare Trust
  • North Lake Tahoe Fire Protection District
  • NV Energy, Inc., (including Sierra Pacific Resources)
  • Plumbers and Pipefitters Union Local 525 Health and Welfare Trust
  • Retiree Health Trust
  • School Administrators Welfare Trust
  • Southwest Gas Corporation
  • State of Nevada Self Funded Plan
  • Teamsters Local 631 Security Plan for Southern Nevada
  • Teamsters Security Fund for Southern Nevada
  • Washoe County
  • Washoe County School District

A temporary reinsurance program that was scheduled to run through 2014, ERRP in its first few months gave out more than $1.5 million to underwrite sponsored retiree-insurance programs in Nevada. According to a White House press release, applicants approved into the program receive reinsurance for the claims of high-cost retirees and their families (80 percent of the costs from $15,000 to $90,000).

Essentially, ERRP shifts the cost of benefits for government and other union employees onto federal taxpayers.

Nationally, the reinsurance fund had $5 billion to spend to "maintain" health coverage for employees 55 and older who aren't yet eligible for Medicare but want to retire anyway. Now, however, congressional investigators say the program could be out of money by the end of the year.

Richard Popper, director of the Office of Insurance Programs at the federal Center for Consumer Information and Insurance Oversight, first estimated that the program's funding would run out by 2012 — just two years after its startup. However, a recent House Energy and Commerce Committee internal memorandum says that at the current rate of spending, "… the program will quickly spend all available funding as early as this year." According to the memo, ERRP last year paid more than $535 million to 253 approved sponsors.

As of March 2011, ERRP approved 5,452 employer plans, and nearly 60 percent of them serve government organizations or unions. Government and union plans received $311 million of the $535 million.

The House committee held hearings in early April regarding ERRP but was unsatisfied with the testimony. In an April 21, 2011, letter to Steve Larsen, director of The Centers for Medicare and Medical Services, the committee demanded "continuing information" regarding ERRP.

"We are deeply troubled that this program has apparently served as a vehicle to simply hand out taxpayer funds to various corporations and unions that lined up at the trough," the committee wrote. "It does not appear that HHS instituted any meaningful controls on this program, leading to an incredible waste of taxpayer money."

The committee also questioned why Larsen and the centers were "pleasantly surprised" at ERRP's response rate. "Amazingly, CMS seems to be pleasantly surprised that there was an overwhelming demand for free taxpayer money by unions and corporations."

The letter concluded by questioning the lack of "administrative requirements" for distribution of the ERRP funds, which would have prevented the "wholesale waste of billions of dollars of taxpayer funds.

"Specifically, why has your office not required any finding that the sponsor will not have sufficient funding to provide health care coverage for early retirees without ERRP funding? This simple requirement would have blocked your office from doling out $5 billion of taxpayer money to entities that did not need it — wealthy corporations, liberal media companies and unions with deep pockets."

According to a committee spokeswoman, the committee requested a response from Larsen within two weeks before it continues with its investigation.

The California Public Employee Retirement System received the single biggest supplement at $57.8 million, while 11 other state governments received between $718,000 and $38 million in funds. According to ERRP's 2010 report, 205 plans account for 97 percent of the program's total distributions.

The ERRP program will also cost an additional $39.8 million annually just in bookkeeping and fund-reporting costs, according to the Department of Health and Human Services Federal Register filing.

Essentially, taxpayers will be billed another $5 billion to cover public employees in addition to the billions already required for public employee benefits. In Nevada, the public-employee retirement system recently admitted a $10.3 billion unfunded liability. (See State of Nevada, Nevada Public Employees' Retirement System, "Comprehensive Annual Financial Report, FY 2010," December 6, 2010, http://www.nvpers.org/.)

"Neither the ERRP nor the PPACA was intended as a de facto bailout for state and local governments," the committee wrote.

The committee found that "Fortune 500 companies and Hollywood unions" were among the approved organizations and concluded ERRP is "an inefficient and inappropriate use of funding."

"Subsidizing these groups may not be the most efficient or appropriate use of taxpayer money, especially considering that the ERRP was given the same amount of funding as the high-risk pool program for individuals with pre-existing conditions," the committee wrote.

Additionally, the committee noted that "funds the ERRP will not spend on government entities will go to companies that do not appear to need the financial assistance of the federal government."

Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., was one of the Senate's biggest champions of Obamacare and praised the bill when Nevada's ERRP recipients were announced last September.

"Today's announcement is good news for early retirees in the Silver State and the latest example of how the new health reform law is already working for Nevada," Reid said in a statement on his website.

Only two companies in Nevada, Southwest Gas Corp and NV Energy, received ERRP funding. NV Energy also donated $33,000 to Democrats during the 2010 election cycle.

The $33,000 was more than double NV Energy's previous donations to Democrats, and 2010 was the first election cycle it donated more to Democrats than Republicans.

An NV Energy spokesperson said the company "took advantage of a program made available to all companies" and no favoritism took place.

Other major corporations nationwide who received ERRP funding include bailed-out General Motors ($19 million), Verizon Communications ($91.7 million), and General Electric ($36 million), whose CEO is now a member of the Obama administration. Media organizations such as The Washington Post Company ($570,000) and CBS Corporation ($720,000) also received funds.

According to Jim Wells, executive officer of Nevada's Public Employee Benefits Program, ERRP is so underfunded the federal Health and Human Services Department (HHS) will stop accepting applicants on May 6, 2011.

Additionally, The Centers for Medicare and Medical Services confirmed the ERRP application process will be closing in a March 31, 2011 Congressional Memo due to the program's "overwhelming response."

Despite funding issues, the Centers for Medicare and Medical Services stated that if "circumstances related to the availability of ERRP funding change," they'd consider accepting applications again.

"Originally, [ERRP] was supposed to last until January 2014," said Wells. "I think HHS underestimated the response and didn't anticipate so many applicants."

Wells described the application process as "pretty generic" and the eligibility requirements as straightforward. According to Wells, as long as approved employers have a plan in place for covering non-Medicare retirees and cover the first $15,000 of their health care plan, ERRP will reimburse the employer up to 80 percent of costs between $15,000 and $90,000.

"The application process isn't difficult," Wells said. "Right now, it's just a matter of employers getting their application together before the [May 6] deadline."

Healthcare.gov, the government's informational website about the Affordable Care Act, stated if the act were repealed, then all 21 Nevada employers would lose their "much needed" ERRP funding.

However, the Energy and Commerce Committee claimed many of the ERRP recipients either don't need the funds or wouldn't receive federal funding on a normal basis.

"Among the entities receiving funding are a number of large corporations that do not need the assistance of the federal government, and other entities that would not receive public support for assistance on an individual basis," the committee wrote.

Nevada is one of 27 states challenging the constitutionality of Obamacare.

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter on Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

Ethics Commission counsel confirms Nevada blind spot

The Nevada Ethics Commission has determined that the superintendent of the Clark County School District — one of Nevada's most powerful government positions — is not a public officer as defined by Nevada's ethics laws, nor subject to state financial-disclosure rules.

Current Superintendent Dwight Jones had asked the commission for a determination. He also asked whether Nevada law prohibited him from accepting privately donated funds for relocation expenses under a plan established by CCSD trustees.

 With a student enrollment of 309,335 for the 2009-10 school year, the Clark County School District is responsible for the education of 71 percent of all Nevada's public school students. As of the beginning of the year, CCSD employed an estimated 38,000 people, making it the largest single employer in the state. According to CCSD's tentative budget summary filed on April 15, the district anticipates receiving $730 million in DSA revenue from the State of Nevada in Fiscal Year 2012. Thus, the Clark County School District expected to receive an estimated 66 percent of the state's K-12 general-fund appropriations over the 2011-13 biennium — some 25 percent of the state's general-fund appropriations for the biennium.

Yet, despite the commission's belief that the Clark County School District superintendent does exercise public power, trust and duty, and that the functions and duties of the position otherwise meet the definition of a public officer, the permissive language of NRS 391.100, wrote Commission Counsel Yvonne Nevarez-Goodson, is not mandatory, and therefore the position of superintendent is not "established" by statute. An NPRI article, "Nevada schools' billion-dollar blindspot," had raised the issue in August 2010.

"The position of Superintendent of Schools of Clark County," advises a March 18 letter from the commission, "is not a position ‘established by the Constitution of the State of Nevada, a statute of this State or a charter or ordinance of any county, city or other political subdivision.'" Therefore, Jones does not "qualify" as a public officer and is "not required to file a [Financial Disclosure Statement] pursuant to NRS 281A.610."

This permissive language of NRS 391.100 "suggests that the position need not be created at all and therefore is not ‘established' by statute," writes Nevarez-Goodson. The commission also determined that county ordinance also did not establish the position.

Nevertheless, the commission has submitted a bill to amend Nevada's statute defining public officers to include positions such as school district superintendents. Senate Bill 391 passed out of the Senate Legislative Operations and Elections Committee on April 14 with an amend-and-do-pass recommendation. No amendments have been posted as of April 21.

Arguing for its ruling, the Ethics Commission cited UCCSN v. D.R. Partners, 18 P.3d 1047 (2001). In that case, "the position of community college president was created not by any statute, but administratively by the Board," wrote Nevarez-Goodson, quoting D. R. Partners. Consequently, "for purposes of laws applicable to public employees and officers, generally," the college president was not deemed a "public officer."

In other matters, the commission called into question the "artifice" of the Clark County school board in arranging for Jones' housing/relocation costs paid as a "pass-through" from the Public Education Foundation. According to the opinion, Jones' employment contract provides that the school district will reimburse Jones' temporary housing or relocation costs up to $5,000 a month for no more than six to eight months. This money will come from private donations to a foundation account called the "Superintendent's Transitional Housing Fund." The foundation will then transfer the funds to the school district to be used to reimburse the superintendent.

Wrote Nevarez-Goodson: "Although the Commission determined that accepting these funds does not create an ethical concern for the public employee who accepts them," as part of a pass-through, "the Commission nonetheless believes that the artifice of the Board or any other public entity using foundations or other similar organizations to engage public officers and employees in commitments for economic opportunities is poor policy and contrary to the intent of the Ethics Law to encourage public officers and employees to maintain the public trust."

CCSD provided the March 18 ethics ruling, along with accounting records that indicate that the foundation has transferred $22,040 in pass-through contributions for Jones' housing. A list of donors can be found on the foundation's website, here. School district records also indicate that no money, at this time, has been transferred to Jones from the transitional housing account.

Karen Gray is an education researcher at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more visit http://npri.org/.

Stimulus-funded projects got to jump regulatory line

Politically sponsored energy projects across the country that were funded with federal "stimulus" dollars also received preferential regulatory treatment over private-sector projects, Nevada Journal has learned.

Not only did the projects receive billions of taxpayer stimulus — "American Recovery and Reinvestment Act" — dollars, but Congress mandated that federal regulators also usher the stimulus projects to the front of the regulatory line.

 "Project No Project," a recent report from the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, identified 351 energy projects nationwide that have been stalled due to various causes, including "activism, a broken permitting process and a system that allows limitless challenges by opponents of development."

However, the Chamber report did not address the direct role of Congress in effectively moving private energy projects all across America to the back of the regulatory queue, behind the favored, but not shovel-ready, ARRA projects.

According to a November 2010 report to Congress by the Obama administration's Council on Environmental Quality, over two-thirds of all stimulus-funded projects received special environmental exemptions, including 98 percent of energy-related projects.

However, as of the end of 2010, almost two years after passage of the so-called stimulus legislation, the federal Department of Transportation had spent only slightly more than half of the $45 billion it had been allocated. And while the Department of Energy had been allocated nearly $35 billion, it had paid out only one-third.

According to the U.S. Chamber's report, if the 351 projects had not been stalled, their construction would create 1.9 million annual jobs and a $1 trillion short-term economic boost.

In Nevada, 10 stalled projects are estimated to be costing the state $66.9 million in economic output and 86,700 jobs over the projects' operating lives. Of the 10 projects, half are alternative-energy or transmission-line projects, while the other five include coal projects and the defunct Yucca Mountain nuclear storage facility.

Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., has weighed in heavily on most of these projects — celebrating alternative energy in Nevada as "the nation's renewable energy epicenter," while claiming the coal industry is using "the old Hitler lie" to avoid progress.

   

One stalled project is a wind farm on federal land near Reid's own hometown of Searchlight. North Carolina-based Duke Energy first proposed the project in late 2008, at a projected cost of $600 million. While the project received zero stimulus funding, Reid supported the project as a "good idea" and James Rogers, Duke Energy's CEO, donated $4,000 to Reid's 2010 re-election PAC, Friends for Harry Reid.

Robert Charlebois, managing director for Duke Energy, says the regulatory process has been very long and complex. The Bureau of Land Management is currently scheduled to make a final decision on the project in the second quarter of 2012.

In Washoe County, both the New Comstock Wind Energy and Virginia Peak Wind projects are behind schedule. BLM project manager Colleen Sievers said the New Comstock project is being revised due to concerns over its location within the Comstock Historic District.

The government's website for the project suggests it will reach the "draft" stage of the federal Environmental Impact Statement process by mid 2012. Final approval from the government is not expected until late 2013 or early 2014.

While the Virginia Peak Wind Project is on privately owned land, it is still held up by the BLM. According to the agency, the developers need to build a road and transmission line two-thirds of a mile long on public land for transporting equipment to the new facility. Washoe County granted Virginia Peak a special-use permit back in 2008, but Virginia Peak is waiting on a right-of-way permit from the BLM, which is needed for any construction project on public land.

According to Sievers, Virginia Peak developers want to begin construction "as soon as possible," but the best-case scenario would be this summer.

Assemblyman Ed Goedhart, R-Amargosa Valley, whose personal windmill project ran into federal regulatory red tape, thinks the government's regulatory procedures contradict their alternative energy philosophy.

"It's hard to promote [energy] independence when the government won't let you be independent," said Goedhart, a member of the Assembly's Natural Resources committee.

According to the Chamber study, actual construction of a wind project takes between two and three years, meaning the regulatory process takes twice as long as the construction. However, even when finally constructed, a wind farm generates the second-lowest amount of energy of all energy sources.

     

Upgraded transmission lines, which Reid claimed are essential for "making energy use more efficient and affordable," are facing major delays as well. An important case in point is a proposed NV Energy line in Henderson.

In 2009, NV Energy proposed an upgrade to an existing transmission line on the east side of Henderson, but the Henderson Planning Commission rejected the proposal, citing citizen testimony claiming the transmission lines would ruin property values. Instead, the Commission proposed an alternative route for the lines that would have added $18 million in cost to the project's original price tag of $27 million.

NV Energy went to court over the Planning Commission's decision, and the case is now at the Nevada Supreme Court. In January, NV Energy submitted its Opening Brief, and in March the City of Henderson filed its Answering Brief.

"The procedural issue," wrote the utility, "is whether the decision of the City Council should be set aside because of the City Council's failure to make any findings on the seven criteria for granting or denying a CUP [Conditional Use Permit] laid out in the City's governing ordinance." Another issue "is whether testimonial evidence of citizen remonstrators on matters unrelated to the seven criteria, and on matters as to which they were unqualified to testify, constitutes ‘substantial evidence.'"

In its answering brief, the City of Henderson claimed NV Energy's argument is "entirely contrary to the facts and record" and that the Commission's decision was based on "substantial and specific concerns by members of City Council, based on their knowledge of existing conditions."

Given the number of delayed alternative energy projects, the authors of the Chamber study questioned the "shovel-readiness" of President Obama's "stimulus" package. Since energy projects go through such a long approval process, noted the study, "very few projects are truly ‘shovel-ready,' and getting through the permitting process is difficult if not impossible."

"[T]he permitting process is harming our ability to grow our economy so we can compete with the world," wrote Bill Kovacs, Chamber vice president.

He noted that politicians had amended the National Environmental Policy Act, which regulates environmental assessment of energy projects, to favor stimulus projects over privately developed ones.

In the stimulus bill, Congress mandated that "applicable environmental reviews under the National Environmental Policy Act are completed on an expeditious basis and that the shortest existing applicable process under the National Environmental Policy Act shall be utilized."

Due to this amendment, only 820 of the 250,000 stimulus-funded energy projects completed an environmental impact statement, one of the longest regulatory approval processes, while the same process was stalling the privately funded New Comstock and Duke Energy projects.

The Chamber study concludes that regulatory reform and a lack of favoritism are essential for economic growth.

"It is time that Congress acts to provide a process under which all projects have a fair opportunity within a reasonable time frame to prove their contribution to society," wrote Kovacs in the study forward.

"This simple act will get this nation building again and creating jobs and a stronger economy."

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

‘Grassroots’ redistricting proposal heads to the Legislature

It's been just one month since the U.S. Census Bureau delivered Nevada's final population data, but Democratic activists have already submitted a redistricting plan to the state legislature.

Titled "A Grassroots Proposal For Redistricting Nevada," the proposal is a finalized version of the 2009 draft obtained earlier by Nevada Journal and offers recommendations for redrawing the state's four congressional districts.

 The streamlined 25-page proposal was submitted to the Legislature on March 18, 2011, and includes updated population and voter registration data along with color-coded maps. Unlike the original proposal, the updated version didn't emphasize "minority districts" or preferred candidates.

Nevada Journal originally attributed the 2009 proposal to the IBEW Local 357's Political Action Committee, but David Jones, IBEW Local 357's Business Manager, stated in an e-mail that Local 357's PAC "has neither created, proposed or endorsed such a plan."

Local 357 was mentioned in the last paragraph of the 2009 proposal, which said, "It is possible in the future that a formal presentation of the enclosed work will be made to the Nevada Legislature by the Political Action Committee of IBEW Local 357."

Dwayne Chesnut, one of the co-authors of "Grassroots," also said that Local 357 had "no connection" to the proposal and that it was written by a group of volunteer Democrats.

Local 357 endorsed Chesnut during his 2010 University Board of Regents primary campaign. But, he said, aside from personal connections to the proposal's authors, the union was not affiliated with the final "Grassroots" product.

In the newly submitted proposal, the authors reemphasized their "zero gerrymandering" goal, writing, "The effort has been guided by two major principles: equal population in each district and no gerrymandering."

The "no gerrymandering" claim is warranted, the authors say, because they draw the congressional districts along "distinct boundaries" such as state borders, interstates, major roads, and "other natural demarcations unless there is a good reason to deviate."

Additionally, the authors say they created nearly equal-sized districts, as required by law.

According to the Legislative Counsel Bureau, the ideal population for each of Nevada's four congressional districts is 675,138 residents. While none of the "Grassroots" proposal's districts contain exactly this number, the proposal's smallest-population district (CD-2, at 674,167 residents) and largest-population district (CD-3, at 675,806) are within a 1 percent deviation from the ideal population number.


From the 'Grassroots' report

Justin Levitt, an associate professor of law at Loyola Law School who presented during a March 10, 2011, joint hearing of the Assembly and Senate Operations and Elections Committees, said congressional districts need to be as close to a zero-percent deviation as possible, under U.S. Supreme Court rules. Since the "Grassroots" population falls within a 1 percent deviation, Levitt told Nevada Journal, it may well be "legally sound."

CD-2 — the seat currently held by Republican Dean Heller — would, under the proposal, have the most registered voters: Just over 51 percent of the voting age population is registered. The proposed CD-4 — slated for Democratic state Sen. Steven Horsford in the group's initial draft — would have the lowest number of registered voters, at 37 percent. CD-3, currently represented by Republican Joe Heck, would have 42 percent registered voters, and CD-1, represented by Democrat Shelley Berkley, would have 40 percent.


NPRI graphic

Even with largely equal population counts, three out of the four districts designed by the group would have more Democrats than Republicans. Secretary of State data shows that registered Democrats in Nevada currently outnumber registered Republicans by about 100,000 voters. Chesnut, however, notes that other factors such as voter turnout and voting age population sometimes offset perceived Democrat advantages.

If the "Grassroots" draft is adopted, CD-2 would have a 43 percent to 35 percent Republican advantage in registered voters, and CD-4 would have a 48 to 30 Democrat advantage. Additionally, CDs 1 and 3 would both have Democrat advantages: 42 percent to 35 percent in CD-1, and 43 percent to 33 percent in CD-3.

According to "Grassroots," while registered Democrats outnumber registered Republicans in CDs 1 and 3, in the 2010 elections a higher percentage of registered Republicans turned out than did registered Democrats in those proposed districts. Chesnut said that proves the districts' competitiveness.

In a further attempt to show the competitiveness of CDs 1 and 3, the "Grassroots" activists include a chart showing results from the 2010 gubernatorial election:

In their latest draft, the "Grassroots" authors put less emphasis on creating a "minority district" than did their 2009 proposal. While a sizeable Hispanic population remains in CD-4 from the 2009 proposal, creating a "minority" district is not one of the stated goals of the newer draft. In the 2009 proposal, the authors wrote that they wanted a minority district in order to "give our new congressperson a huge advantage."

However, the newly proposed congressional districts do not give the Hispanic community a significantly larger voice than do the current congressional districts. Currently, CD-1 contains a 37.2 percent Hispanic population, while the "Grassroots" CD-4 would contain 37.6 percent Hispanics.

Under the latest proposal, CD-1's Hispanic population would fall to 21 percent, CD-3's would increase from 20 percent to 26 percent, and CD-2's would remain unchanged at 20 percent.

Mark Braden, a Washington, D.C.-based lawyer who assisted the Nevada Republican Party during the 2001 redistricting session, thinks a minority district is "inevitable" regardless of the proposal.

"In the end, it depends on who has the pencil," said Braden. "I'd be quite surprised if [lawmakers] draw a CD that wasn't controlled by the Hispanic community."

Braden also expects the Legislature will face more pressure from the Hispanic community for a "Hispanic" district than lawmakers faced during the 2001 session.

"It'll be impossible for them to ignore a demographic with a quarter of the population," Braden said. "Legally, they can get away with not creating a minority district, but I think it's practical to address the Hispanics' interest."

In addition to backing off the minority-district goal, the latest "Grassroots" proposal also does not promote any potential congressional candidates, as did the 2009 proposal. In 2009, the authors wrote:

Every member of our group believes our new 2012 general election congressional candidate will be Steven Horsford.

While Chesnut stated Horsford's candidacy is an "untested assumption," he also said the current state senate majority leader is "not a lead pipe cinch" for the Democratic nomination, citing Assembly Speaker John Oceguera, state Sen. Ruben Kihuen and CD-3's former representative, Dina Titus, as viable candidates.

The "Grassroots" group did not propose redistricting for any state assembly or senate seats. Chesnut said that, ideally, each congressional district would contain an equal number of state legislative districts. Provided the state legislature remains the same size, each congressional district could contain at least five senate districts and 10 assembly districts.

The "Grassroots" authors plan to testify before legislative hearings in Carson City. They testified previously before a joint meeting of the Assembly and Senate Operations and Elections Committees in Las Vegas.

Future Joint Committee hearings will be held March 24 in Fallon and April 2 in Las Vegas. For more redistricting coverage, please visit http://www.nevadajournal.com/.

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

Read more:

Dems’ redistricting plan: ‘Our 2012 congressional candidate will be Horsford’

In an attempt to give "our new congressperson a huge advantage" — and in response to a request from Democratic Party leaders — a local union's political action committee has proposed a new congressional district heavily favoring Senate Majority Leader Steven Horsford.

Nevada Journal obtained a copy of the proposed new "minority district," drawn to include the current state-senate district of Horsford, D-Clark. The IBEW Local 357's political action committee created the proposal at the request of the Nevada State Democratic Party and specifically identifies Horsford as the Democratic candidate for the 2012 general election.

 "We wanted to create a ‘minority district' and give our new congressperson a huge advantage," the PAC members wrote in their proposal. "After all, this person will start their campaign with the least money and the lowest name recognition. Every member of our group believes our new 2012 general election congressional candidate will be Steven Horsford."

IBEW, or the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, is a national labor union that reported donating more than $800,000 during the 2010 elections, including $50,000 supporting California Proposal 27, a failed ballot measure that would have eliminated California's independent redistricting commission.

Local 357, located in Las Vegas, donated more than $78,000 during the 2010 election cycle — 98.4 percent to Democrats.

The 40-page proposal was addressed to Horsford, Assembly Speaker John Oceguera, D-Clark and Assemblyman Tick Segerbloom, D-Clark, at the Democrats' state party headquarters in Las Vegas.

The proposal was delivered in October 2009. At the time, Horsford was vice chair of the Joint Committee to Study the Requirements for Reapportionment and Redistricting. He is currently a member of the Senate Operations and Elections Committee, which oversees redistricting.

According to the proposal, the new congressional district would cover all of North Las Vegas, including Horsford's current district, and stretch up into rural Nevada before ending just south of Carson City.

Horsford's state-senate district is a safe one. In the 2004 and 2008 elections, the Senate majority leader received over 70 percent of the vote. By including his senate district in the prospective fourth congressional district, the IBEW political-action-committee plan could give him a big leg up for Congress, also.

Committee members wrote that their plan would make Nevada "the most un-gerrymandered state in the nation," but three of the four proposed districts would hold significantly more registered Democrats than Republicans. Only CD-2, currently held by Republican Dean Heller, would have a Republican advantage. Democrats currently hold a 42.7 percent to 35.2 percent registration advantage over Republicans statewide.

In their paper, the proposal's authors repeatedly cite consultations with an unnamed "population expert." Michael McDonald, an associate professor of government and politics at George Mason University who is scheduled to present Thursday before a joint legislative committee, speculates that the unidentified "expert" may be from the National Committee for Effective Congress, a liberal Washington, D.C.-based PAC dedicated to helping "elect progressive candidates to the U.S. Senate and House."

 McDonald said many state parties use registered-voter data to get a jump on the redistricting process, but often times the voter data and final Census numbers are "substantially different."

According to the IBEW committee's plan, registered Democrats would outnumber registered Republicans by 33 percent in CD-4, 16 percent in CD-3 (currently held by Republican Joe Heck) and 13 percent in CD-1 (currently held by Democrat Shelley Berkley). CD-2, currently held by Heller, would maintain a 7 percent Republican advantage.

"From a state party perspective," wrote the IBEW committee, "these numbers are nearly perfect. The candidate who needs the most help gets the most help. Democrats should win all three of these races. There are not enough residents in Clark County for three congressional seats, so someone has to go into the rural counties (for less than 18 percent of their votes). To reward Steven for taking on this chore, we loaded him up in Clark County."

By catering to Horsford, the IBEW Democrats neglected at least two other rumored congressional candidates: Assembly Speaker John Oceguera and state Sen. Mo Denis.

Both lawmakers serve on their respective chambers' elections committees, so each will have influence over the drawing process. Oceguera, being Assembly speaker, has more political visibility and has been linked by several media outlets to a 2012 congressional run. His current Assembly district is in the proposed CD-3.

Horsford, Oceguera and Denis did not return Nevada Journal requests for comment.

Denis, a Cuban-American, would fit with the Democrats' goal of creating a "minority district" with a large Hispanic population. Yet his name is not mentioned in the proposal and his current senate district lies in CD-4. A source, however, told Nevada Journal: "He will be running."

According to recently released U.S. Census data, Nevada's Hispanic population increased by 82 percent in the last decade. State Sen. David Parks, D-Clark, chairman of the Senate Operations and Elections Committee, said Census numbers show Nevada has emerged as a "melting pot in the West."

Using the new data, Nevada Journal mapped out the proposed new district, obtaining a demographic breakdown. According to the available data, CD-4 would contain 41 percent whites, 37 percent Hispanics and 12 percent African-Americans.

By contrast, Hispanics would make up 20 percent of both CD-1 and CD-2 and 24 percent of CD-3. African-Americans would be 9 percent of CD-1, 2 percent of CD-2, and 7 percent of CD-3.

If the Legislature approved the IBEW committee's plan, the congressional district proposed for Horsford would be the closest of the four to a "majority-minority district," defined by the National Conference of State Legislatures as a district where a single racial or language minority is the largest population.

State Sen. Barbara Cegavske, R-Clark, a member of the Senate Operations and Elections Committee, said Republicans also are planning a majority-minority district. She stressed, however, that their biggest goal is creating "fair districts for the state."

Historically, courts have ruled that some majority-minority districts in Southern states were inequitable. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 required certain states to "obtain administrative or judicial preclearance to any changes in a standard, practice, or procedure with respect to voting."

Nevada is not a "preclearance state," as defined by the Voting Rights Act, and would not need preliminary federal judicial approval of its districts. The Supreme Court has also ruled that racial gerrymandering is unconstitutional.

According to Eileen O'Grady, legal counsel at the Legislative Counsel Bureau, state lawmakers will have to avoid "packing" or "fracturing" minorities. The LCB defines "packing" as when minority supermajorities are concentrated within one or more districts, while "fracturing" disperses minorities across many districts.

Both tactics are political ploys: A "packed" district minimizes the number of seats a minority population could win while "fractured" districts dilute the minority vote throughout the county or state.

Stacy Gordon-Fisher, associate professor of political science at the University of Nevada, Reno, does not believe packing will play out in the redistricting session, but stated a sizeable Hispanic population in a district like that designed for Horsford is achievable.

"It may be possible for one district to have a large percentage of Hispanics (e.g., perhaps 30-35 percent), and while that wouldn't be a majority-minority district, Hispanics would still have a significant impact on elections within that district," wrote Gordon-Fisher in an e-mail.

According to Segerbloom, chairman of the Assembly's elections committee, as Hispanics have become a "substantial portion" of the population, they would be a large factor in the redistricting process. In the 2001 session, he said, the Democrat-controlled Assembly and Republican-controlled Senate focused more on partisan gains.

In that session, members of the Hispanic community testified at hearings held by the Senate Committee on Government Affairs. As a result, the Republican majority modified its plan to include two new, 60-percent-Hispanic assembly districts and put one in the new congressional district.

The Legislature's final 2001 districts established two assembly seats and one senate seat with 60 percent Hispanic populations.

However, even a majority-minority population edge doesn't guarantee a candidate of a particular race election success: A Hispanic candidate won only one of the three Hispanic-weighted seats in the 2002 elections.

David Damore, associate professor of political science at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, said the competing interests of Republican Gov. Brian Sandoval (himself of Hispanic roots), Horsford and Oceguera could produce a "tough and messy" battle.

"I don't know who is going to be the key figure," said Damore. "It depends how much gets tied to the budget. If the budget battle gets ugly, I wouldn't be surprised if [redistricting] got dragged into a special session."

Individuals interested in following the redistricting session can attend one of several joint committee hearings held in the upcoming weeks. In addition to the simulcast hearing the afternoon of March 10, hearings will be held March 24 in Fallon, March 31 in Reno and April 2 in Las Vegas.

For more information on redistricting, visit http://www.npri.org/ for previous reports on the subject.

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

County commission’s control identified as major source of UMC problems

As long-standing revenue and management problems at the University Medical Center of Southern Nevada approached crisis levels last year, Clark County commissioners hired expensive national experts to tell them what to do.

But when the experts identified the commission itself as a major source of UMC's problems, commissioners blinked — and balked.

 Representatives of FTI Healthcare officially presented the report to commissioners, sitting as the hospital's board of trustees, on Feb. 2, 2011. That same day, however, the Las Vegas Review-Journal reported that most commissioners were reluctant to part with power over the massive, but always-struggling, county hospital.

Yet the consultants appear to have considered their recommendations modest. They focused primarily on stopping commissioners from micromanaging hospital operations. 

"Given the UMC situation," says the FTI PowerPoint presentation, "we recommend the County consider most carefully the 501(c)(3) ‘public benefit corporation' model.

"In this model, the County government transfers direct management of the public hospital to an independent, self-perpetuating Board. But the County also retains specific powers to ensure the public service mission is met."

Those powers, said FTI, could include:

  • Approving an annual "health service plan"
  • Approving appointment of the Health System CEO
  • Requiring certain services via a funding agreement based on what finances the government can support
  • Requiring quarterly or annual reports on the level of services, costs, quality and patient satisfaction

"Without significant changes in governance structure …UMC will be forced to significantly reduce clinical scope or close within 3 years," FTI's consultants concluded.

According to a UMC representative, the cost of the FTI assessment and eventual report — $589,500 — was split between UMC and the Nevada System of Higher Education.

As trustees governing UMC, county commissioners control payroll for roughly 3,500 employees, nearly all of them members of Local 1107 of the politically powerful Service Employees International Union. The local frequently brags of its political clout, citing its influence getting federal moneys promised to UMC, and boasting of its ability to install members of the county commission.

Corruption scandals — some of them political — have long dogged Clark County's public hospital. Just one day before FTI's official report to commissioners, a law-firm manager pled guilty to "participating in a conspiracy to receive and disclose University Medical Center hospital patient records in order to solicit business and clients for personal injury attorneys."

In 2008, NPRI reported on audit warnings as far back as 2001, which warned commissioners that UMC's expenses were increasing faster than revenues. Then-UMC board chairman Erin Kenney — who would later go to jail following conviction in the commission's "G-Sting" scandal — shrugged off one audit, claiming, "The taxpayers should feel comfortable and confident that their money is being handled well and in a professional manner."

However, audits continued to show taxpayer money has not been "handled well." From 2007 through 2009, UMC's operating losses were $56.3 million, $55 million and $82.5 million, respectively. According to the Clark County Auditor's office, 2010 numbers will be released later this year.

As recently as 2007, then-UMC CEO Lacy Thomas was fired after Las Vegas Metro Police raided his office and later indicted him on 10 felony charges, the largest of which accused Thomas of funneling millions of dollars to ACS Consulting, a firm run by one of his friends, for a no-bid contract.

Thomas was hired from Chicago's John H. Stroger Jr. Hospital — a hospital named for the long-dominant figure in Chicago's political machine, Cook County Board President John H. Stroger, Jr. Despite Chicago's reputation for political corruption, county commissioners had claimed Thomas' hire was a "smart move."

It turned out not to be.

Political-corruption issues at UMC go far back into the county commission's history. According to FBI files recently obtained by Nevada Journal, the late former county commissioner and convention-authority head Manny Cortez was the subject of a federal grand jury investigation in the 1980s, when the county hospital was still named Southern Nevada Memorial Hospital.

"The investigation into the activities of Commissioner Cortez have focused on a company known as Revenue Management Incorporated of Las Vegas, Nevada," reads a 1985 report from the Las Vegas FBI field office to the bureau's white-collar crime and political corruption unit in Washington, D.C.

"RMI … entered into a contract in October of 1982 with Clark County … to conduct chart audits at Southern Nevada Memorial Hospital," identify non-billed items and then bill insurance companies for moneys due. "RMI was to receive 50 percent of moneys recovered," but during the first two years of the chart audits, "RMI received payments in the vicinity of $580,000," although its work on the chart audit only returned about $40,000 to the hospital.

"Investigation to date disclosed that Cortez was instrumental in RMI obtaining their contract with the hospital," reported the bureau's Las Vegas field office. "Unsubstantiated allegations indicate Cortez was receiving payment from [whited-out] and [whited-out] and possibly was considered a hidden owner in RMI."

In another part of the file, unnamed accountants were cited as sources of the allegations that Cortez was a hidden owner of RMI, whose primary owner was also known to be a long-time personal friend of the commissioner.

The federal grand jury investigation of the hospital, RMI and Cortez did not result in prosecution of Cortez by the U.S. Attorney for Nevada.

Despite the hospital's history of scandals, commissioners express reluctance to end their control. Nevertheless, most acknowledge UMC would suffer "substantial losses" if they stay with the "status quo" option.

"We're not against any one proposal but one of the extremes of a 501(c)(3) would be transparency," argued Commissioner Chris Giunchigliani. "If [Clark County] has control, we can be more transparent with hospital decisions than a 501(c)(3) would be, and I'd always err on the side of transparency."

RTI, however, told commissioners that they could require — as a condition of the non-profit takeover — that the hospital publicly report each quarter on the level of services, costs, quality and patient satisfaction.

UMC's current level of transparency has not prevented its accelerating financial slide. According to county audits, since 2001 UMC expenses have outpaced revenue, and since 2006, UMC has suffered operating losses of at least $30 million.

If business as usual continues, FTI projected an operating deficit exceeding $100 million by Fiscal Year 2014.

While Giunchigliani cited the recession and the large number of uninsured patients as reasons for UMC's shortcomings, auditors have sounded alarms over UMC's finances for the past 10 years.

Nevada statutes restrict some, but not all, of the commission's options. NRS 450.175 allows county commissioners to appoint a "hospital advisory board," which would report directly to the county, keeping the county attached to the hospital.

The privatization option, an option UMC CEO Kathy Silver said UMC and the commission viewed as "not palatable," is restricted by NRS 450.490, which states a hospital may be sold to a corporation at an appraised value if it's the only hospital in the county.

Even if the commission were on board with privatizing, UMC's high debt load would not make it appealing to many corporate buyers, according to Christopher Cochran, associate professor of Health Care Administration at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas.

"Teaching hospitals are expensive to run and any change would have to examine that relationship," said Cochran.

The not-for-profit option identified in NRS 450.500 was selected by Washoe County in 1984, when ownership of Washoe Medical Center was transferred to the newly created Washoe Health System, a private, not-for-profit corporation. In the fall of 2006, Washoe Medical Center became Renown Health. 

According to Robert Larkin, Washoe County commissioner (District 4), Renown does not receive general county funds and no longer reports to the commission.

Kitty Jung, Washoe County commissioner (District 3), said Renown is able to provide quality service without the commission's governance or interference.

"It's much more important that the hospital is operated by an independent board," said Jung.

Along with an independent board, Public Employee Retirement System (PERS) costs are another factor in the proposed transitions. According to Clark County, 3,472 UMC employees are in PERS and 56 percent of employees are vested in the system.

In Washoe County, Renown's 3,200 employees were given the option to move to a 401(k) plan. While the process was expensive, ultimately the 401(k) plan reduced Renown's costs.

Silver, while not a fan of comparisons to other cities, acknowledged UMC will be making choices similar to those that Washoe Medical faced.

"Each situation is so unique it's not worth citing examples," Silver said. "There's not a lot of low-hanging fruit to cut down. At the end of the day, revenue keeps falling short of costs."

While a not-for-profit transition is not a cure-all, said Cochran, getting UMC out from under the commission's thumb would be the biggest advantage for the hospital.

"Commissioners have to look out for too many things — the bottom line, their interests, the hospital, their constituents," Cochran said.

"The hospital's board should have the hospital's best interest" as its priority.

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

Wasted potential

For years antinuclear politicians called Yucca Mountain the nation's "nuclear waste dump." Now they've made it into an economic and tax dump.

Nuclear reprocessing at Yucca Mountain, say advocates, could convert highly valuable nuclear byproduct into usable power and bring thousands of permanent jobs to Nevada.

 Yet the politicians who've repeatedly derailed that possibility regularly boast of the relatively tiny number of jobs and energy that their tax-subsidized "green" technologies might someday create.

U.S. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., is a case in point. He opposes Yucca not only as a nuclear materials storage facility but even as a site for nuclear reprocessing. Yet, he touts stimulus spending on other "green" projects, which create significantly fewer jobs than reprocessing at Yucca would.

Recently, the Obama administration granted Reid's wish by pronouncing the Yucca project "dead" and eliminating funding for the Office of Civilian Radioactive Waste Management. This terminated all remaining Yucca employees.

Just two years ago, the Yucca project employed 2,700 people, according to the U.S. Department of Energy. Now, no employees work on the site.

Yucca is now the graveyard of a $10 billion investment of taxpayer money that now sits unused.

While the Obama administration says it will invest another $500 million in new "green" jobs in the United States, renewable-energy technologies create a mere fraction of the jobs a national nuclear reprocessing center would create — and also a mere fraction of the energy.

According to data from the Obama administration's own recovery.org, a $138 million stimulus grant for Smart Grids, a program designed for "…creating jobs, streamlining operations, and reducing peak demand" has created only 47 jobs in Nevada.

And while Nevada Solar One, a Boulder City solar power plant that received a $2.9 million federal grant, produced 800 jobs during its construction, only 30 permanent jobs ensued.

Even at their height, these two projects, combined, created barely a third of the permanent jobs the government phased out at Yucca Mountain.

In comparison, the US Nuclear Energy Foundation (USNEF), a Sparks-based advocacy group, estimates a nuclear reprocessing facility at Yucca would create 12,000 jobs during the construction-and-design phase and 2,500 permanent jobs.

Gary Cerefice, assistant professor of health physics at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, points to the over-100 nuclear reactors now sited in 31 states and argues that the resultant production and transportation of depleted nuclear materials would provide a "constant revenue stream" for Nevada's reprocessing center. Since only 5 percent of nuclear byproduct is actual "waste," Cerefice believes Nevada would hit an economic jackpot.

"By not reprocessing it, you're throwing away a product that wasn't made to be thrown away," said Cerefice. "If you don't separate it and [you] treat it all as waste, you're throwing away potential money and energy."

Gary Durate, director of USNEF, says privatizing nuclear energy would maintain the "constant revenue stream," while fostering job growth in both Nevada and the nation.

"Nuclear energy, spent fuels reprocessing and reclamation should be the responsibility of the private industry," said Duarte, "but no private company will invest massive resources until such a time [when] the government establishes a permanent policy direction."

The federal government's policy was originally spelled out in the Nuclear Waste Policy Act of 1982, which designated Yucca Mountain as the nation's central nuclear repository. Years of subsequent political opposition to the Yucca project, however, eventually succeeded when the Obama administration pronounced the project "dead."

Now, national nuclear-energy policy is largely in the hands of a Reid nominee who, according to his resume, "led efforts to defeat proposed nuclear waste repository at Yucca Mountain."

Nuclear Regulatory Commission Chairman Greg Jaczko — originally a Reid scientific advisor — only received a spot on the NRC in 2005 after Reid threatened to block all commission appointments by then-president George W. Bush.

In 2009, President Obama named Jaczko NRC chairman. Since then, not only was the Yucca project denied, but no new private nuclear reactors have begun construction anywhere in the United States.

Proposals for private reactors become bogged down in the NRC's licensing process. Areva, an energy company specializing in emission-free technology, has spent more than $900 million during its application process since 2007, according to USNEF. The website of NuScale Power, an Oregon-based nuclear design company, reveals that the company spent four years filing "pre-application requests" and will not finish the "pre-application" phase until 2012.

With a five-year "pre-application" process for reactors and a chairman with an antinuclear history — Jaczko worked for U.S. Rep. Edward Markey, D-Mass., before Reid — the NRC is killing any opportunity for Nevada to become the "Silicon Valley of reprocessing," says Randi Thompson of Nevadans 4 Carbon Free Energy. Instead, all it allows is the Obama-Reid "green" energy agenda.

Solar is a favorite Reid "green" technology, but solar plants create few jobs, their operating costs are high and they produce usable energy at a significantly lower rate than nuclear plants.

According to the Energy Information Administration's Annual Energy Outlook 2011, the lifetime cost of operating a new nuclear plant is $133 per megawatt hour. The cost of a new solar plant, on the other hand, is $210 per megawatt hour — some 57 percent more expensive.  

Additionally, while nuclear plants now operate at a 90 percent capacity factor — meaning they generate at 90 percent of their maximum possible energy-production rate — solar plants operate at only 25 percent capacity.

It has been political "green favoritism" that has prevented construction of the much more efficient nuclear plants, says Thompson, and that limits transportation of depleted nuclear materials.  

"There have been over 3,000 [such] shipments across the country without incident," said Thompson. "There's a proven safety track record."

Even though lawmakers discourage reprocessing resources from entering Nevada, the state still imports nuclear-produced energy from other states.

NV Energy gets 1.38 percent of its electricity from out-of-state nuclear power plants. By contrast, NV Energy produces .22 percent of electricity from solar and wind sources, and 9.53 percent from geothermal.  

Denis Beller, professor of nuclear engineering at UNLV, notes that nuclear energy is still cheaper to produce than other forms of "green energy," even with government subsidies, and that a Yucca reprocessing center could produce great quantities of this less-expensive energy.

"Our schools [UNLV and the University of Nevada, Reno] have some of the top radiochemistry programs in the country. And having a large center for recycling research would absolutely help the state," said Beller.  

Rather than focusing on how Yucca would help the state, opponents cite risks of weapons proliferation and radiation poisoning. While worthy of attention, says Cerefice, these concerns shouldn't suppress Yucca's economic and scientific potential.

"I'm working hands-on with this [nuclear] material every day and I'm confident it can be handled safely," Cerefice said.

On a national level, House Republicans included a revived Yucca project in their proposed budget. Additionally, the states of Washington and South Carolina announced plans to challenge the Obama administration's decision in court, claiming federal law prohibits the administration from abandoning Yucca without approving another site.

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more visit http://npri.org.

Is CCSD preparing for a segregation lawsuit?

LAS VEGAS — In his first ever Clark County School District regular school board meeting last month, new Superintendent Dwight Jones publicly recognized the Prime Six school issue — for years a source of racial strains and desegregation litigation — as "critical" for the larger Las Vegas community.

Race-tinged turmoil in the relations between CCSD officials and West Las Vegas parents and their advocates — long simmering beneath the surface — has recently re-emerged publicly. And once again at the center of the turbulence are the district's actions — or inactions — regarding the educational plight of children attending the racially and economically segregated West Las Vegas Prime Six schools, now attended by as many students who are Latino as African-American.

Superintendent Jones and new CCSD school-board Trustees Erin Cranor, Lorraine Alderman and John Cole now find themselves in a situation similar to their district predecessors almost 40 years ago. Then, in 1972, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals upheld court-ordered desegregation of Clark County's elementary schools. While acknowledging that trustees and administrators were being "saddled with the mistakes of [their] predecessors," said the court, they remain "obligated to take effective steps to reverse the segregation trend, however drastic the cure may be."

However, if Jones and today's trustees are to accomplish genuine educational opportunity for the children of West Las Vegas, they will first have to overcome a deep-rooted CCSD culture that has institutionalized secrecy, deception and the continued perpetuation of public misinformation and half truths.

This is what a detailed examination of the district's record — recounted below — reveals.

In the early years of American desegregation litigation, case law established that school districts ordered to desegregate would remain under court jurisdiction until those districts achieved "unitary status" — that is, until they eliminated all vestiges of their previous racially segregated, or "dual," school system. Even then, such notices of unitary status sometimes still state performance obligations of the district and avenues of redress for plaintiffs if the stipulations are not met. 

Has the Clark County School District, however, actually ever achieved unitary status? For those who want to understand the legal situation of Westside school students, that question is important. It bears significantly on whether CCSD's Prime Six desegregation plan is a genuinely voluntary legacy of a dissolved court order — or a mandatory plan that ultimately remains subject to court jurisdiction. 

Clark County officials often refer to today's Prime Six Plan as a "voluntary" plan. Officials are also on record saying the district is no longer under court-ordered desegregation. An August 2009 Las Vegas Review-Journal article attributed CCSD's chief legal officer, Bill Hoffman, as saying the federal desegregation court order was "lifted" in 1997.

Despite such assertions, however, the actual legal status of CCSD's desegregation plan remains an open question — one that the district, as detailed more specifically below, refuses to clarify.

This question of legal status was touched on by Dr. Sonya Douglass Horsford, senior resident education scholar with the Lincy Institute at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, in a 2008 white paper, "A History of School Desegregation in the Mississippi of the West: Implications for Educational Leaders." Horsford wrote that U.S. District Judge Bruce R. Thompson in 1977 had "determined the school board had complied with the Court's [desegregation] mandate, the decree had served its purpose, and terminated his jurisdiction of the case." 

But did Thompson's order actually release the school district from any obligations? In Board of Education of Oklahoma City v. Dowell, 1991, the U.S. Supreme Court held that respondents, who did not appeal a 1977 "Order Terminating Case," were not barred from challenging the school board's later actions — a 1985 student assignment plan — because the District Court's 1977 order failed to "dissolve the desegregation order and the District Court's unitariness finding was too ambiguous to bar respondents from challenging later action by the Board."  The Court noted that "nothing in that order indicated that the 1972 injunction itself was terminated."

While the Dowell court did not challenge the unitary status of the school district, it did discuss the differences between a unitary system, a school system that has operated desegregated schools for years, and achieving unitary status, the elimination of all vestiges of prior segregation.  The court also noted "that a school board is entitled to a rather precise statement of its obligations under a desegregation decree. If such a decree is to be terminated or dissolved, respondents as well as the school board are entitled to a like statement from the court."

Like Horsford's description of Thompson's 1977 order, the 1977 Dowell order concluded, among other things, that the plan worked, substantial compliance with the constitutional requirements had been achieved, the school board operated the plan properly and jurisdiction was terminated. Yet the Supreme Court held that parents were not barred from bringing legal challenges against the school board.

Several long-time members of CCSD administrative staff share Horsford's belief. If correct, however, it could mean that the court order for bussing actually expired in 1977, and that it was district officials who, unilaterally, chose to continue mandatory bussing of West Las Vegas children for 11 of their 12 school years before eventually approving, under citizen pressure, the 1992 voluntary Prime Six Plan implementing school choice and equity.

Other Westsiders believe that the district was released from court jurisdiction in the early 1990s, as part of the resolution of a 1989 lawsuit against CCSD by the Las Vegas Alliance of Black School Educators (LVABSE).

Eva Simmons was a district educator from 1964 to 2001, has an elementary school named after her and is a vigorous advocate for the West Las Vegas community. She believes the district was granted unitary status around the time of the Prime Six Plan and that it had something to do with the LVABSE lawsuit.

If Simmons is correct, unitary status could have come about as part of a stipulation order or a settlement agreement that would have imposed obligations on the district as well as giving certain legal options to the plaintiffs.

Given the conflicting information on whether or not CCSD had ever achieved unitary status for its elementary schools, NPRI sought clarification from the school district under Nevada's open-records law.

"Could CCSD please clarify when and if it received ‘unitary status' for its elementary schools, including the Prime Six schools?" NPRI asked. "If CCSD has achieved unitary status, on what date did that occur.  And, if there is any supporting documentation, a copy of such pursuant to NRS 239 would be greatly appreciated."

Rather than answering the question, or transmitting any supporting documents, the district responded with a statement by CCSD legal counsel Bill Hoffman: "This appears to be a request for a legal opinion, not a request for public records. As such, the request is denied."

Is the Clark County School District — notwithstanding what it tells Westside parents — viewing the entire Prime Six situation through a prism that is uniquely legal, rather than educational?  Much evidence suggests this is the case.

In November 2008, when school board Trustee Carolyn Edwards pushed for a public discussion on, and recommendations for, Prime Six, both Superintendent Walt Rulffes and Hoffman informed trustees that Prime Six was an issue with significant legal implications.

After Rulffes explained that "there are all kinds of legal issues involved," Hoffman told trustees that "the question of Prime Six is really a review of the desegregation plan for the district" from the late 80s. Noting that the plan "came about as a result of lawsuits and there's a great deal of history," Hoffman recommended a closed legal briefing, which, he said "would then lead to the next question, ‘what are we going to do?'" 

Responding to Edwards' request for a timeline, Rulffes replied:

It's not so much a time issue with staff. But we've found that some of the directions that we had planned to recommend simply didn't pass muster, legally. And I'm just afraid if we try to do a hurry-up recommendation we're gonna place the district at risk in terms of some kind of violation of the historical perspective of this from a legal standpoint…

Rulffes then wondered aloud whether the district needed to bring in Maree Sneed, the high-powered desegregation-litigation attorney. Hoffman informed trustees that, because the district had worked on the issue with Sneed previously, they weren't starting from "zero here." Still, Rulffes and Hoffman agreed that they were not at a point to move forward with recommendations.

NPRI asked to review any legal agreements or service agreements with Sneed or with her law firm, Hogan and Hartson. The district responded that "there is no written Legal Services Agreement with Maree Sneed or her law firm, Hogan and Hartson."

Yet another suggestion of a primarily legal focus by the school district came on Aug. 13, 2009, when CCSD presented trustees with a report by Dr. Gary Orfield of the University of California, Los Angeles, on the Prime Six schools. Remarkably, legal counsel Hoffman was the "contact person" on the agenda item — not Superintendent Rulffes.

When the results of Orfield's 2009 review were released publicly, several members of the West Las Vegas community, disconcerted, noted that Orfield failed to identify deficiencies in the Prime Six Plan or make recommendations to improve it.

Orfield responded that he did the study because it was a valuable "first step" and a "brave step" for the school district — "not because it was the solution."

However, when NPRI, this past January, sought to inspect the district's contracts with Orfield and his colleagues, the district replied that the consultants had actually been hired "in order to assist counsel for CCSD in anticipation of possible litigation" and that the contracts were "confidential attorney-client communications." (Emphasis added.) 

Frank Hawkins, president of the local NAACP chapter, says possible litigation is news to him. "Litigation was never on the table," as far as he knew. "We have been working closely with the district for more than a year and a half – if not more than two years."

However, Orfield's report may suggest the district had a legal purpose in commissioning the Prime Six study — which would explain why Orfield didn't identify plan deficiencies and recommendations.

In his introduction, Orfield writes, "In spite of substantial investments over the years, the results have been disappointing. Because of this, the District took the unusual step of asking for an independent assessment of the area's trends in population, educational choice and educational success." (Emphasis added.)

Such an assessment could strengthen the district's legal position, if angry Westsiders were to go to court, charging CCSD had failed to fulfill pledges made to settle the original desegregation lawsuit. A 1998 article, "Recent Changes in School Desegregation," quotes a statement by Purdue Professor Brian L. Fife that the Dowell ruling held "that school districts are not responsible for remedying local conditions, such as segregated housing patterns."

The article's author, Dr. Jeanne Weiler — a research associate affiliated with the Institute for Urban and Minority Education at Columbia University's Teachers College — notes that under a June 1995 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Missouri v. Jenkins, desegregation plans do not need to continue "simply because minority student-achievement scores remained below the national average." She again quotes Fife, to the effect that, "The state could only be required to do what is practicable for remedying the vestiges of past discrimination; it was not responsible for remedying inequities that may exist between students within schools."  

After the Court's June 1995 decision, the school district closed the Prime Six department.

Interestingly, it appears Orfield's published 2009 Prime Six study was not the totality of his research findings.

In a 2009 application by the school district for a federal TASAP — Technical Assistance for School Assignment Plans — grant, CCSD officials wrote, "In August 2009 an additional meeting was held to discuss specific findings identified in the independent assessment report." (Emphasis added.)

The TASAP application also revealed that over the summer, prior to release of the Prime Six study, Orfield and two other integration and educational equity experts had met with district top officials. The purpose was to discuss "some of the findings … from the Prime Six Report (see appendices), [answer] questions from the Superintendent and staff regarding the information presented in the draft report, [engage] in a dialog about best practices for the education of students in areas of high poverty, and [develop] a plan to follow up the findings and recommendations in the report."

Included with the application was a copy of the team's unpublished draft "Theory of Action Plan."

When NPRI requested to inspect Orfield's "draft" report, the district acknowledged that a draft report existed, but refused the request, saying, "[Orfield's draft report] is a confidential attorney-client communications and work product under NRS Chapter 49, including NRS 49.095, and therefore need not be disclosed under NRS 239.010."

Karen Gray is an education researcher at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more visit http://npri.org/.

CCSD’s Westside story

In January 2010, the Clark County School Board had school police remove Westside community activist Marzette Lewis from a public school-board meeting.

At another board meeting in December 2010, Westside community activist Debra Jackson stormed out in an ostentatious and disgusted protest. The reason? The school board was again threatening to have school police eject Lewis.

 Moreover, at that same meeting, a large group of Westside parents and advocates — present to express concern over the lack of community input allowed by the district into its Westside-schools plan — got up from their seats and surrounded Lewis, to block her removal by police.

You may wonder, "What's going on in Nevada's largest school district — that its board meetings so regularly descend into fracas? What is it the school board does, if anything, that convinces minority parents and other activists from the historically African-American Westside community that to actually be heard, they must be disruptive?"

There are good answers to those questions, but they're not widely known. Grasping them requires a detour into the 40-year history of relations between the Westside community and the Clark County School District — a 40-year history, in the view of many Westsiders, of rank injustice.

CCSD's tumultuous history with West Las Vegas includes discrimination lawsuits, riots, school boycotts, court-identified official segregation, forced busing and many broken and unfulfilled promises.

In a 1968 lawsuit, for example, the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that Clark County's "bifurcated school policy" was "principally responsible for the aggravation of racial segregation in the elementary schools."  

As a result, the district was ordered by the courts to implement what CCSD called its Sixth Grade Center Plan. The plan reconstituted West Las Vegas elementary schools as sixth-grade learning centers, but mandated that the Westside's younger children — those in grades one through five — be bussed out of their neighborhoods to elementary schools across the valley. At the same time, a proportionate number of white sixth graders were required to be bused into West Las Vegas, to attend the sixth-grade centers.

The plan was met with immense opposition.  Clark County schools were boycotted by significant numbers from both races. Many white families transferred their children to private schools.  Members of the black community, already in litigation, appealed the plan in court, saying it placed a disproportionate burden on black students. Meanwhile, Clark County officials defended the plan, claiming it was "based upon sound educational principles and does not burden black students disproportionately." 

Ultimately, the 9th Circuit ruled that the record before the court was insufficient to allow it to determine whether the plan placed a disproportionate burden on West Las Vegas students. In the absence of such a record, the judges allowed the plan to be implemented.

Thus, under Clark County's desegregation design, the children of West Las Vegas were loaded onto school busses every day and bused out of their neighborhoods for 11 of their 12 years of school.

By the early 1990s, after two decades of forced busing, Clark County was again defending racially charged lawsuits. They came not only from parents, but also from black educators. Parents protesting busing again filled school-board meetings.

Not unlike many school districts across the country at the time, Clark County responded with a shift in its desegregation focus. It moved away from student assignment (busing) to achieve integration, toward a focus on access, equity and the academic performance of minority students — regardless of a school's racial balance. 

Collaborating with West Las Vegas residents and leaders, the Clark County school board adopted its current desegregation plan, called the Prime Six plan in 1992, which the board amended in 1994. It was geared to stop the busing of white sixth graders, minimize the busing of black elementary students and to improve educational opportunities for all students. 

Some key components of Prime Six included:

1)  returning the sixth-grade centers to elementary schools;
2)  continued school zoning of Westside first-through-fifth graders to other "assigned" schools, but allowing students the option to voluntarily attend the new reconstituted "Prime Six" elementary schools;
3)  additional on-site and central-office staff and resources;
4)  additional Westside teacher training;
5)  parent-engagement activities and education on available school choices; and
6)  a biennial evaluation and public report on Prime Six student performance and equity factors, including a plan of action for identified areas that needed improvement.

Dr. Jeanne Weiler, a research associate at the Institute for Urban and Minority Education at Columbia University's Teachers College, in a 1998 report called Recent Changes in School Desegregation, discussed trends toward resegregation, while reviewing various studies of the 1990s. The report prominently cited the conclusion of Dr. Gary Orfield that many urban school districts were moving toward increasing resegregation as students are returned to neighborhood schools.

Both Weiler and Orfield, who is now Clark County's commissioned expert, noted that students who left integrated middle-class schools often returned to neighborhood schools that were inferior, poverty-stricken and functionally segregated.

"High poverty schools," observed Weiler, "have generally lower levels of educational performance and are less likely to prepare students for college than more affluent schools." Often, she noted, additional funding for school facilities and programs were promised but not delivered. And in many large urban districts, even with extra funding, schools were unable to transform as they struggled with community problems such as poverty and joblessness.

Former Nevada assemblyman and Prime Six school namesake Wendell Williams, who was CCSD's community coordinator for the district's new Prime Six department, says a full commitment to the plan never existed. When he was coordinator, says Williams, school liaisons at several Prime Six schools were used as "gofers," monitoring hallways and supervising lunchrooms and playgrounds rather than performing actual liaison tasks. Around 1995 or so, when Williams left CCSD, the Prime Six department was closed down, he says.

Today, the Clark County School District does not dispute that it failed to fully implement the Prime Six plan — although now-departed CCSD superintendent Walt Rulffes preferred to describe the failure as "implementation" having "waned" over the years.

Thus, many observers are not surprised that, nearly 20 years after the Prime Six plan was agreed to, Clark County again faces contentious school-board meetings, civil rights complaints and a frustrated and exasperated West Las Vegas community.

Revealingly, the school district sees its legal position as seriously vulnerable. According to David Roddy, public information specialist for CCSD, the 2009 University of California, Los Angeles report on the Prime Six situation was commissioned by CCSD in anticipation of possible legal action.

The study — by Orfield, co-director of the Civil Rights Project at UCLA, and his colleagues — said the West Las Vegas Prime Six schools (Booker, Carson, Fitzgerald, Kelly, McCall and Wendell Williams) are currently "doubly segregated by race and poverty."  This type of isolation is "linked to achievement scores seriously behind the district's average performance both for total enrollment and for black and Latino students." 

Other findings in the report confirmed what West Las Vegas residents have been saying for years — that "students enrolled in Prime Six schools perform well below the District average on math and reading tests," and that "[t]eachers at Prime Six schools average less years of experience than the District average." According to study data, 48 percent have less than three years experience in the district.

Orfield points out that school quality is significantly more important for low-income and minority children, since fewer educational resources are available to them at home and in the community. Likewise, access to good teachers is more important. Indeed, experienced, well-trained teachers are the most important resource a school possesses, wrote Orfield.

In documents filed with the federal government, CCSD acknowledged that fewer Prime Six teachers met the federal "highly qualified" standard than did other district teachers. 

"This means that Prime Six teachers are 40 percent less likely to be highly qualified," wrote officials in their 2009 grant application for federal TASAP — Technical Assistance for School Assignment Plans — money.  

The choices made by CCSD "in the Prime Six area actually slightly increase the race and poverty segregation for the students there, rather than produce opportunities for those most in need," wrote Orfield.

Despite better school performance available at assigned schools and magnet schools, he noted, a great majority of the community's impoverished students remain at their Prime Six schools — while many of the assigned schools enroll no assigned students.  In the 2007-08 school year, 100 percent of the Prime Six schools' enrolled students qualified for federal Free and Reduced Lunch subsidies. Yet, noted Orfield, parents tend to choose higher-achieving schools for their children when they've been informed about the schools' academic standings.

"Research shows that such enrollment patterns [as in Prime Six] tend to reflect the lack of information and understanding of the choice systems by many parents living in poverty," wrote Orfield.

Any plan to improve Prime Six schools must involve community input, says the University of Illinois' Dr. William Trent, another consultant hired by CCSD.  When Orfield's study was released in August 2009, pointed remarks by Trent admonished school-board trustees and district officials. He noted that many school districts that have situations like Prime Six merely make a pretense of conversation with the communities but do no real listening.  A sincere effort at addressing the Prime Six issues "means taking seriously the perspectives that the host of people who are aggrieved bring to the table," he said. 

In rebuilding bridges to communities where needs have not been addressed for decades, said Trent, "it's very important to understand the infringement upon trust" that occurred.

"It will take a very serious commitment" to addressing the community's real issues and doing it collaboratively, he said.

Notwithstanding the advice from its own hired expert, the Clark County School District proceeded to create its plans for the Westside without community input — twice.

The first was pulled from the agenda in September 2009.  A second plan was released and approved by the board as a "proposal" at the December 2010 school-board meeting, the same meeting Jackson left in protest.

Despite Orfield's conclusion that parents will choose higher-achieving schools once they understand their choices, Clark County's latest plan actually reduces the number of assigned schools from 41 to 17.

And if that happens, opined Marzette Lewis, those 17 schools will probably be the district's worst.

Karen Gray is an education researcher at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more visit http://npri.org/.

Who has the power?

It's one thing to set your own goals.

It's quite another to impose your goals on others and enforce those goals through a government-regulated monopoly you control.

That's what Nevada lawmakers have done to NV Energy ratepayers with increasing force for the last 13 years. Their tool of choice has been the "Renewable Portfolio Standard," first imposed on NV Energy, the state-regulated electric utility, in 1997.

And now, as Nevadans struggle to find a way out of a statewide economic depression, they have the added burden of some of the most costly green-energy rules of any state in the country, passed by the 2009 Nevada Legislature.

Those renewable energy quota goals have been hailed as "aggressive" by the American Council of Renewable Energy, a Washington, D.C., nonprofit "dedicated to moving renewable energy into the mainstream of America's economy." According to Emerging Energy Research, an international purveyor of energy data and analysis, the goals are the third-most demanding in the country — behind only California and New Jersey.

While some Nevada legislators pride themselves on their efforts to fight "climate change," the financial burden of their decision falls on Silver State ratepayers. Residential electricity rates, plotted from 1990 on, show a meaningful increase in Nevada rates over those nationally, beginning in 1997:

 

Data: U.S. Energy Information Administration

In 1997 Nevada lawmakers mandated that NV Energy — then named Nevada Energy — begin acquiring or purchasing ever-larger percentages of its electricity from higher-cost renewable energy sources.

To meet state government's initial Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS) requirement, electricity providers needed to have 1 percent of their total energy come from renewable power. Over the years, however, the standard has increased to 5 percent in 2003 and will increase to 25 percent by 2025.  

The "25 by 25" standard was established in 2009 by Senate Bill 395, introduced by then-governor Jim Gibbons and shepherded through the Nevada Legislature by Senate Energy Chairman Michael Schneider (D-Clark) and Assembly Commerce and Labor Chairman Marcus Conklin (D-Clark).

Schneider introduced the first hearing on the bill by observing that "President Barack Obama and U.S. Senator Harry Reid have given much support to the renewable- and green-energy issues coming before this Committee." Schneider is a member of the Blue Ribbon Panel, a group established by Reid in August 2008, to help "move Nevada toward a clean energy future."

One consequence of the "clean energy" drive in Nevada has been to retard the state's efforts to bring new businesses into the state, say some economic development activists. Energy-intensive industries, such as manufacturing and digital data centers, are especially affected.

"In 2000, we had among the lowest power rates in the Western United States," Lance Gilman, a marketing partner at the Reno-Tahoe Industrial Park, recently told the Las Vegas Sun. "Today, we have some of the most expensive power rates in the United States."

While costs and the green-energy standards set by lawmakers keep increasing, the actual attainment of those standards regularly slips.

According to data from NV Energy, 2008 was the only year on record when the company met lawmakers' targets — although the company believes it also met targets in 2010, official numbers for which are to be released in April 1.

More usual is what happened in 2009, when NV Energy's Southern Nevada subsidiary, Nevada Power, failed to meet its RPS quota. Although Nevada law allows the state Public Utilities Commission (PUC) to fine utility providers that fail to meet the standards, the PUC did not. Instead it ruled that Nevada Power could carry forward a Portfolio Credit deficit into 2010, and "… shall invest $150,000 to $192,500 in one or more photovoltaic facilities …" on public buildings.  

Under Nevada law, utilities are ostensibly allowed to charge ratepayers on a cost-plus basis — which might appear to give utilities a built-in incentive to quickly expand the proportion of power they purchase from renewable sources. However, the higher cost of "green" energy actually discourages that.

Say that a utility jumps whole-hog on the renewable energy bandwagon, buys large quantities of solar or geothermal electricity and successfully meets or surpasses the state quota. When the utility then goes to the PUC and asks for the higher electricity rates it would need to pay for the more expensive green energy, those requests could trigger a firestorm of popular rebellion.

Now, not only the utility, but the PUC will find itself on the political hot seat. Amid popular hostility from ratepayers — championed, perhaps, by the same politicians who mandated the renewable-energy quotas — the utility may well find itself denied the rate increases it needs to pay for those previous "green" expenditures. If so, it could face a serious potential cash-flow problem, lowered ratings from Wall Street analysts and investors bailing out of its stock.

So utility regulators, aware of these considerations, regularly decline to fine the utility. Instead, they require it to schedule more future investment in green energy. Then the next year, the whole process is repeated.

It is Nevada consumers who've faced the harsher punishment. Since 1997, when Nevada first enacted the RPS quotas, the average residential retail price has risen from 6.77 cents per kilowatt hour (c/kWh) to 12.41 c/kWh, according to data from the Energy Information Administration.  

Moreover, since 2001 — when the state-imposed renewable energy quota was first increased — Nevada's average residential retail price has stayed above the national average price, even though the national price kept rising. In 2010, Nevada's price at 12.41 was still above the national average of 11.62 c/kWh.

A spokesperson for NV Energy couldn't pinpoint exact causes for the rising energy prices.

One element in the higher prices paid by Nevadans is the TRED charge, which all Nevada ratepayers now see on their electric bills. In 2004, notes the U.S. Department of Energy, the Nevada Public Utility Commission established the "Temporary Renewable Energy Development" charge to "insure prompt payment to renewable energy providers." A PUC press release at the time justified the charge with the argument that the "impaired credit rating of Nevada's electric utilities has made it difficult for many renewable energy developers to obtain financing for new renewable projects … mandated under Nevada's Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS)." 

According to PUC data, as of September 2010 utility companies have raised $67.2 million from TRED, yet RPS quotas still are not met consistently.

Neither the PUC nor NV Energy could say how long TRED would remain on consumers' bills, which raises the question: "What is so ‘temporary' about TRED?"

"There's no driver to encourage attainment [of the RPS quotas]," said Assemblyman Ed Goedhart (R-Amargosa), member of the Assembly Committee on Commerce and Labor. For utilities "it's like constantly being pulled over for speeding but never receiving a ticket."

TRED isn't the only cost that Nevada lawmakers' renewable energy ambitions impose on residents. In 2008, the PUC approved the Renewable Energy Program (REPR) — described by a NV Energy spokesman as a "fee that helps further development of alternative energy projects and renewable rebate programs."

All ratepayers pay into REPR, where the money is reportedly pooled for rebates to ratepayers who've installed their own renewable generating device. However, the PUC does not publicly account for REPR funds nor account transparently for the money's administration.

The financial burdens on Nevadans, which arise from government's green-energy enthusiasms, don't end with fees. NV Energy received $138.8 million for renewable energy in federal stimulus funds, which is widely understood to add to the national debt burden shared by all citizens.

Also, as part of the 2009 federal stimulus package, the Department of Energy guaranteed $350 million toward the One Nevada transmission line (ON Line), a joint venture between NV Energy and Great Basin Transmission, an affiliate of New York-based LS Power.

Carl Linvill, the PUC commissioner who approved the TRED charge on Nevada ratepayers, now works for Aspen Environmental Group. Aspen has a consulting contract with Western Area Power Administration, the government agency originally attached to ON Line and responsible for distributing the stimulus funds.

One reason for the ever-higher costs borne by Nevada ratepayers — as well as the failed mandates — is simply the economics of developing the new technology, according to Steven Brown, director of business and economic research at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas.

"The technology they're developing is rare," said Brown. "In most states, the cost of electricity will rise when [governments] push towards more renewables."

To meet Nevada's standards, state utility companies may make up their deficiencies by purchasing — or using already-owned — green "portfolio credits." In 2011, for the first time, NV Energy anticipates purchasing credits from 44 generators in Idaho, Utah and Wyoming, operated by seven different facility owners.

NV Energy also supplies power to 47,000 California customers in the Lake Tahoe region, and intends to draw on credits derived there.

"Since our standards are so aggressive, it's costing [utility companies] a little more, and they have to try and meet these standards in a variety of ways," said Tom Piechota, professor of civil and environmental engineering at UNLV.

This spring, NV Energy is expected to seek a 5 percent rate increase from the PUC. The higher rate, says the company, would support increased efficiency and help fund a new $750 million power plant.

"The results [of Nevada's RPS legislation] have been less than stellar," said Assemblyman Goedhart. "The system sets up for appeasement. And appeasing everyone makes it more expensive."

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter and Steven Miller is vice president for policy at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more visit http://npri.org/.

Report: Nevada’s financial position ‘precarious’

The Chicago-based Institute for Truth in Accounting today called the financial position of the State of Nevada "precarious" and said past Silver State governors and legislatures had evaded the state's balanced-budget law.

"If governors and legislatures had truly balanced the state's budget, no taxpayer's financial burden would exist," said Sheila Weinberg, founder and CEO of the Institute. "A state budget is not balanced if past costs, including those for employees' retirement benefits, are pushed into the future."

 Nevada's financial position is precarious, said Weinberg, because it does not have the funds available to pay more than $4.3 billion of the state's commitments as they come due.  Each taxpayer's share of the state's current financial burden is $5,000, she said.

The Institute for Truth in Accounting (IFTA) characterizes itself as "dedicated to promoting honest, accurate and transparent accounting at all levels of government and business. 

"As a non-partisan, non-profit organization, the IFTA works to expose accounting deficiencies while promoting better, more accessible delivery of accurate government financial data — and, in turn, providing a foundation for more informed public policy."

The new IFTA report released today, the Nevada "Financial State of the State," resulted from "an intensive review of the State's 2010 audited financial report, available on the Nevada State Controller's website.

While Nevada reported total assets of $13.8 billion, the Institute's review of the state's 2010 financial report asserted that there are almost $1.9 billion of off-balance sheet retirement liabilities. More than $9.1 billion of the state's assets cannot be easily converted to cash to pay state bills of $8.9 billion as they come due, writes Weinberg. These assets consist of capital assets, including infrastructure, buildings and land, and assets the use of which is restricted by law or contract. The state does not have the funds needed to pay for more than $4.3 billion of state obligations, she said. 

Most of the obligations relate to state employees' and teachers' pension and retirement health care benefits. Years of over-promising retirement benefits, while shortchanging funding, have resulted in the state's retirement systems being underfunded by $1.9 billion, says the report, adding that the underfunding has recently been exacerbated by drastic declines in the market value of retirement systems' assets. As of June 30, 2010, the state had set aside only 4 cents to pay for each dollar of benefits promised. As of that date, only $78 million was deposited into the retirement systems, even though the actuaries calculated that a minimum of $2 billion should have already been contributed.

The Institute for Truth in Accounting reviews state financial reports from virtually every state. To learn more, visit its website at http://www.truthinaccounting.org/.

Steven Miller is vice president for policy at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more visit http://npri.org/.

Nevada taxpayers’ burden said $4.3 billion

The Chicago-based Institute for Truth in Accounting today called the financial position of the State of Nevada “precarious” and said past Silver State governors and legislatures had evaded the state’s balanced-budget law.

Best of both worlds?

Some organizations are private enterprises, some are public, and some appear to want the best of both worlds.

Count the Reno Tahoe Airport Authority among the latter.

 During nearly all of 2010, the Reno Tahoe Airport Authority repeatedly rejected citizen requests for details of the compensation being given airport CEO Krys Bart — even though public-employee salaries are recognized subjects of Nevada transparency-in-government laws. (See http://www.transparentnevada.com/ for state and local government-employee compensation information procured through Nevada's open-records law.)

The issue kept attracting attention, in part because the RTAA's 2010-11 budget listed the cost of Bart's office at $603,000 annually. That sum — spread over the CEO and one secretary — would have significantly exceeded even the compensation of the director of Las Vegas McCarran International Airport, Randall Walker. And McCarran — according to the primary international authority on airport traffic, the Airports Council International — handles over 10 times the traffic of the Reno airport.

According to the ACI, final figures for 2009 placed McCarran as seventh in North American passenger traffic, while Reno-Tahoe placed 68th. More than 40.4 million passengers were reported going through McCarran, while fewer than 3.8 million went through the Reno airport.

Bart's reputed compensation also kept raising eyebrows because, for the first six months of 2010 (as throughout 2009), all other Reno airport employees were under a salary freeze that even prohibited merit increases.

Jones-Vargas attorney Ann Morgan, representing the RTAA, answered at least three different requests for information about Bart's compensation with letters arguing that the regional airport is exempt from Nevada's open-records law.

"Neither the legislature nor Nevada Courts have defined or interpreted the terms ‘public books and public records,'" wrote Morgan in a February response to a request from John Howitt, president of the Reno-Tahoe Aviation Association. The association represents most of the airport's local pilots and aircraft owners — many of whom believe, says Howitt, "that the airport should be using its monetary resources for airport infrastructure and not for executive salaries that are well in excess of our community standards."

After reports began circulating that the RTAA board on Nov. 18 had given Bart an even more generous benefit package — including bonuses that would bring her total compensation for the past three years to over $1 million — Morgan met more requests for information with the same arguments as before.

When Howitt on Nov. 19 requested records on Bart's latest compensation package, Morgan wrote back three days later that, "Neither the legislature nor Nevada Courts have defined or interpreted the terms ‘public books and public records' to include documents produced by the Reno Tahoe Airport Authority."

On Nov. 23, Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute, independently requested details of the compensation of Bart and other airport executive officers. Having received no answer by Dec. 8, Nevada Journal repeated its request, this time by certified mail, return receipt requested. On Dec. 15, Morgan replied with the exact same language used in the Nov. 22 letter to Howitt, adding, "Accordingly, it is the position of the RTAA that the information requested does not qualify as a public record."

However, as a Reno Gazette-Journal news story revealed the next day, members of the RTAA board had already realized that continuing to deny public requests for Bart's compensation information was only digging an ever-deeper legal/public-relations hole.

NRS Chapter 239, the Nevada public-records law, is quite clear. "The purpose of this chapter," it begins, "is to foster democratic principles by providing members of the public with access to inspect and copy public books and records to the extent permitted by law." It continues: "The provisions of this chapter must be construed liberally to carry out this important purpose," and "[a]ny exemption, exception or balancing of interests which limits or restricts access to public books and records by members of the public must be construed narrowly."

Moreover, on the same day that Morgan was refusing Nevada Journal's request for particulars on Bart's compensation package, RTAA Board Chair Randi Thompson was going public with the very same information, giving it to the Gazette-Journal,.

"The new contract went into effect Wednesday and raises Bart's annual salary to $253,800," reported the RGJ's Ray Hagar in the Thursday, Dec. 16 paper. "She also is eligible for 4 percent raises in the second and third years of the contract and performance bonuses of up to 20 percent annually.

"At the end of the deal, Bart will be eligible for a $180,000 retention bonus and $120,000 signing bonus."

Aggregated, the salary changes and bonuses would total over $1.09 million.

Hagar wrote that "documents provided by the airport" indicated that "Bart's package is on par with other CEOs at similar-sized airports." However, the Gazette-Journal story reported no independent verification of that assertion. Rather, alongside the story, the paper reprinted — as objective background information — the RTAA's own promotional description of itself on the airport website.

Readers were again presented with the RTAA refrain that it "receives no tax money" and "operates as a business" — a justification the authority frequently offers for not obeying Nevada open-records law.

However, the RTAA never explicitly deals with the question of how — without such transparency — the public can be assured the authority is handling its responsibilities, and the public resources in its care, with integrity.

State law, interestingly, clearly identifies the authority as a public entity:

  • Throughout NRS 474, the RTAA's enabling act, the authority is referred to as "…a special government corporation," an organization that will "…serve a public use," and the facilities of which are "… for a public and governmental purpose."
  • Section 28 of the chapter clearly labels the authority as a "public employer" and enrolls multiple categories of airport employees in the state public retirement system, PERS — the liabilities of which Nevada taxpayers are obligated to fulfill.
  • NRS 474 also states that the RTAA Board of Trustees "…has the power to levy and collect general (ad valorem) taxes on and against all taxable property within the geographical boundaries of the Authority," i.e., Washoe County.
  • It adds that any tax burden resulting from the RTAA "…will be spread over Washoe County rather than coming to rest solely upon the principal municipality of Washoe County."
  • Under its legislation, the RTAA has the power to initiate eminent domain proceedings against Washoe County property owners.
  • The RTAA can also, with the permission of Washoe County, Reno or Sparks, draw on the taxpayer-funded public-employee manpower of those jurisdictions.

Although NRS 474 also states that the RTAA "…shall keep, maintain, and make available for public inspection written minutes of each public hearing, Jones Vargas attorney Morgan regularly responds to requests for those minutes with an assertion that the authority is not legally required to make them available but provides them only as "a courtesy."

Problems with the Reno airport date back further than 1977, when Bill Raggio, the long-time Washoe County state senator, ushered the RTAA's enabling legislation through the Nevada Legislature.

The legislation, Senate Bill 198, took the airport away from the City of Reno, over the protests of the then-mayor, city manager, several council members and others, and made it a regional entity, where the power to appoint RTAA board members was shared among Reno, Sparks, Washoe County and the county "Fair and Recreation Board" — the original name of the Reno-Sparks Convention and Visitors Authority. Several gaming executives testified for the bill.

Under Raggio's legislation, the RTAA's independence from the appointing local governments was assured through a provision that denied the local governments the power to recall board members over policy differences. An extensive legislative record of Senate Bill 198 is available on the Legislative Counsel Bureau website.

In the main lobby of the Reno-Tahoe Airport, a prominently displayed bronze bust of the long-serving state senator greets people as they enter. The bust is inscribed: "The Father of the Airport Authority."

Raggio's law firm — Raggio, Wooster and Lindell — only merged with the Vargas firm in 1991. The latter's merger with the Jones firm, forming Jones Vargas, occurred in 1997.

The RTAA's legal-services contract is highly lucrative. According to the authority's 2010-11 budget, remuneration under that contract was $590,736 in 2009-10. For 2010-11, the remuneration is to increase approximately 9 percent — to $642,248.

Although Jones Vargas attorney Morgan had a noteworthy conflict of interest in the matter of Bart's compensation — given Bart's ability to largely determine the level of remuneration the Jones-Vargas firm would receive — the RTAA board allowed Morgan to serve not only as RTAA counsel, but also as counsel for Bart.

Perry Diloreto, a Reno developer who has been outspoken on the issue of RTAA transparency, thinks the fact that nearly all RTAA employees are in PERS means the RTAA should be publicly accountable.

"If all your employees are in a public savings system and you're receiving public funds, you need to be visible," he told Nevada Journal. "Reno has asked all public employees to take cuts of some type, yet [RTAA board members] can give their president a bonus almost without telling anyone about it."

The RTAA states on its website that "no local tax dollars are involved in operating Reno Tahoe International Airport" and that it is "totally self sufficient financially."

Nevertheless, the RTAA — under authority granted it by state law — does receive federal tax dollars from the Federal Aviation Authority. According to a 2006 audit, the RTAA completed $24.4 million worth of projects funded by federal grants, whereas in 2005 the RTAA only completed $1.7 million worth of federal grant projects.

Brian Kulpin, the RTAA's director of marketing and public affairs, said the RTAA receives $15 to 20 million annually in Airport Improvement Program grants from the FAA, an amount he called "above average" compared to similar-sized airports.

Kulpin added the grants are funded by "user fees" and cannot be used for the day-to-day operations of the airport.

In 2009, under the Obama Administration's American Recovery and Reinvestment Act — widely known as the federal "stimulus" legislation — the airport authority received at least $6.3 million.

Nevada and U.S. taxpayers are obligated to eventually repay those moneys.

Steven Miller is vice president for policy and Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

A shot in the dark

After months of inquiries, the Las Vegas Metro Police Department has partially pulled back the curtain on its handgun-registration program.

Responding to a Nevada Journal public-record request, Metro on Dec. 17 provided copies of departmental correspondence between it and the National Rifle Association in January and March of 2010.

 Throughout the correspondence, Metro acknowledges that it collects little data that might serve to justify the existence of the program to critics.

"The costs specific to handgun registration are not tracked separately," but are "charged throughout the numerous bureaus of the Department," reads the response forwarded to the NRA by Metro Director of Intergovernmental Affairs Lt. Tom Roberts.

Metro also told the NRA the department does not track how frequently the handgun-registration database is accessed, nor how many arrests, citations and convictions result from the information in the database each year.

Nor does Metro track how many "investigative leads" result from handgun-registration information.

Asked how many handguns are seized each year as a result of failures to register, Metro answered, "Unknown. Our Department impounds hundreds of weapons each year, and our system does not sort out the specific reason for impound."

In February, after receiving Metro's January answers and Roberts' invitation to seek any further clarification desired, the NRA's Nevada state liaison, Carrie Herbertson, followed up with additional questions.

Continuing to press for any objective data supporting the program, she noted that while Metro "has mounted a spirited defense of the program," that defense consists of "offering strongly held opinions and anecdotes."

"What objective data can you provide that … would lead a reasonable person to conclude that there is a real law enforcement benefit to Clark County?" asked Herbertson.

On March 16, Roberts wrote back with answers to the NRA's questions. However, the answers still offered no objective statistical evidence in favor of Clark County's unique-in-Nevada gun-registration ordinance.

Instead, Metro offered three arguments:

  1. "Without handgun registration there is no mechanism to help prevent handguns from being acquired and retained by the criminal element through private party transfers."
  2. "Registered handguns are far more useful to criminal investigations because of the registration process which can provide leads to investigators into all areas of crime."
  3. "Because of the urban environment and the nature of the economy of Las Vegas and Clark County, it is imperative that law enforcement provide a safe environment for our residents and tourism guests to enjoy." 

"Like so much in police work," says Metro's response to the NRA, "it is difficult to say specifically that one particular aspect of law enforcement is responsible for a reduction in crime."

Metro's documents do not reveal exactly how much funding the department's handgun-registration operation receives. They do, however, report annual labor costs of $356,832 per year. Add in fiscal year 2009's reported $2,300 in paperwork costs and that yearly total comes to $359,158.84.

Alternatively, some NRA officials have estimated a much higher annual cost for the program.

"With funds spread out over the department, it's close to a million-dollar boondoggle," said Herbertson.

According to Metro, approximately 634,400 handgun-registration records are in its database, dating back to 1973. For the first quarter of FY 2009-10, 12,746 firearms were reported registered.

The NRA's Institute for Legislative Action reported that more than 850,000, or 45 percent, of Clark County residents own guns, suggesting 74 percent of the gun-owning population has a handgun registered with the GRD.

While the Clark County manager has a program audit scheduled for 2011 and Metro acknowledged it has not conducted any audits, Metro stated its gun-registration detail is required to submit quarterly reports to be reviewed by command staff.

The Clark County district attorney's office also lacks data regarding any reduction in crime produced by the county's handgun-registration ordinances.

According to a spokeswoman for David Roger, Clark County district attorney, the DA's office's gun-crimes unit handles any registration-related crimes but keeps no statistics on them.

It's the lack of specificity that troubles the program's critics.

"There's no audit and I just want them to show me something objective," Herbertson said. "Too often [Metro officials] defend the program's effectiveness using anecdotes as opposed to objective data."

According to State Sen. John Lee (D-Clark), seven handgun bill draft requests (BDRs) are on file for the upcoming legislative session.

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

Not-so-quick draw

If the Las Vegas Metro Police Department responded to 911 calls the way it responds to public-records requests, the Bellagio Bandit would've had time to take in the "O" Show, tour the art gallery and still escape on his motorcycle.

Multiple organizations, including Nevada Journal, have struggled obtaining public records from Metro's Public Information department regarding its handgun registration program.

 According to NRS 239.0107, a government entity must respond to the requestor within five business days — either allowing inspection of the relevant records or providing notice in writing of "a date and time after which the public book or record will be available for the person to inspect or copy."

In February 2006, State Sen. John Lee (D-Clark) wrote then-sheriff Bill Young, inquiring about the effectiveness of the handgun-registration program and its potential negative effect on the new Clark County Shooting Park.

According to Lee, after about a month Young eventually met with him and heard Lee's concerns about the program. No further action, however, was taken by Metro.

Three years later, Lee inquired again, writing to Sheriff Doug Gillespie with questions about the cost effectiveness and the necessity of the registration program. According to Lee, Metro never responded to that inquiry.

"I don't think they really assess anything," said Lee, adding that Metro has indicated the problem may lie with the multiple, decentralized police-station locations where people can currently register their firearms.

In late 2009, the National Rifle Association inquired about Metro's gun-registration program. The NRA sent Metro 29 questions on topics ranging from the handgun program's origins to the number of gun registrations on file.

Initially it took a month and the involvement of Sen. Lee and Clark County Commissioner Tom Collins for the NRA to receive a response from Metro.

Even then, Metro's response consisted of generic answers with little data, but it did close by inviting follow-up questions. Carrie Herbertson, the NRA state liaison for Nevada, then sent Metro 12 follow-up questions on Feb. 3, 2010. Now, 10 months later, Herbertson says she and the NRA have yet to receive a response to those follow-up questions.

"I'm not accusing them of anything, but if you're going to say [the registration program is] an effective method, show me," said Herbertson.

Clark County Commissioner Rory Reid also sought information from Metro. As Nevada Journal reported previously, on Oct. 11, 2010 Reid wrote County Manager Virginia Valentine, requesting an audit of the program.

A spokeswoman from Reid's office stated it was their understanding that the County Auditor has the examination scheduled, but Reid's office has yet to receive a report. A spokesperson for the Auditor's Office says the audit is scheduled for 2011, but did not specify when.

Nevada Journal has also experienced slow goings with Metro. After submitting a request for department communications with the NRA, Nevada Journal received a letter from Metro on Nov. 17 stating, "…it will take at least 30 days to compile the public records responsive to your request." Nevada Journal received the confirmation letter from Metro within the five business days set by statute, but this was after an earlier request was misplaced due to the Veterans Day holiday.

According to Metro Sergeant Chuck Callaway, he could not confirm whether 30 days processing is standard procedure for Metro's Public Information department, but insisted Metro is willing to listen to issues regarding the transparency of the registration program.

"We want to do what's in the public's interest," said Callaway.

For additional coverage regarding Clark County's handgun program, see "State politicians take aim at Clark County handgun registration."

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

Beyond reality TV

Las Vegas Metro has been featured on shows such as "Cops" and "Inside American Jail," but the big police department's latest TV co-production may be a better fit for "Law and Order."

AOL News reported Dec. 4 that Tina Vlijter, also known as "Hot Blond Tina" of YouTube fame, had filed suit against Santa Monica-based Langley Productions.

 The company — following Vlijter's June 2008 arrest by Las Vegas Metro — filmed her intoxicated antics inside Metro's booking area and showed them on Langley's syndicated television show, "Inside American Jail." Vlijter and her attorney argue that Langley did it without her informed consent, given that Vlijter was still inebriated when she signed the company's consent form.

The lawsuit is raising questions about the relationship between Langley Productions and Las Vegas Metro Sheriff Douglas Gillespie. It also is giving new prominence to a "lost" ethics complaint that a Metro detective filed against Gillespie this summer over mandated cooperation with the production company.

According to AOL News reporter Steve Friess, both Gillespie and Langley Productions owner John Langley have declined to say how the cameras were able to film the incident.

Similarly, when Nevada Journal, a publication of the Nevada Policy Research Institute, requested comment from Langley Productions, a spokeswoman there declined to respond. The Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department also did not respond to Nevada Journal queries.

In May, Metro Detective Gordon Martines, then a candidate for Clark County Sheriff, filed an ethics complaint against Gillespie.

According to the complaint, Metro higher-ups had called a mandatory Robbery Section meeting and introduced four producers from "Cops." During the meeting, "approx. 33 police detectives were ordered by Staff that we all would be cooperating, participating and assisting these civilian TV producers with their production of an Episode of 'COPS' in Las Vegas from this moment on until further advised," the complaint stated.

When Martines questioned producer Susan Carney about how the production came to be, says the complaint, Carney replied that, "The Sheriff ordered this, we are helping his campaign for re-election."

Carney's response was heard by seven officers, says the complaint.

Martines submitted his complaint to the secretary of state on May 7, 2010. However, unbeknownst to Martines, the secretary of state's office forwarded Martines' complaint to the Nevada Ethics Commission.

When he hadn't received a response by September, Martines wrote the secretary of state's office demanding a follow-up. Secretary-of-state personnel confirmed they'd passed his complaint on to the Ethics Commission and apologized for not following up.

"You never know with Nevada politics," said Martines. "Nevada's corrupt politics sets the standard for everyone else in the nation to follow."

Martines' complaint apparently falls under NRS 281A.520, which states, "… a public officer or employee shall not request or otherwise cause a governmental entity to incur an expense or make an expenditure to support or oppose: a ballot question or candidate."

According to campaign disclosures, Langley gave Gillespie $10,000 during his 2006 campaign and $35,000 for his 2010 reelection campaign.

According to documents obtained by Nevada Journal, Langley Productions and LVMPD signed a contract for "America Behind Bars" on Jan. 23, 2007 and a contract for "Cops" on April 12, 2010. Both contracts were signed after the campaign contributions were made.

Nevada Journal also obtained a media agreement dated June 29, 2010 between LVMPD and Langley Productions, in which Langley Productions "requested permission to have access to certain L.V.M.P.D personnel in order to produce the Program which is intended to include the investigation by L.V.M.P.D. of various crimes and/or criminal activity."

According to information provided by the Metro's Office of Public Records, LVMPD and other public employees do not receive any monetary compensation from Langley Productions, and no additional public resources are required for producing the shows.

If Metro does not receive or transfer any public resources to Langley Productions, the department would be compliant with NRS 281A.520. Multiple contracts were signed after Gillespie filed his candidacy (March 2, 2010, according to Clark County's elections office).

Nevada Journal obtained a copy of a letter that the Nevada Ethics Commission sent Martines. It states his complaint was referred to a commission panel that would investigate whether or not further action will take place.

Caren Jenkins, executive director of the Ethics Commission, said that by law she could neither confirm nor deny the status of the complaint or whether the Ethics Commission will render an opinion.

Martines says that, regardless of the outcome, his primary goal was the investigation. He questions why the investigation has taken seven months from when he first filed the complaint.

"My whole concern is the due process," Martines said. "You violate my rights, you violate everyone's rights."

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

Courts asked to ‘foreclose’ on robo-signers

Nevada and other homeowners who've been foreclosed out of their properties may soon find they have some big bargaining chips to play against America's megabanks.

Hager and Hearne, a Reno-based law firm, is taking nearly a dozen of the nation's largest banks and mortgage lenders to district court in California and Nevada, citing violations of the states' false-claims acts.

 The legal offensive is part of the growing national furor over improper foreclosure documentation involving MERS, or Mortgage Electronic Registration Systems, a mortgage-record service company formed in 1997 that tracks more than 65 million mortgages.

MERS has filed thousands of foreclosure actions around the country on behalf of lenders, but its legal authority to do so is under challenge. Several courts around the country have ruled the company had no legal right to file the actions, since loan-servicing companies working with it regularly cannot produce the original note proving ownership of the properties in question.

Instead, some servicers have offered mass-produced affidavits fraudulently asserting that they owned the note or that their employees are actually officers of various large banking chains. The mass production of these bogus affidavits — sometimes by computer automation — is frequently referred to as "robo-signing."

But attorneys are recognizing that court findings of such fraud offer new and potentially quite powerful leverage to homeowners facing possible foreclosure. Lenders may judge it more prudent to come to new arrangements with homeowners rather than risk long foreclosure fights, at the end of which they may find they have no legal standing to foreclose.

"Cases like this have a better likelihood of success than typical foreclosure cases," said Robert Hager, a principal of the Hager & Hearne firm. "There are 50 to 100 institutions involved with MERS but rather than name every one we're starting out with the key groups."

Hager and the plaintiffs — like the states of California and Nevada — argue that MERS disobeyed state laws by not paying county recording fees and thus lacks legal authority to sign off on foreclosures.

"It's obvious they [the employees of MERS-affiliated firms] don't look at any documents if they're signing 5,000 or so a day," Hager said. "The weak link is people signing documents one after another."

Hager and Hearne began filing false-claims, or qui tam, actions on behalf of relaters in July 2009, but state attorneys general have just recently shown interest in the robo-signing controversy.

According to the Nevada attorney general's office, private parties can bring action if they believe the state has been defrauded. While the suit by Hager and Hearne's clients involves the legality of the companies' foreclosure authority and the signing process, their suit is independent of the State of Nevada.

"The issue is that if the robo-signers looked at the files, they would learn that they have no authority to sign the documents [and] that the companies on whose behalf they are signing documents to foreclose have no authority to foreclose," Hager said.

Some of the institutions listed as defendants with MERS include Bank of America, Wells Fargo, JP Morgan Chase and GMAC. However, two of the biggest institutions involved with MERS are government-sponsored entities Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae, who helped create MERS. According to Hager, due to the large number of institutions involved, Fannie and Freddie were not listed in the suit.

"In California specifically, Fannie Mae is a common denominator is this issue," Hager said. "They are the largest single violation in false recording."

In Nevada specifically, the Nevada False Claims Act (Nevada Rev. Statute 357.040) states that a person convicted of making false claims may face a $5,000-$10,000 fine for each false statement and may be ordered to pay up to three times the unpaid amount of damages. According to Hager, if convicted, MERS could face penalties upwards of $2.4 billion.

Major national institutions are not the only ones affected by MERS. According to MERS's website, three Nevada institutions — Nevada Federal Credit Union, Nevada Mortgage Inc. and Nevada State bank — are MERS members.

According to Molly Middaugh of Nevada Federal Credit Union, the local institutions are not part of the suit.

"At this point, it depends on the legal process," said Middaugh. "We'll wait until the proceedings play out to see how it [the challenge to MERS] affects the market."

Hager acknowledged the challenges of taking such large institutions to court, considering the expensive legal teams the companies will presumably hire. According to the National Mortgage Professional Magazine, since 2008 MERS has spent over $1 million on lobbying efforts.

Despite the defendants' clout, Hager is confident in his clients' suit.

"Absolutely we can hold our own," Hager said. "Our attack angle is different from other foreclosure cases and that may give us a better chance."

According to Hager, 17 states have laws sufficiently similar to those of Nevada and California to make challenges to MERS viable in those states also. Currently, Hager and his team are in the process of motioning to amend their complaint in the California case. Their Nevada hearing is scheduled for Jan. 28 at the U.S. District Court in Reno.

For more information on the Nevada and nationwide housing crises, please see NPRI's previous report, titled "Money Pit."

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

AG readies bid for subpoena powers over public bodies

Attorney General Catherine Cortez Masto is preparing to ask the Nevada Legislature to change the state's open-meeting law.

A task force formed by Masto has for months been in discussions "to determine if the statutes governing the open meeting laws and the enforcement of those statutes could be improved."

 Now the group has passed two proposals, killed one recommendation and referred two more for further consideration.

The first recommendation is that the Legislature give the attorney general's office subpoena power, allowing it to compel public bodies to produce "records and materials" in investigations over alleged violations of Nevada's open-meeting laws.

Current law requires the attorney general to file legal action against a public body within 60 days to void a public body's action (i.e., vote) taken in violation of the open-meeting statutes, and within 120 days to seek declaratory and injunctive relief. Thus, public bodies can — and do — manipulate the system to avoid legal action by delays that push the investigations past the statute-of-limitations deadlines.

 "What we're looking for is the opportunity in the office to move forward with our investigation and still preserve the opportunity to bring a lawsuit without the other party having delayed that opportunity by not giving [the requested information] in a timely manner," Masto told the task force.

However, records provided to the group by Deputy Attorney General George Taylor show that in 2009, in just five of 39 investigations did a public body take a month or longer to provide a response to the attorney general. On the basis of Taylor's worksheet, task-force member Scott Doyle calculated that the public-body response time averages 14.4 calendar days.

In 2005, then-AG Brain Sandoval sought subpoena power with Senate Bill 6, but the legislation died in committee. Sandoval's office, according to legislative testimony, was dealing with repeated instances of public bodies refusing to cooperate in investigations.

Testifying before the Senate Committee on Government Affairs, Deputy Attorney General Neil Rombardo told lawmakers that the AG's office "twice requested some documents in regard to an alleged violation from a public body [and the] public body has refused to provide the needed documents and twice ignored our requests." This was not the first instance of such public-body behavior, said Rombardo.

Yet, committee members were still reluctant.

 "This bill makes me nervous," said Sen. Bill Raggio. "A subpoena is an invasion of privacy, and I am not convinced this rises to the level we need to give this power to the [Office of Attorney General]. There is too much abuse of subpoena power, unless it is in connection with a court or formal hearing."

This new proposal may also face some of the other objections raised in 2005.

First, the question of checks and balances of power is still a live issue.

In 2005, a member of Masto's current task force actually opposed what the task force is now proposing. Scott Doyle, the Douglas County district attorney at the time, argued in a letter to the Senate Committee on Government Affairs that nowhere in Nevada law is the AG given unchecked subpoena power:

…[T]he other subpoena powers referenced in the bill's digest involve administrative programs in which the Attorney General serves as the prosecutor enforcing the administrative program's regulatory scheme in conjunction with another state officer who has full regulatory responsibility for the programs…None of the programs just cited give subpoena power to the exclusive public prosecutor without the checks and balance of having another officer charged with regulatory responsibility reviewing the propriety of the complaint-handling and enforcement process. (Emphasis added.)

Also likely to be challenged is whether a need exists for subpoena power. For the most part, the records and materials sought by the AG in open-meeting-law investigations are public records and already available to the AG's office through Nevada's open-meeting statutes or public-records laws.

Nevada Revised Statute 241.035 already mandates that public-body meeting minutes and audio recordings, whether from open or closed meetings, must be made available to the attorney general. For other records not encompassed in NRS 241.035, the records would be accessible through Nevada's public-records statutes and the common-law balancing test established in Donrey of Nevada v. Bradshaw. Indeed, the five-day timeline in NRS 239.0107 may help to speed-up responses from public bodies.

Thus, legislators can be expected to ask whether a need exists for subpoena power when records and materials may already be available to the AG.

The second proposal to make it into the legislative package would add a new provision to state law requiring a public body to publically acknowledge, as an agenda item, when the AG has found that the body violated the open-meeting law. It would also have to post the opinion as back-up material.

That proposal arose from a situation where Taylor found such a violation, but the chairman of the public body in violation sat on the findings, never informing the rest of the members of the public body.

"This issue is accountability and transparency of the public bodies," Masto told the task force. "And so that's what we're saying, is that if the public body engaging, is this, and if there was some concern about an open meeting violation, the public at large should be made aware of it. And so, the only way that they are going to be made aware of it, is at least putting it on an agenda — [a] future agenda — to have that acknowledgement there. So the public knows and is aware of what's occurring."

While it sounds simple enough to require a public body to post a finding of violation on its agenda, in the AG's case it is not.

That's because the Nevada AG's office has, since 1977, engaged in an "evolving practice" of writing opinions and letters, with findings of facts and conclusions of law that are not authorized in statute. While this practice is widely accepted in Nevada as part of the custom and practices, such rulings may not necessarily be binding on public bodies.

While no member of the task force mentioned the advisory nature of the particular decisions at issue, Mary Ann Miller, legal counsel for both the Clark County Commission and the Clark County school board, raised concerns that a public body could be required to place into the public record an opinion with which it might not agree, and with no opportunity to even note its dissent.

"If the attorney general just issues an opinion, saying here are the facts that we found [and] it is our opinion that it violates the open meeting law, and we admonish you not to do this in the future, for example," said Miller, "this type of legislation would require that a governing body put it on an agenda and there's no avenue for that governing body to say we respectfully disagree with that conclusion."

Typically, when an administrative agency makes findings of facts, there is an opportunity for the other party to appeal. As it stands, there is no avenue of appeal to these quasi-administrative decisions nowadays used by the AG's office. Thus, indicated Miller, she felt strongly that if a statute gave an explicit mandate to act upon those decisions, then there should be specific statutory authority allowing appeal of those decisions.

 "If we are required by law to take action as a result of an administrative agency, it seems to me that there should be some remedy to review that administrative agency's action," said Miller to the other members of the task force.

Rather than create a formal administrative process, the committee settled on suggesting an additional statutory provision: "a public acknowledgement made pursuant to this section is not an admission of wrongdoing for purposes of civil and criminal penalties pursuant to NRS 241.1040 or declaratory and injunctive relief pursuant to NRS 241.037."

Despite this concession, however, the proposal could still face opposition in the Legislature because it tends to legitimate the attorney general's unilaterally created practices while denying due-process and appeal opportunities.

Another proposal, to codify the attorney general's discretionary practice of allowing public bodies to "cure" their open-meeting-law infractions, died in discussion. The proposal tended to confer upon public bodies rights to "cure," thus undercutting the attorney general's authority. Because the proposal was confusing and the custom of curing violations was already an accepted practice, the recommendation died for lack of a motion.

The two remaining recommendations, redefining public body to include committees created by single executive authorities and imposing civil fines on public-body members for open-meeting-law infractions, were held over for further review and discussion.

Karen Gray is an education researcher at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more visit http://npri.org/.

State politicians take aim at Clark County handgun registration

Lawmakers have taken shots at the Clark County handgun registration program, but so far all of them have missed.

State politicians on both sides of the political aisle are critical of the Clark County's firearm program that requires gun owners to register their handgun with the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department (LVMPD). Clark County is the only county in the state requiring such registration.

 "It's a law nobody wants," said State Senator John Lee (D-Clark). "It's not cost effective and they [Sheriff's department] just do it because they've always done it."

In 1989, the Nevada Legislature passed Nevada Revised Statute 244.364, establishing a uniform state law for all firearms in the state. At that time, the pre-existing Clark County registration program was grandfathered into the statute.

According to the LVMPD's website, Clark handgun owners living in the county for 60 days must register their handguns and purchasers must register their new handgun within 72 hours. Additionally, the registration program requires owners to submit to a background check.

State Assemblyman Ed Goedhart (R-Clark), who has submitted legislation regarding firearm possession in state parks, believes the Clark program violates not only the Nevada Constitution but the United States Constitution.

"Anything that infringes on the Second Amendment is wrong," Goedhart said. "With the [registration] program, you're guilty until proven innocent."

Lee has challenged the program multiple times. During the 2007 legislative session, he introduced a Bill Draft Request (BDR) that would have eliminated the grandfather clause, and wrote a letter to the LVMPD requesting justification of the program. However, the proposal was never brought to vote and Lee's letter was ignored.

"It's a service with no service," Lee said. "It's turf building on the [LVMPD's] part and we've never received back any financial data on the program."

NPRI also struggled obtaining information from the LVMPD. After following up on an ignored public records request, NPRI was transferred between four departments before the LVMPD acknowledged receipt of the request.

In October, Clark County Commissioner and gubernatorial candidate Rory Reid asked the Clark County Manager's office to arrange an audit of the registration program. He requested information on program appropriations and objective data indicating the program's success, among other items. As of the time of this report, the audit is on the "to-do" list of the county auditor.

According to Metro Sergeant Chuck Callaway, a quality assurance audit has not been performed on the registration program in years nor was an audit planned for the near future.

With or without an audit, some state lawmakers remain skeptical of the program and its effectiveness.

"It's important to lessen restrictions on law-abiding citizens," said former Assemblyman and State Senator James Settelmeyer (R-Capital). "Criminals who are irresponsible with guns aren't going to register them anyway."

Settelmeyer submitted a BDR for the upcoming legislative session regarding concealed firearms permits. And Goedhart says that, while budgeting will be a top item in the session, if citizens take enough active interest in gun laws, proposals such as his, Settelemeyer's, and Lee's may see light.

"At the end of the day, we're all public servants," Goedhart said. "If grassroots efforts generate a loud enough discussion, lawmakers will listen."

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

Back to the drawing board

State legislators are going back to the drawing board — literally.

Census-data projections indicate Nevada will receive a fourth congressional district next year. So lawmakers are already tentatively redrawing the state's congressional districts to accommodate the new one.

 While official census numbers won't be available until the end of the year, State Demographer Jeff Hardcastle says that he still expects Nevada to gain a fourth district.

"Based on estimates, we're very close and in the ballpark for a new seat," he said.

In preparation for the upcoming redistricting session, nine state lawmakers have been meeting as the Nevada Legislature's interim Committee to Study the Requirements for Reapportionment and Redistricting.

The Democrats on the committee, chaired by Tick Segerblom (D-Clark), have prepared an early draft map for the four congressional districts. Under their plan, the fourth congressional district includes part of northern Clark County and stretches into Nye and Lincoln counties.

"There's a lot of work in the session, and redistricting doesn't require two-thirds of votes to pass," observed Steven Horsford, state senate majority leader (D-Clark) and vice chair of the committee. "There's a lot of work in the [redistricting] session and I hope we reach a consensus."

Unlike previous district maps, the Democrats' proposal is traced along streets and railroads. Their newest CD-1 (Congressional District 1) would give Democrats a 12.96 percent lead in registered voters. In CD-3 Democrats would have a 16.38 percent advantage, and in CD-4 their lead would be 33.48 percent.

Under the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in Abrams v. Johnson, districts must be drawn to be more or less equal on the basis of population, as opposed to party registration or active voters.

"Obviously we need to follow federal law," said current assemblyman and senator-elect Mo Denis (D-Clark). "I'm sure everyone will look out for their best interests throughout the process, and it's important everyone has a say in it."

The fourth congressional district as proposed by the Democrats includes all of Clark County north of East Charleston Boulevard and extends eastward to the Arizona state line. The district would also include Mesquite and Indian Springs.

"Right now, plans are speculation-based until the numbers come out," said Hardcastle. "In the spring, more concrete plans will start getting laid."

Nevada Republicans, who picked up seats in last Tuesday's election but remain the minority party, will develop their proposal soon, according to former assemblywoman Heidi Gansert (R-Reno), a committee member. Other Republicans currently on the committee include new state Senate Minority Leader Mike McGinness (R-Fallon) and former minority leader Bill Raggio (R-Washoe).

"Redistricting is something that needs to get done, and we need to make sure we take into account high-growth areas," said Gansert.

In addition to redrawing current districts, lawmakers also have the option of expanding the Legislature. According to Article 15, Section 6 of the Nevada Constitution, "the aggregate number of members of both branches of the Legislature shall never exceed seventy-five." Currently, the Legislature has 42 assembly members and 21 senators, leaving room for another 12.

"‘Do we expand the Legislature?' is always a question that gets asked," Denis said. "The Legislature is built to expand and it may be required so minority districts and the rurals receive adequate representation."

According to David Damore, associate professor of political science at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, legislative expansion has been suggested but never wholly embraced during previous redistricting sessions.

"Expansion is always a bargaining chip at the table," said Damore. "The problem is that if Republicans propose it to counter [Democrats' plan], then they appear to support a bigger government, which is something they rail against."

During the 2001 redistricting session, the Legislature was split, with a Republican majority in the Senate and a Democrat majority in the Assembly. According to Damore, then-assembly speaker Richard Perkins (D-Clark) and then-senate majority leader Raggio debated the idea of an expanded legislature before compromising. That compromise gave Democrats the state districts they desired, in exchange for permitting the then-new third congressional district to lean Republican.

Said Damore: "2001 was a tough session, and I'd expect another rough time. A new [congressional] district will definitely be a hot debate."

For legal ramifications of the redistricting process, see the previous story in this series, titled, "Why are most of Nevada's registered voters in GOP districts?'

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

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Why are most of Nevada’s registered voters in GOP districts?

Silver State politicians argue a lot about budget and funding gaps, but there's one big gap most of the current crop of lawmakers prefer to ignore.

It's the gap between the number of registered Nevada voters represented in the state legislature by Democrats and the far larger number represented by Republicans.

That gap dates from even before the last redrawing of the legislative districts, in 2001, and it is an important reason why Republicans regularly end up with fewer seats in the Nevada Legislature.

The data documenting that gap comes from the Nevada secretary of state: Republican-represented Assembly districts, on average, have 14,796 more voters than do Democrat-represented districts. It's the same in the Nevada Senate, where each Republican, on average, represents 13,603 more registered voters than does each Democrat.

Across the state, registered voters in districts currently represented by Republicans total 600,973, and registered voters in districts represented by Democrats total 537,969. Yet Democrats in the 2009 Legislative Session occupied 12 more Assembly seats and four more Senate seats.

Nevadans are frequently told that this discrepancy is an outcome of the state's fast growth in population after the 2001 redistricting.

"That's the problem when you do this [redistricting] once a decade," said David Damore, assistant professor of political science at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas. "There are obvious issues with it."

And Michael Stewart, supervising principal research analyst at the Legislative Counsel Bureau (LCB), said, "There's no way to draw lines based on projected growth. That's a limitation when you're dealing with census data."

The problem with the fast-growing-population argument is that the discrepancies in the partisan make-up of the districts existed even before the 2001 redistricting. In 2000 and 2001, according to the office of the secretary of state, Republican-represented Assembly districts had, on average, an additional 13,279 voters, while GOP-represented Senate districts had 14,153 more registered voters.

Moreover, those same partisan discrepancies in registered voters per district also continued immediately following the 2001 redistricting. In other words, the discrepancies were built in from the start, and did not arise out of population growth:

Average number of voters

Dem districts               GOP districts
2002    17,670             27,055
2004    21,178             34,777
2006    17,374             34,175
2008    21,918             41,954

Representative self-government is commonly described as the political system under which voters choose their own representatives. In the process of gerrymandering, however, the politicians essentially get to choose their own voters. This is possible because — as LCB Director Lorne Malkiewich notes — districts are required to be drawn based on U.S. Census data and not registered voters.

Thus Assembly Democrats in 2001 came to the bargaining table proposing multiple districts with registered Democratic majorities and a relative few districts that GOP candidates could easily win. The proposed Democratic districts were able to meet the roughly equal-population requirements by combining majority-Democrat neighborhoods with neighborhoods where residents were not even registered to vote. Into their few proposed Republican districts, Assembly Democrats pushed most of the registered voters.

How disproportionate are Nevada's Democratic districts in terms of registered voters? A simple calculation is revealing.

According to data from the U.S. Census Bureau, Nevada's 2009 population was 2,643,085, which means the average assemblyman now represents 62,930 residents (population divided by 42 Assembly districts) and the average senator now represents 125,861 residents (population divided by 21 Senate districts).

Assuming that Assembly districts were divided equally, the average Democrat last year in the Assembly represented a district where only 31 percent of the residents were registered voters. Comparably, the average Republican in the Assembly represented a district where 63 percent of residents were registered voters.

"Part of [the registration discrepancy] has to do with high-growth areas, but the other part is completely out-of-whack districts," said Assemblywoman Heidi Gansert (R-Washoe), a member of the Legislative Commission's Committee to Study Requirements for Reapportionment and Redistricting. "The Assembly absolutely needs to be redrawn and voters of Nevada deserve well-drawn districts."

Senate districts are also lopsided regarding registered voters. Data from the secretary of state indicates the average Democrat state senator represented a district where 37 percent of the population were registered voters compared to 53 percent in Republican Senate districts.

 "Obviously, you'll have some districts remain the same and some will have to be split," said Malkiewich. "Sometimes census data can be constraining in the redistricting process."

According to the LCB's Stewart, preliminary census data should arrive by mid-November, and due to the biennial legislative sessions, Nevada will be among the first states to begin the redistricting process next spring.

"We provide interim studies to review the process, discuss legal parameters, and make sure the data is useful," Stewart said. "Our role is to make sure guidelines are followed and how they decide to redraw districts is left to the Legislature."

According to Stewart, Nevada has never had a reapportionment or redistricting plan challenged in court. One legality the state's redistricting plan must meet deals with population deviation — the amount a single district's population differs from the ideal size.

For example, using 2009 data, the ideal Assembly-district size is 62,930 residents. If the largest district has around 90,000 residents, the district would have a plus-50 percent deviation, and if the smallest district has 40,000 residents, the district would have a minus-36 percent deviation. This means the overall deviation range would be 86 percent.

According to the LCB, a 10 percent deviation is, legally, considered a "safe harbor" for redistricting plans, which means current Nevada Assembly districts are well out of the "harbor." As of the September 2010 data from the secretary of state's office, District 13, represented currently by Chad Christensen (R-Clark) has 99,112 registered voters, whereas District 11, represented by Ruben Kihuen (D-Clark) has 8,706.

"There are obvious constitutionality issues, but no one's called them on it," Damore said. "A wild card is if the Legislature is increased, but if that doesn't happen, [legislators are] in for a messy fight."

A deviation over 10 percent indicates a prima facie, or at-first-glance, argument for discrimination, according to the LCB. In order to justify the large deviation, the State of Nevada would have to prove the deviation was necessary for implementing a rational policy, or that the plan does not dilute voting strength of a particular federally specified group.

According to Stewart, many districts are correct at the time they're drawn but vary over time.

"As long as they stay within legal parameters and don't incorrectly apply principles, they're fine," Stewart said.

The U.S. Supreme Court recognizes preserving established political subdivisions as a rational state policy, according to the LCB, which means Nevada's redistricting history would tend to establish precedent in legal challenges.

"After the election, we'll start turning our attention more to redistricting plans," said Gansert. "It's going to be tough, but something needs to be done."

For efforts by Nevada's neighboring states to reduce the ability of politicians to select their own voters, see the previous story in this series, titled, "The odds favor the pols."

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

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The CCSD machine

Is the Clark County School District a "political machine"?

According to the widely used online encyclopedia, wikipedia.org, "A political machine … is a disciplined political organization in which an authoritative boss or small group commands the support of a corps of supporters and business (usually campaign workers), who receive rewards for their efforts."

By that definition, evidence would suggest the district does in fact qualify.

On the other hand, some authorities — such as Britannica.com  — would argue that, historically, political machines have been party organizations, and that therefore the officially non-partisan CCSD, with both Democrat and Republican board members, would not qualify.

So it depends on the definition.

On a more substantive level, however, the question arises because by almost any definition, the Clark County School District is — and for decades has been — a Big Foot player in the political, fiscal and election life of Nevadans.

Not content to merely spend budgets that easily approximate those of Nevada's entire state government, top officials of the Clark County School District also conduct large-impact, overtly political operations to ensure that maximum taxpayer dollars continue flowing into the district — regardless of the number of students it seriously fails.

In the course of these pursuits, CCSD appears to operate very much like the classic political machine, "the primary goal of" which, says Britannica, "is keeping itself in power rather than providing good government."

Using your children for political gain

Clearly political operations to ensure maximum taxpayer dollars for the district have become almost routine. In 2003, district officials approved harnessing unwitting small children to its funding machine.

In response to then-Gov. Kenny Guinn's proposal for a $1.1 billion tax hike, then-CCSD public affairs director Joyce Haldeman — now a district associate superintendent — in a meeting with district department heads relayed the idea that students could make and send Valentine's Day cards urging legislators to raise taxes. In March 2003, the Las Vegas Review-Journal reported that Marcia Neel, the district's coordinator of secondary fine arts programs, had thereafter e-mailed art teachers, asking them to conscript students into the cause.

According to the article, thousands of Valentines made their way to the Grant Sawyer government building, many with the phrase, "Have a Heart, Support Education," a phrase that Neel had suggested.

Several hundred cards went to the Nevada Legislature in Carson City, where lawmakers were invited to peruse them. "Obviously a lot of time and effort went into it," Legislative Counsel Bureau Director Lorne Malkiewich told the Review-Journal. "Many were signed by every member of the class. There were thousands of signatures."

Mobilizing employees

But student learning time isn't the only district resource used to influence legislators. The district also uses its in-house e-mail system to mobilize CCSD's tens of thousands of employees to lobby state lawmakers against any reductions in appropriations.

Last January, with Nevada facing a huge drop in tax revenues and word leaking out from Carson City that Gov. Jim Gibbons was drafting a more austere state budget, Clark County Superintendent Walt Rulffes e-mailed district employees.

He reminded them that CCSD "encourages" employees to communicate with legislators and that the school district's equipment could be used to do so during non-contract hours, such as lunch time.

The day after the governor's State of the State message proposed significant cutbacks — including a temporary 6 percent salary reduction and freezes in longevity and step increases for all state employees, including teachers — Rulffes sent employees another e-mail.

"Obviously, enactment of [the Gibbons] proposals would be painfully regressive and destructive to the system we have been struggling to improve for years," he wrote.

"It is important to remember … that before these proposals can be codified," said Rulffes, "they must go through the legislative process. You can be certain that the K-12 Community — superintendents, trustees, employee organizations, parent groups and others — will be a force in the Legislature as we seek more solutions to Nevada's economic and education problem."

Just before thanking employees for their loyalty, Rulffes reminded them, "it is not appropriate to engage in political advocacy during the contract day, but it is appropriate for you to engage in the process."

Ironically, this encouragement from the district's chief officer to engage in political advocacy came during the employees' contract day — at 7:36 a.m. 

Union propaganda on taxpayers' time

Back in 2003, it wasn't much different. While teachers were being asked by CCSD administration to encourage unwitting school children to send pleading Valentine cards to legislators, the district teacher union was authorized to march teachers into meetings held on the taxpayers' time — and dime.

"We were marched into a teacher meeting during school hours and it was held by two officers of the union," recalls Chip Mosher, a CCSD high school teacher, of a meeting at his school. "They told us we needed to vote for the Kenny Guinn plan. We needed to get on our computers, school computers, any computers, after hours — even though they were holding this meeting during contract hours. We needed to get everybody we knew to back the Kenny Guinn package."

Offended by the partisan politics, Mosher, rather than e-mail support for the tax hike, protested the partisan politics in an e-mail to legislators and school board trustees.

"I don't care if the politics are in my favor — or against my favor. Once you allow politics in, then you have to let the Nazis in to preach. You have to let everybody in because it is public education," Mosher told NPRI. "You cannot bring partisan politics into a school building during school hours, ever."

Mosher explained, "There were teachers who didn't agree. The union shouldn't be allowed to brow beat them and tell teachers what they should and shouldn't be doing politically. It was dead wrong and I said so."

When word got back to CCSD, things got bad for Mosher. He was charged with misuse of district computers and an investigation was opened. Mosher received admonitions to his employee folder and was forced to defend himself in a discipline hearing.

Today, Mosher, an opinion columnist for CityLife magazine and still a CCSD teacher, regularly faces innuendo and rumors of ongoing efforts to fire him, he says. Just this spring after receiving an e-mail on the school district's Interact system touting Dina Titus as a wonderful politician who supports education, Mosher hit "reply-all" and sent an e-mail. It objected to the message he had just received as inappropriate for the district e-mail system and sought to balance it with his own e-mail denouncing Titus, saying she has never done anything to help teachers. Again, Mosher faced an investigation.

CCSD's parent-mobilization database

Kids and the Clark County School District's roughly 30,000 employees are not the only people CCSD officials conscript into their political initiatives vis-à-vis Nevada lawmakers. When the 2011 Nevada Legislative Session begins, the district wants to have a massive network of parents and vendors button-holing lawmakers.

Last month, when trustees met at Lundy Elementary School on Mount Charleston to discuss their strategic plans for next year, on top of the list was creating a legislative action database.  Trustees agreed to spend the next four months contacting parent groups, business chambers, homeowners associations, city councils and anyone else they can think of, urging people to make themselves available to the district's lobbying/communication network to be called into action during the upcoming legislative session. At every opportunity, trustees pledged, they will print and hand out cards for people to fill out, to go into the political operations database.

"Every list you can get your hand on, or opportunity you have to pass out the cards for the next four months, do it. It [the database] will only be a useful database for legislative action if it has names in it," advised Dale Erquiaga, until recently CCSD's government affairs director.

Not only will trustees work to create a massive database for lobbying efforts, but they agreed to use their January community linkage board meeting to organize parent groups in the effort.  According to board discussions at Lundy, the January meeting will bring together all trustees' parent groups to discuss how to work together to form a "lobbying or communication network."

Million-dollar lobbying operation

In addition to the army of citizen lobbyists that CCSD officials plan to launch into action next year, they will also, of course, send official professional lobbyists to Carson City.  

Since 2005, the Clark County School District has spent more than $1 million of its general operating funds on lobbying efforts, government records indicate.

According to expense reports filed with the Nevada Department of Taxation — reports mandated by law when school districts spend more than $6,000 on lobbying in a single legislative session — the Clark County School District has expended just shy of $1.2 million for lobbying over the past three legislative sessions, with $781,827 going to CCSD salaries and $262,669 going to contracted lobbyists between the 2005 and 2007 sessions.

In the same period, Nevada's other 16 school districts, combined, reported spending $309, 625, most of which, $282, 625, was by the Washoe County School District.

In the taxation department's summary reports on lobbying, CCSD appears near the top of the lists. In 2007, CCSD reported the highest lobbying expenditure of all Nevada local governments — $427,363.

Punish your foes

Another way the district appears to resemble a classic political machine is that it frequently uses some of the huge public resources entrusted to it in ways that seem designed to punish perceived political foes.

As noted above, when teacher Chip Mosher protested the partisan politics and dragooning of teachers by the school district and the teacher union, he was reprimanded and subjected to discipline hearings.

Other CCSD employees also get grief when they actively oppose the district's party line. 

Priscilla Rocha is director of Adult English Language Acquisition Services for the school district and a former Nevada Board of Education representative for District 5. In 2006, after she organized an area meet-the-candidates night at a community center, Rocha suddenly found herself accused of criminal misdeeds.

At the town-hall-style meeting were candidates Sheila Moulton, the incumbent trustee, and her challenger, Martin Dean Dupalo. However, the audience of an estimated 1,000 largely Hispanic parents and activists spent a good deal of time complaining angrily of inferior education and services in their neighborhood schools, and directed much of their ire at Moulton. 

At a subsequent public meeting of the CCSD Board of Trustees, according to witnesses, Trustee Moulton — still visibly upset — called for a criminal investigation of Rocha. The issue, she said, was whether or not Rocha had used CCSD resources to organize the meeting, in violation of Nevada law.

The subsequent inquiry went nowhere, however, as evidence mounted that Rocha had organized the meeting on her own time, without CCSD resources. Nevertheless, Rocha still appears to have paid a price: Her program was moved under another administrator. And she herself has since been denied reclassification or promotions.

Whether or not district employees can use public resources in pursuit of clearly political goals appears to frequently depend on whether top CCSD officials personally support those goals.

For example, recent CCSD mileage claims show that since filing her candidacy on March 1, school board Trustee Carolyn Edwards continued to seek mileage reimbursement for driving her personal vehicle to official appointments. During that time, witnesses have regularly observed Edwards displaying on her vehicle a magnetized campaign advertisement endorsing herself for reelection to the school board. The mileage claims, for the period between March 1 and August 30, seek $1,443.50 in reimbursements.

Similarly, the trunk of Trustee Moulton's car has since this summer displayed a campaign sticker endorsing Erin Cranor, candidate for Moulton's District G seat. For the three months beginning June 1, Moulton sought mileage reimbursements of $455.

But while district bigwigs frequently get the benefit of the doubt, alleged infringements of policy by school district employees with differing politics can produce quick retribution.

Just last month, CCSD officials pulled in another teacher for investigatory interview. This time it was Silverado High teacher Scott Austin, a Republican candidate for Clark County clerk and also parliamentarian for the Clark County Republican Committee. Austin was notified of discipline proceedings after his campaign sent out a blast e-mail to district employees over the district's Interact e-mail network, introducing Austin as a candidate and a CCSD teacher.

Although Austin is charged with violating the district's Acceptable Use policy and with unprofessional communication to fellow co-workers, he says that CCSD's questions to him have focused primarily on learning how he got his e-mail list. Upon advice of his attorney, Austin refused to answer, arguing that such information is proprietary.

Austin currently is awaiting disciplinary proceedings. CCSD, asked about the case, called it a personnel issue and declined to comment — with the exception of telling NPRI that Interact e-mail addresses are not public information. When asked if the many Interact e-mails listed on many school websites are public information, or if the many e-mail addresses are CCSD proprietary information, the district failed to respond.

Karen Gray is an education researcher at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more visit http://npri.org/.

The odds favor the pols

Just like at a casino, odds set by Silver State politicians favor the house.

In February, responding to the 2010 decennial census, the Nevada Legislature will begin redrawing voting districts.

However, when the state last drew districts, in 2001, those districts proved uncompetitive.

That's what election results from the Nevada secretary of state show. Of the 162 assembly elections since the 2001 redistricting, only 29, or 17 percent, were competitive elections. State senate races were no closer, with only five, or 9 percent of them, proving competitive.

According to Samuel Issacharoff, constitutional law professor at New York University, an election is competitive if the candidates finish within 10 percentage points of one another. Alternatively, an election is considered a landslide if the winning candidate wins by more than 10 percentage points.

Since 2002, 23 percent of Nevada assembly-district elections resulted in candidates receiving 70 percent or more of the vote, according to an NPRI calculation, which also showed that incumbents won 83 percent of the time.

Essentially, in four out of every five races, winning candidates hardly broke a sweat.

"Nevada's districts are always a problem," said David Damore, associate professor of political science at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas. "By the end of the [redistricting] session, there's always a mess."

The redistricting process is one cause for the uncompetitive elections. According to Jennifer Steen, assistant professor of political science at Arizona State University, when politicians redistrict, the temptation to look out for themselves is too great.

"Weird-shaped districts don't always mean political tampering, because some are necessary to accommodate minority groups and communities of interest," said Steen. "But partisan shenanigans are more than likely to come up in the process."

In the 2000 election, Arizona passed Prop 106, creating an independent commission to redraw Arizona's congressional and legislative districts. The commission consists of five members — two Democrats, two Republicans and an independent — who are selected through an application process.

"We ended up with a commission of very capable people that was balanced politically," said James Huntwork, a Phoenix-based lawyer who was the first member appointed to the commission. "The risk is getting people on the commission who would try and manipulate the process."

Huntwork admitted the commission's map wasn't entirely different from the old, politically drawn map. But he stated one of commissioners' goals was to eliminate highly uncompetitive districts, and on that front he believes they succeeded.

"You can create competitive districts by creating districts with groups of people who vote independently," Huntwork said. "Some districts were more compact and some looked geometrically better."

California is also attempting to give citizens the redistricting power. In 2008, voters passed Proposition 11, establishing a commission similar to Arizona's, to define state legislative districts. On the 2010 ballot, two more proposals focus on redistricting: Prop 20 would give the commission the power to also redraw congressional districts, while Prop 27 would abolish the commission and return the redistricting power to the state.

"The one critical concept," said Bill Mundell, former chairman of Californians for Fair Redistricting, "is that we must take the power to draw the lines away from the state legislatures, who will always create both state and federal districts that favor themselves and their party."

"You can never take politics out of redistricting," he said in an e-mail response, "but as a minimum goal, we must take the politicians out of redistricting."

Mundell is the executive producer of the new documentary, "Gerrymandering" — currently being shown at various film festivals — and has campaigned around the country for redistricting reform. In a campaign season featuring high-profile gubernatorial and senate races, he believed a film would be the most effective way to showcase the redistricting challenge.

"It has always proven very difficult to educate the average voter on how redistricting works, and especially on how it controls the results of elections before they are held," Mundell said. "I realized that a film had the chance to reach a mass audience in a way that no previous vehicle for reform had ever been able to do."

On a national level, U.S. Rep. John Tanner, D-Tenn., has introduced two bipartisan bills intended to make the redistricting process a public affair. The Fairness and Independence in Redistricting Act (H.R. 3025) would require states to set up independent commissions like Arizona's, and the Redistricting Transparency Act (H.R. 4918) would require states to put maps of the proposed districts on the Internet and allow public feedback.

"On a national scale, politicians on the extreme left and extreme right only report to their parties, and unless something is done it's going to be another round of partisan politics," said Randy Ford, chief of staff for Rep. Tanner.

Currently, both bills are referred to House subcommittees, but with census data coming up, Ford said there's an urgency to get one or both of the bills passed.

"[The current redistricting process] is not a system our Founders envisioned," Ford said. "It's not a system by the people and it's become way too partisan."

According to Mundell, while citizens have a right to sue if they feel their district has been gerrymandered, pushing for legislative reform or ballot initiatives is a better solution.

"I think people understand that politicians drawing their districts are looking out for their own best interests," said Stacy Gordon, professor of political science at the University of Nevada, Reno. "It'd be hard not to have partisan districts because Nevada is so segregated politically, but more competitive districts are important, especially for moderates."

State Assemblyman Don Gustavson, R-Washoe, says he is open to the idea of a nonpartisan commission in Nevada, but skeptical about whether a commission would remain nonpolitical.

"We need to try to keep politics out of it, but even if they're totally nonpolitical, they're influenced by someone political," said Gustavson.

Huntwork wants to see the Arizona commission go through another redistricting session before deeming it a complete success.

"The jury is still out on the process, but we'll wait another cycle and see what happens," Huntwork said. "For me, it was an extremely interesting experience sitting on the commission and I'm glad we have the opportunity to do it."

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

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Money pit

A lot of money has been thrown at Nevada's housing problem, but only some of it is hitting its mark.

Since 2009, Nevada has been awarded more than $500 million in federal grants and stimulus funds to alleviate the state's housing crisis. Despite federal efforts, most of the money either has not been received or, when it has been received, it comes with strings attached.

"It's a drop in the bucket," said Larry Murphy, president of Sales Traq, a real estate monitoring firm. "I think they need to stop throwing money at a problem they don't know how to fix."

 Mike Montandon, former mayor of North Las Vegas and former gubernatorial candidate, said the federal money he received during his time as mayor came with strict rules for use.

"One of the rules was that we [the city] couldn't buy a home until it'd been foreclosed, which meant we weren't helping the family until it was too late," Montandon said. Another rule was that money for the city to buy foreclosed homes required that they be purchased at 85 percent of their market price, driving home prices down 15 percent.

As part of President Obama's stimulus package, Nevada received money allocated toward housing. According to the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA), the Nevada Housing Division was awarded $54,502,125. However, based on data from ARRA, the NHD only received $16,382,630, or 30 percent, of the funding.

"The intentions are well but the implementation and effectiveness are not there," said Nasser Daneshvary, director of the Lied Institute for Real Estate Studies at UNLV. "The government cannot find the organization or offices to implement all their efforts."

In addition to ARRA funding, according to USAspending.gov, in fiscal years 2009 and 2010, Nevada received $308,025,023 in federal grant money from the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). Since February, Nevada has been awarded more than $194 million from the federal "Hardest Hit fund" intended to assist unemployed homeowners with mortgage payments, according to Congresswoman Shelley Berkley's office.

The grant money, which includes ARRA funds, ranges from a $1 grant to the Area Health Education Center of Southern Nevada for lead hazard reduction to $29,666,798 to Clark County for a neighborhood stabilization program. According to Lon DeWeese, chief financial officer of the Nevada Housing Division, Treasury approval is needed before any of the Hardest Hit funds can be used.

"Since the U.S. Treasury is just now approving the plan for use of the funds, none have yet to be expended for the Hardest Hit Fund program applicants," DeWeese said in an e-mail response.

According to Montandon, the slew of federal processes compelled him to develop his Foreclosure Avoidance and Stabilization Today, or FAST program, during his gubernatorial campaign earlier this year. The FAST program combined a private mortgage insurance policy with a state government-backed loan to guarantee the portion of a home loan unsecured by the market value. FAST would have been funded by private insurance premiums paid by participants as opposed to taxpayer subsidies.

"A market-driven system where markets analyze risk will provide a better environment," Montandon said. "A state solution will be more effective than a federal one."

The federal government has more than just strings attached to Nevada. According to the U.S. General Services Administration, the federal government owns 84 percent of the land in Nevada. Furthermore, according to Inside Mortgage Finance, government lenders guarantee approximately 90 percent of all newly originated mortgages nationwide. Government sponsored entity (GSE) Fannie Mae has $33 billion in Nevada home loans in its Single Family Guaranty portfolio.

According to data from the Congressional Budget Office, since 2008 when the GSEs were placed in government conservatorship, $145 billion has been spent to keep them afloat. While the GSE debate has reached the national stage, according to Daneshvary, GSE reformation would not solve Nevada's entire housing mess.

"Reform them [GSE's], yes, eliminate them, no," Daneshvary said. "Because they deal with so many homes, a complete overhaul would cost billions of dollars."

According to Daneshvary, excess housing supply and record unemployment are the two biggest factors affecting Nevada's housing market. The recent foreclosure crisis involving shaky bank practices isn't helping either, he said.

"If there are 12 to 13 foreclosures in a half-mile radius of a healthy home, that home's value will decline 40 percent," Daneshvary said. "This creates a spillover effect of toxic neighbors."

However, some economists believe foreclosures are necessary for the housing market to correct itself. Arnold Kling, former senior economist with Freddie Mac, thinks the housing market needs to run its cycle.

"In the current environment, banks are very unpopular," Kling said. "The more you try to put off foreclosures, the longer it will take for the market to correct."

Tom Cargill, professor of economics at the University of Nevada, Reno, agrees that foreclosures are necessary for market stability.

"Nevada, more than any other state, needs to hit bottom," said Cargill. "It's painful, but the only way to reach equilibrium is to clear out the inventory of houses."

Montandon, who was the only gubernatorial candidate to unveil a foreclosure plan on his campaign website, admits there won't be a simple solution for Nevada.

"If there was a magic bullet for fixing it, someone would have fixed it by now," Montandon said.

Dennis Smith, president and CEO of Home Builders Research, a housing research firm in Las Vegas, said jobs, not federal money, will fix Nevada's market.

"Based on history, putting Band-Aids on problems hasn't worked," said Smith. "It's going to take jobs and time."

Despite the housing climate, Daneshvary does see hope in Nevada's future.

"Baby boomers are set to retire within the next 10 to 12 years, and I think we'll pick up some of them," Daneshvary said. "But until employment improves, demand for real estate won't."

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

What happened to One Person, One Vote?

LAS VEGAS — When poker players hold an awful hand, which no card will help, and yet they draw, it's called "drawing dead."

Nevada's Republican lawmakers sitting down at the reapportionment table next year will be in the same fix — unless November's elections bring them significant gains in the state Senate or Assembly.

That's because the 76th session of the Nevada Legislature next year will be redrawing the state's voting districts and thus setting election ground rules for the next 10 years. It's also because existing Nevada districts already show clear evidence of gerrymandering — the dividing of electoral districts to favor one political party.

According to a report by Marvin Longabaugh, attorney and president of Magellan Research, claims of gerrymandering have existed in Nevada dating from 1915 all the way to 2000, the last time districts were redrawn.

"It has been going on forever," said state Sen. William Raggio (R-Washoe). "As long as you have the Legislature controlled by one party, there will be gerrymandering."

Assemblyman Lynn Stewart (R-Clark) represents Clark County's 22nd district, the second-largest district in the state, with 92,597 voters. Since 2001, Stewart's district has seen a 48 percent increase in registered voters, while Clark County's eighth district, represented by current Assembly Speaker Barbara Buckley (D-Clark), has only 11,813 voters, a 13 percent decrease from 2001.

"There are seven Democrats representing districts that are, combined, smaller than mine," said Stewart. "[Gerrymandering] is something we're constantly fighting, but in February we just need numbers to change things."

Democrats claim both sides play politics, no matter who controls the Legislature.

"That's what everybody does," said Assemblyman Paul Aizley (D-Clark). "The people in power will do what they can to keep the people in power."

Even though the next legislative session is four months away, lawmakers are preparing for the redistricting battle. Assemblyman Tick Segerblom (D-Clark) is in the very early stages of developing legislation that the Assembly will examine in February.

"Right now the process is strictly mechanical," said Segerbloom. "Each caucus will look at ideal goals after the election." According to Segerblom, goals that will be examined include rural-area representation and double districting in Clark County.

Solutions to the gerrymandering problem have presented themselves over the years, but according to Stewart, problems still remain. One proposal — the "Existing Borders" plan — was offered by Longabaugh after the 2000 census, when he was a law student. The plan called for municipal boundaries to be used for redistricting rather than the artificial boundaries legislators select. Longabaugh said he wrote the plan as a potential law review article and had no major political intentions. He still, however, believes Nevada needs redistricting reform.

"Constitutionally, there's a challenge," he said. "There are districts with two senators, and that's purely being done to protect incumbents."

The constitutionality question for Nevada arises out of the Equal Protection Clause in the 14th Amendment, which the U.S. Supreme Court has interpreted to mandate "one man, one vote." Yet some Nevada districts are either over- or underrepresented. For example, Senate District 5, in Clark County, has 116,343 voters and two state senators — Democrats Shirley Breeden and Joyce Woodhouse, while Senate District 9, also in Clark County, has 136,588 voters but only one senator — Republican Dennis Nolan.  

Former state senator and current state GOP Chairman Mark Amodei served during the Senate's 2001 redistricting session. According to Amodei, realizing "one person, one vote" is a challenge when trying to draw districts that reflect their geographic areas.

"The problem is when you see these peninsulas or fingers sticking in and out of districts," said Amodei. "When you've got that much [voter] variation on one side, some voters are getting more bang for their buck."

Assemblyman Tom Grady (R-Washoe), whose district includes rural areas such as Storey County, cites examples of gerrymandering all over the state, from Douglas County to Clark County.

"It is very apparent what is being done," said Grady. "We must fight to correct this wrong this time."

Whether lawmakers can correct the wrongdoings or not is another story.

"I'd like to take redistricting out of the Legislature's hands and put it in the people's hands," Longabaugh said. "I don't know if it's the best solution, but it might be one of the fairest."

Kyle Gillis is an investigative reporter at the Nevada Policy Research Institute. For more information visit http://npri.org/.

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State Board of Equalization adopts controversial property-tax regulation

LAS VEGAS — The state Board of Equalization voted 4-to-1 Monday to adopt a controversial regulation, saying it would ensure property taxes are assessed fairly and equitably across the state.

Appearing to be in a rush to fill a gaping hole in state property-tax law, the board ignored warnings from Incline Village taxpayers and their attorney that the regulations are illegal and fall far short of their intended purpose.

 "We are taking steps as fast as we can to do our job," said Tony Wren, a Reno appraiser who serves as chairman of the five-member board.

Wren brushed aside criticism from Reno attorney Suellen Fulstone, who called the proposal a "bad regulation, unconstitutional regulation and expensive regulation."

The centerpiece of the rule is a statistical tool called "ratio studies," which the board is offering as a way to determine whether the state's 17 county assessors are valuing similar property equally across the state.

State law has long required that regulations ensuring statewide equalization be written, but neither the state Board nor the Nevada Tax Commission ever actually produced such rules until Monday.

Critics say ratio studies were developed for market-based property-tax systems, used in every state but Nevada. The Silver State abandoned a market-based assessment system in 1981.

Under Nevada's unique taxable-value system, land is valued at market price while improvements are valued at the replacement cost of the structure as specified by a commercial construction-costing service manual, less depreciation based on the age of the structure.

Property tax expert Richard Almy, the former executive director of the International Association of Assessing Officers, last week criticized Nevada's planned adoption of ratio studies, saying they would be ineffective and expensive for taxpayers.

The new regulation calls for ratio studies to compare the tax department's determination of taxable value of a sample of properties with a county assessor's determination of assessed values of the same properties.

In market-based property-tax systems, however, ratio studies are used to compare the assessed values determined by tax authorities to market sales. A consistent ratio would indicate that property taxes are being assessed equally across political jurisdictions.

In Nevada, the proposed state Board regulation would merely have ratio studies used to compare the tax department's determination of taxable value of a sample of properties with a county assessor's determination of assessed values of the same properties.

By law, county assessors first determine the taxable value of a property, and multiply it by 35 percent to determine assessed value. In ratio studies conducted in the past for the Nevada Tax Commission, the tax department routinely used county assessors' appraisals rather than doing its own.

Under such a scenario, said Almy, the tax department's application of the ratio studies accomplishes little more than checking the math of the county assessors.

Wren acknowledged the regulation is "less than perfect" and said it likely will be amended.

He noted that the state's 17 elected county assessors were in support of the regulation.  There was no comment from any of the county assessors about the proposed regulation during Monday's two-hour meeting.

"I think we need to move forward with the best system as we see it," Wren said.

Incline Village resident Todd Lowe urged the Board to delay adopting the regulation and to instead ask Almy to meet with the Board to develop a statistical analysis and other methods that would be appropriate for Nevada's taxable-value system.

The board rejected his request, but member Anthony Marnell suggested that Lowe and Fulstone submit their version of a regulation that the board could review at a later date.

"There were some things that were brought up today that I would like to learn more about," he said, referring to the comments to the board by Lowe and Fulstone.

Lowe said the ratio studies would be useful for determining whether assessors were valuing similar land equally across the state. That's because land is valued at full cash value in Nevada.

But, said Lowe, the ratio studies would be useless in determining whether Nevada's assessors are valuing improvements fairly and equitably, since structures are assessed at their replacement cost less depreciation.

He said adopting ratio studies as the centerpiece of the board's equalization regulation will leave the board exposed to legal challenges from taxpayers. Lowe has been intimately involved in the eight-year legal battle between Incline Village residents and the Washoe County assessor, the Board and the Nevada Tax Commission.

"This will just be the beginning of a new wave of lawsuits," he said.

Fulstone said the board is continuing to ignore Supreme Court rulings in 2006 and 2008 that require assessors to only use appraisal methodologies expressly approved by the Nevada Tax Commission.

Until the state Board and the Tax Commission take action to ensure that assessors are indeed using the same appraisal methodology on similar properties, she said, taxpayers cannot be assured that property is being fairly and equitably assessed as required by the Nevada Constitution.

"Making statistical analysis the driving force in the determination of equalization takes the taxpayer out of the determination and insulates the department and the assessor from any meaningful accountability," Fulstone said.

Taxation Department Executive Director Dino DiCianno dismissed Fulstone's criticism that assessors were manipulating the state Board and Department of Taxation to pass regulations that fall short of the requirement in Supreme Court rulings that assessors only use appraisal methodologies approved by the commission.

He said the new regulation is part of a series of reforms that the state Board and Tax Commission are implementing to meet the Supreme Court rulings in the cases Bakst vs. the State Board of Equalization and the State Board of Equalization vs. Barta.

"We do not want to see further litigation," DiCianno said.

The Board's adoption of ratio studies as the basis for determining equalization makes it unlikely DiCianno's wish will come to pass.

John Dougherty is the principal of InvestigativeMedia.com and has long been one of America's leading investigative reporters. He has been retained by the Nevada Policy Research Institute to report on critical issues of Nevada governance.

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Tax board schedules dubious ‘quick-fix’ for property-tax system

CARSON CITY — Nevada tax authorities are poised to address the state's long-unlawful property-tax-assessment system Monday by adopting a quick-fix regulation that won't work, says a leading property-tax-appraisal expert.

"There is not much bang for the buck" in the State Board of Equalization's proposed regulation, said Richard Almy, the former executive director of the International Association of Assessing Officers and a foremost expert on the methodology Nevada tax regulators are proposing to adopt.

 Almy is widely considered to be among the world's authorities on property-tax assessment and is senior technical director of the IAAO's textbook, Property Appraisal and Assessment Administration. Almy made his comments after reviewing the state Board's proposed regulations.

The five-member state Board has scheduled for passage March 1 a regulation adopting a statistical tool called "ratio studies" as the basis for determining whether the state's 17 elected county assessors are valuing similar property equally across the state as required by the Nevada Constitution.

State law has long required that regulations ensuring statewide equalization be written, but neither the State Board of Equalization nor the Nevada Tax Commission ever actually produced such rules. Now the Board — after holding only a single two-hour workshop in early February that discussed adopting the IAAO standards for ratio studies — appears to be rushing to put a regulation in place.

Individual taxpayers, county assessors and the Nevada Taxpayers Association criticized the proposed regulations, urging that more time be taken before adoption. The state Board's agenda for its upcoming meeting, however, shows the regulations scheduled for adoption.

Almy's criticism comes at the same time as the head of the state Department of Taxation is also expressing doubt about the effectiveness of using ratio studies to determine statewide equalization.

"The ratio study isn't the end all and be all for equalization," said Dino DiCianno, executive director of the state tax department.

DiCianno said ratio studies, while far from full proof, could still assist the state Board in making a "judgment call" on whether property taxes are equalized.

"Does it ensure [equalization] completely? Maybe, maybe not," he said.

Rather than relying on ratio studies, Les Barta, a property-tax expert and Incline Village property owner who has been a leader in an eight-year property-tax revolt, said the state Board should be following two recent Supreme Court rulings requiring county assessors to only use appraisal methodologies adopted by the Nevada Tax Commission.

 "There is minimum mention of the state Board's predominant duty to determine whether uniform appraisal methodologies have been used by county assessors," Barta said during a Feb. 11 tax department workshop on the proposed regulation.

The Nevada Supreme Court ruled in 2006 and 2008 that county assessors must only use appraisal methodologies that have been expressly approved by the state Tax Commission.

The commission, however, has been slow to implement detailed, uniform appraisal methodologies, and what regulations have been passed are under challenge in state court as being too vague.

The Tax Commission is also in violation of state statute for failing to provide assessors a tax manual prescribing appraisal methodologies. The commission hasn't published the tax manual since 1999.

State Board Chairman Anthony Wren, a Reno appraiser, did not return a phone call Thursday seeking comment in response to Almy's criticism. Wren is pushing for quick adoption of the regulations.

"This is something that has not been rushed through," Wren said at the Feb. 11 workshop.

Almy said ratio studies are very useful in a market-based property-tax system to measure equalization of property assessments. Nevada, however, abandoned a market-based property-tax system in 1981, adopting a unique model called "taxable value."

No other state in the country uses a taxable-value system where land is valued at market price and improvements at replacement cost new, less 1.5 percent depreciation per year based on the age of the structure.

In market-based property-tax systems, ratio studies are used to compare the assessed values determined by tax authorities to market sales. A consistent ratio would indicate that property taxes are being assessed equally across political jurisdictions.

In Nevada, however, the proposed state Board regulation merely calls for ratio studies to compare the tax department's determination of taxable value of a sample of properties with a county assessor's determination of assessed values of the same properties.

By law, county assessors first determine the taxable value of a property, and multiply it by 35 percent to determine assessed value. In ratio studies conducted in the past for the Nevada Tax Commission, the tax department routinely used county assessors' appraisals rather than doing their own.

Under such a scenario, said Almy, the tax department's application of the ratio studies accomplishes little more than checking the math of the county assessors.

Almy said that only if the tax department conducts independent appraisals of property could the ratio studies provide some degree of state oversight of county assessors.

Even then, he said, the ratio studies proposed by the Board will fall short of being a useful tool for determining whether equalization is occurring. That's because neither the county nor the state measures the valuations against market values.

"Market value," he said, "is the only objective yard stick to measure against."

Asked whether there is any statistical method that Nevada regulators can adopt to effectively measure whether statewide equalization is occurring in the state's taxable-value system, Almy said: "I don't know."

Almy also said adoption of the proposed regulation is not cost-effective.

"The taxpayers in the state of Nevada are not getting much for the money they will spend on it," he said.

County assessors, individual taxpayers and the Nevada Taxpayers Association have also leveled criticism of the state Board's proposed regulation.

Carole Vilardo, president of the Nevada Taxpayers Association, questioned whether the Board had the authority to adopt the regulations, some of which appear to fall under the purview of the Tax Commission.

Vilardo suggested that the state Board and the Tax Commission hold a joint meeting before adopting any regulation. Currently, the Board and the Commission are scheduled to hold separate meetings Monday.

The Clark County Assessors Office questioned how much authority the state Board has over elected county assessors, including whether the state Board could order a county to conduct a reappraisal.

"There is a certain amount of authority that the state Board has over the process of equalization, but I'm not sure that extends to authority in all cases to tell [assessors] what to do," said Clark County Deputy Assessor Jeff Payson.

"The assessor is a statutory officer and elected official and I think that needs to be considered when the state Board asks them to submit and perform certain things," he added.

Brent Howard, a Las Vegas accountant, criticized the regulations for failing to make them easily understandable to taxpayers and providing vague guidelines on how assessors conduct appraisals.

"The regulation does not give us a uniform and equal application of the law and assessment of property values," Howard said. "I think the state Board should be involved in making this an easy process for the taxpayer to understand."

Suellen Fulstone, a Reno attorney representing North Lake Tahoe property owners who have been challenging state and county property-tax authority, cited numerous shortcomings with the proposed regulation.

 "Ratio studies were developed for use in market-value appraisal jurisdictions where actual sales provide an objective standard," she said, echoing Almy's criticism.

She also questioned whether the state Board has the legal authority to adopt ratio studies as its standard to measure statewide equalization and whether it can delegate authority to the tax department to do the studies.

"There is no statutory authority for the [state Board] to discharge its duty of statewide equalization by performing one or more ratio studies," she stated in comments submitted to the state Board.

 "The [state Board] itself cannot perform ratio studies and there is no authority for it to delegate its duty of statewide equalization by directing the [tax] department to perform ratio studies," Fulstone stated.

Maryanne Ingemanson, president of the Village League to Save Incline Assets, a nonprofit taxpayers group leading the North Shore Lake Tahoe tax revolt, said more litigation will likely result if the state Board adopts the proposed regulation.

"If in fact they pass this mess, which is against state statute, then it will just have to be used against them in court," she said.

Barta, who is also a member of the Village League, cautioned the state Board at the conclusion of the Feb. 11 workshop about passing the regulations without more scrutiny.

"It's never a good idea to ram through regulations as fast as these are being done," he said. "There needs to be more vetting."

John Dougherty is the principal of InvestigativeMedia.com and has long been one of America's leading investigative reporters. He has been retained by the Nevada Policy Research Institute to report on critical issues of Nevada governance.

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Property-tax conflict enters Nevada governor’s race

LAS VEGAS — Republican gubernatorial candidate Mike Montandon on Wednesday called for broad-based reform of Nevada's property-tax system by returning to market-based assessments and scrapping property-tax caps enacted in 2005.

The three-term former mayor of North Las Vegas made the comments in the wake of a record number of property-tax appeals filed in Clark County that could impact more than 130,000 parcels and indications of a widening property-tax revolt in Washoe County.

From the Nevada Policy Research Institute News BulletinThe surging number of property-tax appeals, up 33 percent in Clark County over last year's record number, is a clear signal that Nevada's taxable-value system is failing to keep pace with rapidly changing economic conditions, Montandon said.

Trained as a commercial real estate appraiser, Montandon said the state should abandon the taxable-value system that has been the basis for determining property taxes in Nevada since 1981.

"There's not a chance that it is constitutional," Montandon said during an interview at his campaign headquarters. "Let's go to a market-based system."

Nevada is the only state in the country that uses the taxable-value methodology to determine assessed values. Indiana was the last state to use a similar system and abandoned it more than 10 years ago after its Supreme Court ruled it was unworkable.

The basic problem with the taxable-value system is that it is not based on market values, critics say. Taxable value is the sum of the full cash value of land plus the replacement cost of improvements less 1.5 percent depreciation based on the age of the structure. Replacement cost is determined by using a private construction costing service — Marshal & Swift.

The system has become increasingly cumbersome in markets where undeveloped land sales are becoming increasingly scarce, such as many parts of Clark County. The lack of data requires assessors to use complicated appraisal methodologies to estimate the value of land.

The methods used by assessors vary across the state, leading to the likelihood that similar properties are not assessed equally, which would violate Article 10 of the state constitution.

Unlike the taxable-value system that values land and improvements separately, a market-based system would allow assessors to use readily available data on the sales of residential property to set assessed values for property taxes, Montandon said.

Montandon said property-tax reforms should be an issue for the 2011 Legislative Session and are too complicated and far-reaching to be broached during an upcoming special session.

Republican Governor Jim Gibbons is expected to announce in early February that he will call the Nevada Legislature into a special session to find ways to close a $900 million shortfall in this year's budget.

Montandon and former U.S. District Court Judge Brian Sandoval are challenging Gibbons in the Republican primary. Clark County Commissioner Rory Reid is the lone Democrat in the race.

Sandoval, Gibbons and Reid declined to comment on the surging number of property-tax appeals.

Montandon said the state should also abandon the property-tax caps that the legislature put in place in 2005. The property-tax caps have been widely criticized because they impose a 3 percent cap on the increase in property taxes on owner-occupied residential homes while most rental properties and commercial properties have an 8 percent cap.

The different property-tax caps, property-tax experts and some legislators say, appear to violate the state constitution's requirement of fair and equitable assessment and taxation. No one, however, has challenged the provision in court.

Welcomed at first during a period of rapidly rising real estate prices in the mid-2000s, the tax caps have become a source of bitterness for tens of thousands of property owners who have seen their property taxes go up even as their property values have declined dramatically. Assessed values of property must fall below 2005 levels for property taxes to fall.

Approximately 661,000 of Clark County's 730,000 parcels have fallen below the 2005 benchmark for the 2010-11 tax year, according to the county treasurer's office. The number of Clark County property owners seeing a reduction in property taxes is up from 470,000 in 2009 and 55,000 in 2008.

Montandon said rather than imposing a cap, taxing districts such as cities, counties and school districts could lower tax rates to ensure that property owners are not hit with skyrocketing taxes during periods of rapidly rising real estate values.

Montandon said he opposed the tax caps when he was North Las Vegas mayor and lobbied the legislature against their adoption.

 "I went to the legislature and said, ‘Leave it alone. Let us reduce our tax rates,'" he said.

Montandon also took aim at the state Board of Equalization, saying it needs to be reformed so that it will actually take steps to ensure that similar property is taxed equally across the state.

Although required by state statute and Supreme Court rulings to ensure that statewide equalization is occurring, the state board lacks the necessary regulations to carry out this duty.

"If the law says statewide equalization needs to be done, then the Board of Equalization should be doing it," he said.

Regulations have never been implemented, in part because state tax regulators have not yet figured out a way to implement statewide equalization under the taxable-value system. In fact, the state has never developed a definition of "statewide equalization" for a taxable-value system, state records show.

The systemic failure of the state's taxable-value system reached a new low last month when Supreme Court Chief Justice James W. Hardesty said during a court hearing that the state has no clear regulations and statutes in place detailing how statewide equalization is to occur.

The taxable-value system first came under attack in 2002 by property owners in Lake Tahoe who discovered that the Washoe County assessor was using appraisal methodologies that were never approved by the state to determine valuations.

The taxable-value assessment system requires assessors to use far more discretion in determining property and improvement values than a market-based system, property-tax experts say.

The Village League to Save Incline Assets, Inc., a nonprofit group of Incline Village and Crystal Bay property owners, launched a series of expensive and contentious lawsuits that have uncovered fundamental flaws in taxable value and the non-uniform ways county assessors implement the system.

The Village League lawsuits led to landmark state Supreme Court rulings in 2006 and 2008. In the 2006 Bakst v. State Board of Equalization case, the court ruled that county assessors must only use appraisal methodologies that have been first approved by the Nevada Tax Commission.

Two years later, in State Board of Equalization v. Barta, the court ruled that a taxpayer may challenge taxable value based on the use of unconstitutional appraisal methods even if the taxable value does not exceed full cash value.

Despite the ruling, county assessors and county boards of equalization routinely dismiss assessment appeals on the basis that the taxable value doesn't exceed full cash value.

The Nevada Tax Commission, an eight-member citizens' panel appointed by the governor, meanwhile, has failed in the wake of the Supreme Court rulings to implement detailed appraisal regulations for the state's 17 elected county assessors to follow when they determine the taxable value of the state's one million parcels.

State records, for example, show the commission has violated state law for more than a decade by failing to provide assessors with a policies-and-procedures manual on how to conduct appraisals. The commission withdrew its 350-page policy-and-procedures manual from county assessors in 1999 and has never replaced it.

The legislature adopted taxable value in 1981 to thwart a citizens' initiative to enact a property-tax system similar to California's Proposition 13. The California system limits property taxes to 1 percent of full cash value and caps the increase of assessed values at 2 percent annually, until a change of ownership when the assessed value resets to the sales price.

Montandon said his support of a market-based assessment system does not mean he also supports implementing a Proposition 13 system in Nevada. He said the California system has led to unjust situations. But, he said, moving the state to a market-based system to determine assessments would provide property owners with a more fair and accurate valuation of their property.

Montandon, a former commercial appraiser with Bank of America, said a market-based appraisal system would be relatively easy for assessors to adopt because Nevada requires extensive public disclosure of property-sales data.

"We have the data on every single home sale in Nevada," he said. "If we just plug it all into a computer model, it's going to come back and give you a market-based answer for our residential homes."

Montandon's criticism of the state's property-tax system comes as more than 8,100 property-tax appeals have been filed with the Clark County Board of Equalization — a 33 percent increase over 2009, which itself set a record.

Last year, 6,082 property owners filed appeals, with most winning property-tax reductions that resulted in lowered assessments on 127,000 parcels, according to Assistant Clark County Assessor Rocky Steele.

Steele said Clark County has not yet determined the number of parcels impacted by this year's record number of appeals.

He said the county only counts the number of parcels that have their assessments lowered by the county Board of Equalization, rather than the total number of parcels seeking reductions.

But if this year's record number of appeals involves a number of parcels similar in proportion to those of last year, the total number of parcels before the county board seeking lower assessments should be expected to exceed 130,000.

The Clark County equalization board will meet at least several times a week throughout February to handle the deluge in appeals. Property owners unsatisfied with the county board rulings can appeal to the state Board of Equalization, which will hold hearings later this year. The state board's ruling can be appealed to state court.

The Washoe County Board of Equalization, meanwhile, has received 964 appeals representing 3,920 parcels. Unlike Clark County, Washoe County counts the number of parcels included in appeals and releases the total to the public.

The Village League, which includes most Incline Village property owners, decided not to file property-tax appeals for 2010-11 after Washoe County Assessor Josh Wilson reduced assessed values for land by 10 percent on the heels of a 23.5 percent reduction in 2009-10.

Only 17 of the appeals have come from Incline Village. While Incline Village property owners have largely sat out this year's appeal process, far more Washoe County property owners from other areas are appealing their property values.

Last year, 1,038 of Washoe County's 1,549 appeals came from Incline Village.  Adjusting for Incline Village-based appeals, Washoe County has received 947 appeals from areas outside the Lake Tahoe enclave this year, up from 511 for last year.

The increase in countywide appeals comes after the state Board of Equalization voted last July to roll back property-tax assessments for 9,000 Incline Village residents for the 2006 tax year to 2003 levels. The ruling requires Washoe County to repay $13 million, plus $7 million in interest, to the property owners.

Washoe County is appealing the decision, but it appears property owners outside of Incline Village are increasingly eager to reduce their property-tax assessments and tax bills as well.

John Dougherty is the principal of InvestigativeMedia.com and has long been one of America's leading investigative reporters. He has been retained by the Nevada Policy Research Institute to report on critical issues of Nevada governance.

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Chief Justice highlights state’s failures on property taxes

LAS VEGAS — Nevada Supreme Court Chief Justice James W. Hardesty is voicing serious concern over the failure of the Nevada Legislature and state regulators to develop coherent laws and regulations ensuring that property owners are taxed equally across the state.

Justice Hardesty's comments provide further evidence that Nevada's property-tax system may be violating Article 10 of the Nevada Constitution, which requires uniform and equal assessment and taxation of property.

From the Nevada Policy Research Institute News BulletinIn statements during a recent court hearing, the chief justice focused on the state's failure to pass adequate statutes and regulations for the state Board of Equalization to use. The board's mission is to ensure that Nevada's 17 elected county assessors are assessing property equally across the state.

"There seems to be quite a bit of confusion … about what to do about equalization," Justice Hardesty said during a hearing on a case filed by Lake Tahoe property owners. The case seeks personal damages from former members of the state Board of Equalization for failing to equalize property assessments between Washoe and Douglas counties.

Justice Hardesty said the state Board of Equalization, county assessors and taxpayers all are "uncertain" about how statewide equalization is to occur.

"Nevada's statutes seem very unclear about what in the world is supposed to happen, other than, it's pretty clear you are supposed to equalize," he said. "But then, when you proceed down the road, or the process, it doesn't seem clear to anyone what you are to do."

Statewide equalization is a process used across the country to ensure that property taxes are being assessed equally between different taxing jurisdictions. In Nevada, the county assessors set property valuations, but often use different methodologies to determine values. The state Board of Equalization is supposed to serve as a check on assessors and ensure that similarly situated properties in Clark and Washoe counties will be assessed under the same rules.

The state board, however, does not have regulations specifying how to accomplish statewide equalization. One fundamental reason for the lack of regulations, property-tax experts say, is that Nevada's property-tax system is not based on market value, making it very difficult to measure how accurately and equally county assessors are valuing property.

Nevada is the only state in the nation that uses a "taxable value" system where land is valued at cash value and improvements are valued at replacement cost less depreciation. The legislature abandoned a market-based system in 1981 in response to a statewide initiative seeking to adopt a property-tax system similar to California's Proposition 13, where property taxes are limited to 1 percent of assessed values and assessments cannot increase by more than 2 percent a year until the property undergoes a change in ownership.

Rather than developing statewide equalization regulations suited for a taxable-value system, state tax officials for decades have sidestepped the issue by using a test called "ratio studies" to determine if statewide equalization is occurring. The ratio studies, however, are designed for market-based property-tax systems, and state officials now concede the reports provide no assurance that statewide equalization is occurring in Nevada.

Evidence uncovered during an eight-year property-owners tax revolt on the North Shore of Lake Tahoe strongly suggests that property valuations are not equalized across the state. After a long and expensive legal battle, North Shore Lake Tahoe property owners forced the state Department of Taxation to undertake a special study on property valuations of high-end homes in the Lake Tahoe basin in Washoe County and Douglas County.

The study concluded that property assessments between the two counties were not equalized. Property assessments for similarly situated properties in Douglas County were much lower than in Washoe County.

In response, the state board of equalization last summer unanimously voted to roll back property-tax assessments for the 2006 tax year to 2003 levels for 9,000 property owners in the affluent North Shore communities of Incline Village and Crystal Bay. The rollback, however, is now raising concerns that property is no longer equally assessed within Washoe County and across the state. Washoe County is appealing the decision, which, if upheld, will require the county to repay more than $20 million in property taxes.

Justice Hardesty made his comments during a January 5 Supreme Court hearing on whether members of the state Board of Equalization have absolute immunity from a civil rights lawsuit. Lake Tahoe taxpayers are seeking damages individually from four members of the state board for failing to take action to equalize property valuations between Washoe and Douglas counties prior to last summer's decision to roll back 2006 assessments to 2003 levels.

Assistant state Attorney General Keith Marcher, representing the four state board defendants, told the court that the state Department of Taxation is "working on regulations to clarify the process" of how to conduct statewide equalization, but, as of now, "there isn't anything" in place to guide the state board on how to equalize property valuations across the state.

The current equalization statute, Marcher said, only orders the state board to equalize property, but it "doesn't tell them how to do it."

The lack of direction on how to equalize property across the state is not a new or transitory problem.

State records and interviews conducted during NPRI's ongoing property-tax investigation reveal a systemic failure by state tax regulators — stretching back at least until 1981, when the state shifted to taxable value — to ensure that property assessments across the state are equalized.

Suellen Fulstone, a Reno attorney representing Lake Tahoe plaintiffs, told the justices the state Tax Commission, which must approve regulations for the state Board of Equalization, has long ignored its statutory and constitutional duty to ensure that similarly situated property across the state is equally valued.

The state board's duty to ensure general equalization across the state, Fulstone emphasized, is in addition to its requirement to hear appeals from individual property owners who are unsatisfied with property-tax assessments set by county assessors.

Fulstone noted that in previous rulings, the state Supreme Court has stated that the state board "has a clear and mandatory and affirmative duty of statewide equalization."

"It's that duty that was not done here,'' she said.

Responsibility for ensuring statewide equalization ultimately rests with the governor's office and the legislature. The governor appoints the key tax regulators, including:

  • The eight-person Nevada Tax Commission, which approves all tax regulations developed by the state Department of Taxation.
  • The executive director of the Nevada Department of Taxation.
  • The five-member state Board of Equalization, which hears property-assessment appeals from individual property owners and is required to equalize property assessments across the state.

Governor Jim Gibbons did not respond to repeated requests for an interview to discuss the lack of statewide equalization regulations.

The absence of statewide equalization regulations is playing a central role in deliberations in the Lake Tahoe taxpayers' case, Marvin v. State Board of Equalization, before the Supreme Court.

The appeal concerns whether the members of the state board have absolute immunity from a civil rights lawsuit. In the underlying case, taxpayers appealed a decision of the Washoe County Board of Equalization on their assessed property values to the state Board of Equalization.

The state board took no action on taxpayers' request to equalize the property-tax valuations between Washoe and Douglas counties. The taxpayers subsequently filed a lawsuit against the state board and its members, claiming that their civil rights were violated by the board's refusal to make any attempt to equalize valuations between the counties. 

The state board and its members filed a motion to dismiss, asserting that absolute immunity bars the civil rights claims. The district court granted the motion and dismissed the civil rights claims, and the taxpayers appealed that decision to the Supreme Court.

The question before the Supreme Court is whether the state board and its members are entitled to absolute immunity from the civil rights lawsuit.

Marcher and Fulstone agreed that the state board members have absolute immunity from damage claims arising from their decisions when they act in a quasi-judicial capacity, such as holding a hearing where evidence is presented and decisions are rendered.

However, under a federal civil rights law, board members may have less protection, or only qualified immunity, if it can be shown that decisions were not rendered in a quasi-judicial capacity.

Justice Hardesty and Justice Michael Douglas suggested during the hearing that the state board's duty to perform statewide equalization is not a quasi-judicial action and therefore does not provide absolute immunity to board members.

Justice Douglas noted that if the board were to take action to equalize property across the state, it could do so without providing public notice in advance to taxpayers, which is a necessary requirement when the board is acting in a quasi-judicial capacity such as ruling on property-assessment appeals filed by individual property owners.

Justice Hardesty said the lack of laws and regulations on how to conduct statewide equalization makes it difficult to determine whether action by the state board to equalize property statewide would be considered quasi-judicial, where absolute immunity is provided, or simply administrative, which only affords the more limited protection of qualified immunity.

"In the absence of rules or understanding about the process, it's very difficult to characterize this proceeding (statewide equalization) as either administrative or quasi-judicial," Justice Hardesty stated.

If the court rules that board members are not protected from claims arising from their failure to perform statewide equalization, Assistant Attorney General Marcher warned it would be very difficult to attract citizens to serve on the board in the future.

"I think that to find the board members in this case aren't absolutely immune simply would be to invite every property owner in Nevada who disagrees with a decision of the board, or who wants to make the argument that they failed to perform a statutory duty, to allow them to sue them individually," Marcher said. "And I think that is obviously a fairly absurd result.

 "And I think it would have an obvious chilling effect on who is going to volunteer, and these are volunteer positions."

John Dougherty is the principal of InvestigativeMedia.com and has long been one of America's leading investigative reporters. He has been retained by the Nevada Policy Research Institute to report on critical issues of Nevada governance.

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Flying blind on property taxes

CARSON CITY — For nearly 30 years Nevada tax officials have failed to meet their constitutional requirement to develop and implement regulations ensuring that property-tax assessments are equalized statewide.

State records, interviews and court documents all reveal that the Nevada Tax Commission has never passed the regulations that would be required for the state Board of Equalization to ensure that property taxes are being assessed fairly and equitably across the state's 17 counties. The commission has yet to even define statewide equalization.

From the NPRI News BulletinAlthough the commission has grappled with the task of developing statewide equalization regulations for the last six years, nothing has been implemented so far.

The glaring lack of uniform regulations raises the specter that, across the state, property assessments are not equalized, violating Article 10 of the Nevada Constitution. This very troubling possibility is not something state tax officials want discussed publicly.

"Everyone loves to be very cautious about [equalization] because you want to make sure you're not out of equalization within a county and between the counties," said former Tax Commission chairwoman Barbara Smith Campbell. "If you were to say the whole state is out of equalization, that's the worst-case scenario."

When asked if the failure of the commission to pass regulations for the state casts significant doubt over whether statewide equalization is in fact happening, another former Tax Commission chairman, Thom Sheets, said that is a possibility. Sheets left the commission last October.

"I think your analysis is right," Sheets said. "It's an interesting analysis."

Robert Barengo, the current state Tax Commission chairman, did not return repeated phone calls seeking an interview.

The absence of statewide equalization regulations is not something state Board of Equalization members are willing to publicly discuss. In one instance, a board member didn't know that the regulations were not in place.

"I'm not going into that," said state board member and Las Vegas accountant Dennis Meservey when asked about the absence of equalization regulations. "We are working on some to make it better. A lot of things are in place. So I don't know if you can say there is nothing there. That is silly."

Board Chairman Anthony Wren, a Reno appraiser, declined to comment on the lack of statewide equalization regulations.

Board member and casino operator Anthony Marnell, who was appointed to the panel last year, was unaware that the board lacked regulations to implement statewide equalization.

When asked about the draft regulations that have been under development by the state Department of Taxation for years, Marnell said in an interview last August: "What do you mean by that? I haven't seen any of that."

Marnell has been one of the more outspoken members of the state board and led the discussion last July when the board voted to roll back property-tax assessments for the wealthy Lake Tahoe communities of Incline Village and Crystal Bay.

The state board's decision to roll back 8,700 property-tax assessments for the 2006 tax year to 2003 levels in one of the wealthiest communities in the nation has raised the possibility that property values are out of equalization not only in Washoe County, but across the state.

Washoe County is appealing the board's decision and a court order directing the Washoe County treasurer to refund approximately $20 million to the property owners.

Former Washoe County assessor Bob McGowan said the state board's decision to roll back taxes creates a disequilibrium in property assessments not only in Washoe County, but statewide. The rollback, McGowan said, means that North Shore residents are having their properties assessed at about 40 percent of market value while residents elsewhere in Washoe County are closer to 70 percent.

"I'm perplexed," McGowan said. "I think there is an issue in Washoe County, where you have created two different percentages of value. And what are you going to do in the rest of the state? Why should Pahrump or Ely be at a higher percentage of their value than what Incline Village is? I don't know."

Board member Marnell said he doesn't believe the board's decision to roll back assessments in Incline Village has statewide implications. Nevertheless, he said, he is determined to make sure properties are being fairly and equitably assessed across the state.

"We are here to equalize," Marnell said. "If it is not being done equally, then we need to address it."

While Marnell and his four colleagues on the state board might want to ensure statewide equalization, the board's ability to act is very limited. The board is hamstrung by the lack of regulations as well as resistance from county assessors who have rejected requests to meet with the board to discuss their assessment practices.

But perhaps an even greater obstacle in the way of ensuring statewide equalization is the inherent structure of Nevada's property-tax system.

The root of the problem, experts say, is Nevada's unusual, non-market-based property-tax system. Its hall-of-mirrors complexities have for decades defeated regulators' halting attempts to develop a comprehensive testing procedure that would accurately measure the fairness and equity of property-tax assessments across the state.

Lacking such a robust test, the state board has abandoned its statutory duty to equalize properties statewide. Instead, it has focused on hearing individual tax appeals from property owners unsatisfied with property-tax assessments levied by elected county assessors and decisions by county boards of equalization.

Unlike the other 49 states where property-tax assessments are based on market value, Nevada's "taxable value" system is severed from the market because it is largely based on the replacement cost of improvements, less depreciation based on the age of the structure.

The Nevada Legislature's decision in 1981 to abandon a market-based property tax and adopt the taxable-value system has had profound implications when it comes to determining how equitably the state's assessors are determining the value of similarly situated properties.

Where other states compare the assessed values determined by local county assessors to market sales to determine whether statewide equalization is occurring, Nevada's taxable-value system cannot easily be compared to the market, making it difficult to determine whether property assessments are equalized across the state.

The lack of a tangible factor to measure the fairness of Nevada's taxable-value system has perplexed state regulators for years.

"The problem as I see it is how do you equalize taxable value?" Terry Rubald, chief of the Nevada Tax Department's Division of Assessment Standards, wrote in a 2008 memo to the Nevada Tax Commission. "Where market value is the standard in other states … it is less clear in my mind at least, what we equalize to."

Even if Nevada had a fixed guidepost against which to measure equalization, Rubald warned the commission that implementing a policy to conduct statewide equalization runs the risk of serious political fallout. Prior to assuming her position in Nevada, Rubald was the former chairwoman of the Wyoming state Board of Equalization, where she touched the third-rail of statewide equalization.

"My colleagues and I equalized among the counties for the first time in Wyoming, and stirred up a veritable hornets' nest of politics which led ultimately to my demise in that state," she wrote.

Rubald's 2008 warning has come to fruition as the state board's recent attempts to meet with county assessors to ascertain how they determine property-tax assessments has been met with strong resistance. The Nevada Assessors Association — representing the state's county assessors — rejected the state board's request for assessors to appear before the board at its December meeting. The board's subsequent effort to have assessors appear during its January meeting, held this week, has also been stymied.

Despite Rubald's doubts about how to equalize taxable value, the state tax department publishes annually a "ratio study" report that county assessors, state board members and tax commissioners point to as proof that Nevada's property assessments are equalized. The ratio study, however, was developed for market-based systems and is not directly applicable to Nevada's taxable-value system.

Dino DiCianno, executive director of the state tax department, said the ratio study is a "very minimal" tool that shows that assessed values of a sample of properties selected across the state are falling within a generally acceptable range.

"That doesn't mean these properties have been equalized," he said. "That's the problem."

And, unlike contentions by several county assessors who repeatedly pointed to the ratio studies as proof that they are fairly and equitably assessing property, DiCianno said a passing grade on the ratio study "doesn't mean that everything was done properly within the individual county's valuations."

Instead of relying on the ratio studies, DiCianno said increased regulation, including adopting regulations included in a tax department 2007 white paper along with the development of "best management practices" to be used by county assessors, would be a more effective way to ensure statewide equalization. So far, the commission has not adopted any of the 26 recommended reforms in the white paper.

DiCianno said the state is not seeking "to go after" elected county assessors but wants to encourage assessors to be focused on consistently applying appraisal methodologies across the state. DiCianno's hands-off approach is consistent with that of the commission, which has adopted an advisory rather than a regulatory relationship with assessors.

The commission's stance appears at odds with recent state Supreme Court rulings. The state Supreme Court ruled in 2006 that county assessors must only use appraisal methodologies that have been formally approved by the state tax commission. The court also noted that the commission had been derelict in its duties to pass appraisal regulations.

The commission has been many years behind in passing regulations to ensure that assessors are using uniform methodologies to assess properties. The commission, for example, finally passed regulations in 2008 to allow assessors to use mass appraisal techniques to determine property assessments decades after assessors began using mass appraisal methods.

The state, DiCianno said, is now in "the early stages" of developing more stringent performance audits of county assessors. But, he said, he didn't know when such oversight tools would be in place.

"It could be a year, it could be two," DiCianno said. "I don't know."

Records obtained from the tax department under the Nevada Public Records Law reveal the department as of last August had only developed a three-page summary toward developing the comprehensive oversight plan.

The lack of a tangible ratio study and slow movement toward implementing best management practices make it unlikely the state will soon implement policies that ensure statewide equalization. And, critics say, even if the state does create a best management practices framework, that doesn't mean the state will actually enforce the provisions.

Former state tax department official Joel Flammenbaum said the state in the past watered-down performance audits of county assessors to make it appear things were better than they actually were. Flammenbaum said rather than randomly auditing a county assessor's appraisals, the state would notify the assessor in advance which properties the state intended to audit, allowing the assessor an opportunity to "edit the list."

The tax department's intent, Flammenbaum said, was to shield tax commissioners from having to confront county assessors over assessment problems.

"The state tax commissioners don't like to interrogate the county assessors," he said.

Flammenbaum was fired from the tax department after he provided information to a Lake Tahoe property-tax protest group about flaws in a tax department study over the differences in assessed values of properties between Washoe and Douglas counties. The Lake Tahoe study determined that property assessments were not equalized within Washoe County and between Washoe and Douglas counties.

While current and former tax department officials raise questions over the value of ratio studies and performance audits in ensuring that statewide equalization is taking place, Clark County Assessor Mark Schofield insists that both are effective tools.

"I rely on them as report cards," he said.

Schofield is also skeptical that the commission can adopt a one-size-fits-all equalization regulation in a taxable-value system.

"You can't apply one standard formula across 17 counties," he said. "It just can't be done. Some counties have a lot of vacant land sales, some counties don't.  Some counties have very old properties, other counties don't."

The increasingly heated debate over the absence of statewide equalization is having profound implications for citizens selected by the governor to serve four-year terms on the state board.

A group of North Shore taxpayers is suing four former state board members personally for allegedly failing to equalize properties between Washoe County on the north end of Lake Tahoe and Douglas County on the southern end of the lake. The taxpayers are seeking monetary damages from the individual board members under a federal civil rights law.

The case has reached the Nevada Supreme Court, where oral arguments were to be presented Jan. 5.

The taxpayers' attorney, Suellen Fulstone, states in court filings that the "members of the state Board of Equalization took no action whatsoever" to "perform their affirmative statutory duty of statewide equalization of property valuations, notwithstanding knowledge and information that substantial disparities existed between Washoe and Douglas Counties."

The state Attorney General's Office is representing the board members and is arguing the four have "absolute immunity" from legal claims arising from their state board duties, regardless of whether they failed to equalize properties.

"Exposing the State Board members to a suit involving potential personal liability would dissuade capable persons from agreeing to serve in what is for all practical purposes a voluntary endeavor," Assistant Attorney General Dennis Belcourt states.

Ironically, the state acknowledges there is no definition in place to guide the state board on statewide equalization matters.

The lack of regulations or even a definition of what constitutes statewide equalization — along with the roll back of property assessments in Incline Village — leaves the state in a very difficult position, says Carole Vilardo, executive director of the Nevada Taxpayers Association.

"If you really want to equalize, you will have to go parcel by parcel across the state," she said.

But, she said, this is an impossible task because of the expense.

"Who is going to pay to have every single property valued?" she asked.

John Dougherty is the principal of InvestigativeMedia.com and has long been one of America's leading investigative reporters. He has been retained by the Nevada Policy Research Institute to report on critical issues of Nevada governance.

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Long and bitter tax-appeal season expected

LAS VEGAS — Nevada Tax Commissioner and Elko rancher Hank Vogler says the state's property tax system is on a collision course with economic reality that could force state lawmakers to enact fundamental reforms needed to ensure fair and equitable taxation.

Discussing a wide range of property tax issues in a recent interview, Vogler distinguished himself as the only current member of the eight-person commission to agree to an interview with NPRI as part of its ongoing series on Nevada property taxes.

From the NPRI News BulletinVogler, who was appointed to the commission in 2003, paints a portrait of a property tax system struggling under a weak legal framework, a disengaged Legislature, assessors under pressure from elected officials to increase revenue, an undermanned and under-funded tax department unable to implement needed regulations, overwhelmed state and county boards of equalization and angry and confused taxpayers.

All the while, Vogler insists, he and his follow commissioners comprise a dedicated and intelligent cadre striving to protect Nevada taxpayers.

Ground zero for Nevada's contentious property tax debate is the wealthy, Lake Tahoe enclave of Incline Village, Vogler said.

"If you want to really get into the hornet's nest, look at the difference between Washoe County and Douglas County with Incline Village and Lake Tahoe," he said.

In the mid-2000s, property taxes for Washoe County homes in Incline Village and adjoining Crystal Bay along the North Shore of Lake Tahoe were running triple those for similar high-end properties along the South Shore of the lake in Douglas County. The differences in taxes, Vogler suggested, was based on how the assessors in each county interpreted state laws to assess property.

"In Douglas County, that tax assessor, God bless him, looked at it one way," Vogler said. That way, according to state and county records, was a very conservative approach to valuing property, under which property tax increases remained relatively modest even in the real estate boom of the mid 2000s.

But a different story played out in Washoe, where county commissioners were faced with surging budget needs to meet the demands of a rapidly expanding population centered in Reno.  Vogler said it appears that Washoe County looked to Incline Village as an easy fix for budget shortfalls.

"With an expanding Reno, maybe the county looked at Incline Village as a revenue source," Vogler said. "Their properties were all worth millions of dollars, so hell, if you could afford a million dollar property, what's wrong with getting jabbed with a few more taxes?"

The widely varying approaches used by the Douglas County and Washoe County assessors to value Lake Tahoe homes is the most vivid example of how county assessors use different interpretations of state statutes and tax-commission regulations in ways that can produce wide variations in property taxes for similarly situated properties.

This freewheeling approach by county assessors runs contrary to recent landmark Supreme Court rulings that require county assessors to only use appraisal methodologies that have been formally adopted by the Nevada Tax Commission. But assessors have not warmly embraced the court rulings, said Vogler.

"There seems to be some hesitancy, at times, on the part of the assessors, because they are independently elected, over what their interpretation is versus the Supreme Court — versus what the tax commission expresses," Vogler said.

Rather than demand that assessors follow the tax commission's interpretation of state statute and Supreme Court rulings, Vogler said the commission instead has avoided confrontation by only making suggestions to assessors.

"It is our job, I would say, to advise the assessors," Vogler said.

Vogler said the Supreme Court rulings in Bakst vs. State Board of Equalization in 2006 and State Board of Equalization vs. Barta in 2008 have provided some direction to the commission as far as being required to pass regulations that are supposed to be followed by the county assessors. But there is still uncertainty over whether the commission has any enforcement, or policing powers, over the assessors.

"Yeah, the Supreme Court said, ‘Straighten it out.' OK, that was nice of them," Vogler said. "Did the Legislature step up and add any clarity there? Well, no.''

The commission's hands-off approach is vividly demonstrated by its 10-year failure to publish a policies and procedures manual for assessors to follow. A state statute requires the commission to publish the manual.

Vogler said the commission has discussed the need to reissue the 350-page manual "again and again and again," but nothing has happened. He suggested that a lack of regulatory staff at the Department of Taxation, which implements regulations passed by the commission, is partially to blame.

The Nevada administrative procedures law requires the entire manual to go through a tedious and cumbersome regulatory process that property tax experts said would take years to complete, at best.

"Obviously, there is no extra revenue to go around and hire some good people" to help address the regulatory demands faced by the tax department — even without attempting to codify the policy and procedures manual.

Adding to the state's property tax crisis, Vogler said, is Nevada's bifurcated tax system where property and improvements are separately valued. Nevada is the only state in the nation that does not use a market-based system to determine the assessed value of property.

"I should tell you personally, that I find it rather strange," he said.

Nevada's assessors use market value to determine land values. Improvements are determined by using a building-cost manual provided by a private company. The value of improvements is then reduced 1.5 percent per year depending on the age of the building. The land and improvement values, added together, determine a parcel's "taxable value."

Vogler said the state should consider ditching the taxable value system and moving to a market-based system.

"In my personal opinion, we have to step up, clean this deal up and go on," he said. "This separation of the two (property and improvements) is kind of goofy."

The taxable value system has also created a nightmare of regulatory issues for the Legislature, the commission, the courts, the tax department and citizens, he said.

"You talk about a pain in the backside, I mean, it is for everybody," he said.

In the meantime, the commission, Vogler said, is attempting to do the best job it can do while ferreting out a wide range of contentious arguments extending from those of irate taxpayers to those of county and local governments strapped for funds.

"The state of Nevada is extremely lucky to have the minds they have on that commission and the people do have empathy with the taxpayer," he said.

But empathy for taxpayers isn't likely to keep property owners happy as they review their property tax assessments for 2010-2011 that should have been mailed to every property owner by Dec. 18. Taxpayers have only until January 15 to file appeals with county boards of equalization to contest their property tax assessments that will be the basis for property taxes that will be levied in July.

Vogler said he expects a record number of property owners will challenge the assessors' valuations on their homes and business this year.

If "properties are going for 50 cents on the dollars or 25 cents or whatever it is going for, and you get your tax (assessment) what's your first thought? Go to the board of equalization!" Vogler said.

It will be at the board of equalization hearings where the political collision between assessors and public will be most vivid, he said.

"The assessors have their mandate from the fire departments and the schools and everybody, ‘Hey, we have to have more money!'" Vogler said.

"And the board of equalization has the taxpayer yelling, ‘Hey you guys, the guy across the street just sold his house – it sold for $300,000 two years ago and sold it for $80,000 yesterday. And your going to say my taxes should go up to compensate for that? Bullshit!'''

Vogler said the writing is on the wall for a long and bitter tax appeal season next spring.

"I can't see anything else that can possibly happen," he said.

If taxpayers win more appeals than they lose, local jurisdictions including schools, fire departments, libraries, irrigation districts and city and county governments will see a decline in revenue. Vogler predicts there will then be a march to the Legislature to come up with a solution.

"And so every entity that has a taxing mill against those property taxes is going to be short-funded," he said. "And who are they going to turn to? The lovely and talented Legislature."

Faced with the prospect of cutting services or raising taxes, the Legislature may decide to also overhaul the state's entire property tax system, Vogler said.

"Maybe this is a big enough crisis," he said. "Somebody is going to have to step and say, ‘You know what? We need to clear our plate here.'"

John Dougherty is the principal of InvestigativeMedia.com and has long been one of America's leading investigative reporters. He has been retained by the Nevada Policy Research Institute to report on critical issues of Nevada governance.

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How to appeal your property-tax bill

LAS VEGAS — Nevada's two-step property-tax assessment and billing system gives unsuspecting property owners no chance to contest their tax bills unless they carefully monitor assessment notices that county assessors must mail to them by Dec. 18.

Property owners only have until Jan. 15 to determine whether they want to contest the taxable value of their property — appearing on the county assessor's "Notice of Assessment" — and file an appeal with their county's board of equalization.

Property tax news from the NPRI News BulletinUnless quick action is taken during the upcoming holidays, property owners will not be able to contest property taxes for fiscal year 2010-11 that will not be levied until next July. Property owners must go through all the administrative appeals, including appearances before county and state boards of equalization, in order to preserve their right to later contest property-tax assessments in court.

If there is any doubt about the county assessor's valuation, say tax experts, property owners should act quickly.

Carole Vilardo, executive director of the Nevada Taxpayers Association, said property owners who question the taxable value on their property should "immediately" contact their county assessor and speak to an appraiser.

If the valuation question isn't resolved, Vilardo said, property owners should demand the assessor to provide a copy of the most recent appraisal on their parcel. The county assessor must provide a written copy within 15 days for a nominal copying fee.

If the property owner doesn't believe the assessor's appraisal is correct, then he or she must file an appeal with the county board of equalization. The appeal form must be obtained from the county assessor and filled out completely (in Clark County, call (702) 455-3891; be prepared to provide the parcel ID number).

The county board of equalization hearings will begin in January and must be concluded by the end of February. Property owners can represent themselves at the hearing, but must be prepared to provide evidence that proves there is in error in the taxable value of the property. The burden of proof is on the property owner to show the valuation is not the correct taxable value or that it exceeds the full cash value of the property.

Property owners should also consider arranging to have official transcripts prepared, documenting their appeal to the county board. The transcript will be necessary if the property owner decides to appeal the county board of equalization ruling to the state board of equalization and, if necessary, state court.

Maryanne Ingemanson, president of the Village League to Save Incline Assets, Inc., a nonprofit homeowners group that has been waging a seven-year property-tax revolt from the North Shore of Lake Tahoe, urges property owners to gather as much information as possible to support their appeal.

Ingemanson said that property owners should "demand a copy of all information used" by the assessor to determine the taxable value of their parcel. This includes a list of comparable sales used by the assessor and whether the assessor used unusual methods to establish values, such as subjective estimates of views.

The Village League discovered numerous instances where Washoe County's assessor had used methods to determine property valuations not approved by the Nevada Tax Commission. The Village League eventually won two Supreme Court decisions that now require assessors to only use appraisal methods that have been first approved by the tax commission. The 2006 and 2008 Supreme Court rulings led to a Washoe County Court ruling last summer ordering the Washoe County treasurer to repay more than $20 million to about 9,000 North Shore property owners.

Washoe County is appealing the ruling.

The Clark County assessor's office is using a complex methodology known as abstraction to determine the valuation of the majority of residential homes in the county. The tax commission has not approved the specific way Clark County is using abstraction, and Village League legal experts contend that the county's use of appraisal technique is violating state law.

Clark County Assessor Mark Schofield brushes aside these concerns, pointing to the Nevada Administrative Code that lists "abstraction" as an approved method that can be used by assessors. The NAC, however, provides no guidelines as to how abstraction should be applied. The Nevada Policy Research Institute's ongoing investigation of property-tax administration in Nevada has uncovered state records that reveal there is no single, generally accepted way to apply the methodology.

Las Vegas accountant Brent Howard is the first Clark County property owner who has stated publicly that he is filing a lawsuit challenging the county's appraisal methodologies. He also said he intends to focus on the tax commission's 10-year failure to abide by state law and publish a tax assessment manual to be used by county assessors. Without the manual, there is no way to be certain assessors are using the same methodology to value property across the state.

Ingemanson also suggested that property owners with similar appeal issues and those living in the same geographic area consider working together and consolidating their cases in order to be represented by an attorney or another expert who understands the intricacies of Nevada property-tax law. The Village League has fought intense legal battles and has often been opposed by numerous county and state agencies in court.

Property owners must be aware that Nevada is the only state in the country that does not base property-tax valuations on the market value of residential homes and businesses. Instead, Nevada uses full cash value to determine the value of land and the cost of construction of the improvement, less 1.5 percent per year depreciation based on the age of the home, to determine the value of structures. The cost of construction is based on guidelines published by Marshall & Swift, a building costing service.

The land and improvement values are added together to determine the total taxable value of the property. Taxable value is multiplied by 35 percent to determine the property's assessed value. The assessed value is then multiplied by the local tax rate, which is not determined until next June.

Although taxable value has been the standard in Nevada since 1981, there remains widespread misunderstanding of how to apply the system. For years, some assessors and boards of equalization have discouraged homeowners who argued for a lower taxable value with a simple retort: "Would you sell your property for that price?"

If the property owner answered "no," then the assessor or the equalization boards would use that response as justification for not lowering a homeowner's taxable value. Assessors would point to a state law that mandates the taxable value may not exceed full cash value as justification.

But Nevada tax experts say the tactic misconstrues the law by failing to take into account the fundamental intent of the legislature when it created Nevada's taxable-value system: In most cases, taxable value is intended to be lower than market value, and, depending on the age of the improvement, substantially lower.

Village League member Todd Lowe has filed numerous appeals and has been engaged in significant litigation with Washoe County and the state board of equalization for several years. Lowe said the county and the state are deliberating driving up the taxable value of properties by transferring improvement costs into the value of the land. This increases the overall taxable value of a property because the improvements are depreciated by 1.5 percent per year.

Lowe said the transfer is occurring because assessors and the state Department of Taxation, which oversees regulations passed by the state Nevada Tax Commission, have a "pathological misunderstanding of the intent of our taxable-value system."

Assessors and equalization boards, he said, "honestly believe that as long as [taxable value] doesn't exceed full cash value, taxpayers have nothing to complain about."

Barbara Smith Campbell, the state's former top tax official, shares Lowe's opinion that state and county officials are abusing the law by focusing strictly on whether taxable value exceeds market value.

"I think there are people on the boards of equalization at the county and state level that kind of have that concept, too," said Campbell, who served as chairwoman of the Nevada Tax Commission for 10 years.

"For somebody to come forward and say ‘You wouldn't sell your house for that,' so what!" she said. "That's not the way the property-tax system is set up."

John Dougherty is the principal of InvestigativeMedia.com and has long been one of America's leading investigative reporters. He has been retained by the Nevada Policy Research Institute to report on critical issues of Nevada governance.

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Why your property taxes rose when the property’s value fell

CARSON CITY — Nevada's plummeting real-estate market has exposed serious flaws with a controversial property-tax-relief law rushed through the state legislature in 2005.

State property-tax experts say the deep-rooted problems leave the tax-relief law — also known as the partial property-tax abatement — vulnerable to a constitutional challenge that could unravel the state's entire property-tax system.

Property tax news from the NPRI news bureauAssembly Bill 489 limits the annual increase in property taxes for residential properties to 3 percent a year, while capping commercial and most rental properties at 8 percent. The split tax cap, critics claim, violates Article 10 of the Nevada Constitution, which requires a uniform and equal rate of assessment and taxation.

"I'm kind of surprised … that there hasn't been somebody to challenge the 3 and 8 percent caps because now would be the time to do it," said Barbara Smith Campbell, former chairwoman of the Nevada Tax Commission.

Despite widespread opinions that the controversial and somewhat confusing property-tax relief is unconstitutional, no one has challenged it in court. During the time of rapidly rising real-estate prices, the abatement provided tax relief to all property owners, even if it was unequally applied.

Business owners who were subjected to the 8 percent cap were loathe to incur a backlash from the general public if they challenged the law and risk the possibility a judge would throw out both caps, leaving everyone exposed to dramatically higher taxes.

"Do you want to have the wrath of the public on you because you have cost them money?" asked Carole Vilardo, executive director of the Nevada Taxpayers Association. "No way! That would be bad PR."

But the unexpected, precipitous decline in real-estate prices the last three years has changed the playing field.

The fundamental reason for establishing the property-tax caps no longer exists. The Nevada Legislature created the tax caps to protect homeowners from rapidly rising real-estate prices to "avoid severe economic hardship to the owner of the residence."

In an ironic twist, during periods of real-estate deflation, the abatement law has become a mechanism that often results in a mandatory increase in property taxes. Even as property values have fallen by 50 percent or more, state and local governments continue to hike property taxes by 3 or 8 percent per year for certain properties.

Critics said the legislature never intended for the abatement law to be used in this manner. Carson City property-tax attorney Norm Azevedo said he could find nothing in the legislative history of the bill that supports increasing property taxes during a period of falling property values.

"Government needs money to run," said Azevedo, who prior to entering private practice was the former chief counsel for the Nevada Tax Commission. "But it's difficult when property owners see the only thing going up is their property-tax bill. It's a tough pill to swallow."

The possible misapplication of the abatement law will only serve to increase scrutiny of whether it meets constitutional muster. Campbell is not alone in her view that the abatement law could be struck down as unconstitutional.

"If the 3 and 8 were challenged, it is my personal opinion, it would probably be unconstitutional," said Vilardo of the Nevada Taxpayers Association.

The split tax abatement "raises an equity issue that you are not treating all property uniformly and equally," said Glen Atkinson, retired professor emeritus of economics at the University of Nevada, Reno and a leading expert in Nevada tax policy.

Even one of the architects of the legislation expressed doubt that it would hold up to a legal challenge.

Former Assembly minority leader Lynn Hettrick, who is now Gov. Jim Gibbons' deputy chief of staff, said he was opposed to creating a split abatement in 2005 when he guided the bill through the Assembly and said the abatement law "could be" unconstitutional.

County assessors, who strongly supported the tax-cap proposal in 2005, are also concerned that the legislature's failure to adopt a uniform cap that applies to all classes of property owners is vulnerable to legal attack.

"You run the risk of the Supreme Court throwing the whole property-tax-cap mechanism out," said Clark County Assessor Mark Schofield.

Faced with skyrocketing property values in the winter and spring of 2005 and dire warnings from county assessors that property taxes would soar, the legislature ignored constitutional questions over the split rate and hurriedly passed the abatement bill with the split caps by a 21-0 vote in the Senate and a 41-1 vote in the House.

The law provided immediate relief to residential and commercial property owners faced with the doubling and tripling of property taxes, even it if was unequally applied.

But then, the unexpected occurred. The real-estate bubble burst in 2007, sending property values plummeting and creating an unexpected consequence: Because the property-tax-abatement formula had severed the direct link between the assessed value of property and the levied taxes, suddenly hundreds of thousands of property owners were hit with higher property taxes even as property values plunged.

Record numbers of property owners filed protests before county boards of equalization. The Clark County Board of Equalization has been swamped with more than 6,000 protests this year, up from 1,300 in 2008.

Property owners are expected to show up before county equalization boards in record numbers beginning next month — challenging property-tax valuations for 2010-11 amidst a continuing downward real-estate market.

County assessors must mail property-tax valuations to property owners by Dec. 18. Property owners must file protests with county Boards of Equalization by Jan. 15. The valuations will be used to determine taxes for 2010-11, which will be levied next June.

Property owners with older parcels will generally face continued increases in taxes unless county assessors lower the assessed values on their property to levels about equal to 2004 assessments. Only then will taxes decline for property that has been on the tax roll since at least that year, Vilardo said.

The legislative counsel's summary of AB 489 suggests that that tax abatement was to be used as a way to provide tax relief during times of rising real-estate prices, not as a way to justify higher taxes in a declining market.

The summary states:

"Under this bill, the Legislature declares that an increase in the tax bill of a homeowner of more than 3 percent from the previous year constitutes … a severe economic hardship for purposes of the Nevada Constitution.

"If (emphasis added) such an economic hardship occurs, this bill provides for a partial abatement of the taxes of the homeowner who would otherwise experience the hardship."

In other words, the intent of the bill was to limit an increase of property taxes to no more than 3 percent during a period in which rising property values would have resulted in much higher property taxes.

Nowhere does the legislative counsel suggest that the law should be triggered in a period of declining real-estate values nor be used to mandate a 3 or 8 percent increase in property taxes in a declining real-estate market.

"I don't know how they are administering the [abatement law] in the manner they are doing to increase taxes while values are declining," Azevedo said. "I don't recall anything in the legislative history that supports that."

Azevedo urged the legislature to reexamine the abatement law and make necessary changes so that property owners are not hit with higher taxes in a declining market.

"I can't find support for taxing value that was supposedly untaxed the previous year, later in time," he said.

Supporters of the abatement say that property owners were protected from much higher taxes when prices were rising. And now that the market is falling, the law requires property owners to pay for some of the taxes that they escaped during the real-estate boom.

"When your assessed value went up, you only got a 3 percent increase each year in your [tax] bill," Hettrick said.

And now that assessed values are falling, Hettrick said property owners have to wait until the assessed values fall far enough so that the taxes computed using the current assessed value are less than the taxes computed under the cap. (See analysis of tax-cap impact.)

State and local governments have a strong incentive not to change the way the abatement is calculated in today's declining market. Thousands of property owners are still paying higher taxes than in previous years, cushioning the financial strains facing state and local governments as tax revenues from other sources, including sales and gaming taxes, continue to plunge.

A successful legal challenge to the abatement law could open the door to wholesale property-tax reform that, in turn, could lead to a return to a market-based assessment system, property-tax experts said.

The legislature abandoned a market-based property-tax system in 1981 and adopted a taxable-value system where county assessors place full-cash value on land while improvements are valued on their replacement cost less depreciation.

The taxable-value system has become increasingly unworkable in the wake of two Supreme Court rulings requiring county assessors to adopt appraisal methodologies approved by the state Tax Commission.

The commission, however, has been reluctant to pass detailed appraisal guidelines for county assessors. Regulations it passed in 2008 are being challenged in court for being too vague and giving assessors too much leeway in determining property values. The commission has also ignored state law for 10 years by failing to provide a required property-tax-assessment manual to county assessors.

The failure of the Tax Commission to provide uniform appraisal methodologies leaves the taxable-value system vulnerable to constitutional challenge, some legal experts say. That, combined with questions over the legality of the property-tax-abatement law, leaves the state's property-tax system exposed to constitutional challenges on at least two fronts.

If the abatement law were struck down, the legislature might be inclined to restructure the entire property-tax system, said Assemblyman James Settelmeyer, a Republican from Gardnerville.

"If there is no abatement, then there may be a desire to go to a pure market-based system," Settelmeyer said.

 

But other leaders say it is very unlikely the legislature will address either issue unless forced to the table by successful lawsuits. Legislators, Hettrick said, are extremely sensitive to property-tax issues because property owners tend to be voters.

And, he said, most property owners want some assurance that property taxes won't skyrocket in the future if and when the real-estate market rebounds. Therefore, the tax caps and their associated problems are more desirable than no cap at all.

"Politicians understand who votes," Hettrick said. "You are not going to see them attack the 3 and 8 percent tax caps."

John Dougherty is the principal of InvestigativeMedia.com and has long been one of America's leading investigative reporters. He has been retained by the Nevada Policy Research Institute to report on critical issues of Nevada governance.

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Clark County caught up in property-tax mess

LAS VEGAS — The Nevada Tax Commission has never approved the specific methods used by the Clark County Assessors Office to value hundreds of thousands of homes, a practice that may violate a landmark 2006 Supreme Court ruling.

The state's largest county, with more the 700,000 parcels, uses an appraisal methodology known as abstraction to determine the land values for property when there are insufficient vacant land sales available for comparison. The county reports the majority of non-custom residential homes were valued this year using the abstraction technique.

From the NPRI News BulletinWhile Nevada Tax Commission regulations list abstraction as an appraisal method available to assessors, the commission has never approved the complex methodology Clark County has developed for applying the land-valuation technique. This is not a mere technical oversight, but an issue that could have profound implications for the state.

The Nevada Supreme Court ruled in Bakst vs. State Board of Equalization that assessors must use appraisal methodologies that have been specifically approved by the state Tax Commission. The commission, however, has never provided detailed instructions on how the state's 17 elected assessors are to use abstraction — leaving each county to develop its own model.

"The way Clark County does their abstraction analysis is not approved by regulation nor used anywhere else in the state," said Suellen Fulstone, a Reno attorney who has won several Supreme Court decisions on behalf of Lake Tahoe basin property owners and was co-counsel on the Bakst case.

"In order to satisfy Bakst, and for that matter, the Nevada Constitution, abstraction needs to be done in the same way in Clark County as it is in Washoe and Douglas and the rest of the counties," she said.

State records and interviews with assessors reveal the technique is not applied uniformly across the state. The state Department of Taxation, the agency that administers Nevada's tax regulations, concedes in a recent report that there is "no consensus model in existence for the application" of abstraction.

The department began a "special study" last June to determine how abstraction is performed by each of the counties, but the study was subsequently postponed until next year, a tax department official said.

The lack of a uniform method on how to apply a widely used appraisal technique such as abstraction exposes the state's most populated county to taxpayer lawsuits that could result in property-tax rollbacks similar to what is occurring in Washoe County.

Reno state court Judge Brent Adams last month ordered Washoe County to refund more than $20 million to 9,000 taxpayers in the Lake Tahoe basin who have staged a seven-year property-tax revolt challenging the county's use of appraisal methods not specifically approved by the Tax Commission.

Washoe County is appealing the ruling.

Mark Schofield, the Clark County assessor, said it remains to be seen whether Clark County taxpayers will challenge property valuations based on the fact that the county uses an abstraction methodology that has not been specifically approved by the Tax Commission.

"Am I apprehensive about that? No. Is it possible? Sure. Anything is possible," he said.

Schofield said he's confident the county could withstand a legal challenge because the state regulations list abstraction as one of the techniques that can be used by assessors.

"We could advance some pretty compelling legal arguments that we are appropriately applying the abstraction methodology as it relates to Clark County," he said.

State regulations provide a definition for abstraction and list it as one of several appraisal options available to assessors if there are not sufficient vacant land sales to establish values for land beneath residential homes and commercial property.

The state defines abstraction as a "method of estimating the value of land by subtracting from the sales prices of improved parcels the full contributory value of all items attributable to the value of the improvements, thus yielding estimates of the residual or remainder value of the land." 

In other words, the sales price of an improved property less the value of the improvements equals the value of the land.

How that process is actually executed, however, is left to each individual assessor. And that's where the controversy is centered.

Schofield said that he believes the Bakst decision does not require the Tax Commission to provide detailed instructions to assessors on how to use abstraction, which has been a common appraisal technique used for decades.

The Bakst decision, he said, "didn't say the Nevada Tax Commission had to further define it down to all the i's dotted and t's crossed."

But Fulstone and other leaders of the Lake Tahoe property-tax-revolt group Village League to Save Incline Assets strongly disagree with Schofield's assessment. The Village League's arguments cannot be dismissed easily, as the group has won repeated favorable rulings from state district courts and the Nevada Supreme Court.

Les Barta, an Incline Village businessman who has been actively involved in the Village League property-tax revolt, said, "The main problem with Clark County's abstraction formula is that it is an individualized model not authorized by law."

Barta said Clark County's use of abstraction has the same legal flaws as some of the appraisal methodologies used in Washoe County that were found to be unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. The Tax Commission, Barta said, has not provided regulations that "provide an adequate uniform model for applying" abstraction.

To understand the importance of debate over a technical appraisal application such as abstraction, one must first understand Nevada's unusual property-tax system. Rather than basing its system on market values, like the other 49 states, Nevada has a split system where land and improvements are valued separately.

In Nevada, the property beneath and around a home is supposed to be appraised at full cash value. The improvements, however, are based on their estimated replacement cost, less depreciation of 1.5 percent per year depending on the age of the home. The land value and the improvement value are added together to determine a property's taxable value.

The system creates a natural conflict between taxpayers and government entities collecting taxes. Taxpayers benefit when the full cost of the improvements, including intangible items such as the builder's profit, and site preparation are included in valuation of the structure because of the 1.5 percent per year depreciation.  A 20-year-old home, for example, would have its improvement cost reduced by 30 percent.

Tax-collecting entities, however, benefit when assessors undervalue the full contributory cost of improvements and shift those costs into the land, where there is no depreciation.

This tug-of-war in the valuation of improvements versus land is, in part, why the Nevada Supreme Court ruled in the Bakst decision that assessors must use appraisal methodologies approved by the state Tax Commission. Without uniform methods, there is no assurance that assessors are valuing similarly situated improvements and land the same way, which violates the Nevada Constitution's mandate for "a uniform and equal rate of assessment and taxation."

Further complicating matters is the Tax Commission's failure to implement uniform methodologies for assessors to follow. The Supreme Court noted in the Bakst decision that the commission has been derelict in its duties to provide uniform methodologies to assessors.

The commission, which is comprised of seven gubernatorial appointees, has not published a tax manual, required for the guidance of assessors, for more than 10 years, a direct violation of state law. The commission has known for years that its regulations lack the specificity to ensure that assessors are using the same appraisal methodology statewide.

A 2007 "white paper" prepared by the state tax department identified 26 "proposed topics for regulatory discussion." The topics included such basic concepts as defining land, clarifying the meaning of improvements, clarifying the meaning of "cost of replacement" and, central to this story, clarifying the definition of abstraction. The commission has yet to act on any of the department recommendations.

The commission's failure to create a uniform appraisal regulatory system has led to a proliferation of various appraisal methodologies across the state. It also has created the possibility that assessors — if they so choose — can push more value into land than into improvements simply by manipulating complex appraisal formulas, thus generating more revenue for government agencies that rely heavily on property taxes, including public schools, county and city governments, and fire and library districts.

Tax Commission member Hank Vogler, an Elko rancher, was the only commissioner who agreed to be interviewed for this story. Vogler said the rapid decline in real-estate values over the last three years is putting tremendous pressure on local governments to collect as much in property taxes as possible to fund their operations.

"Assessors are getting pressure from the county to find every little centavo they can find to bring in some revenue," he said.

There is no doubt that Nevada assessors are using different methodologies for abstraction.

For example, said Fulstone, Clark County does not use the sales price of a residential property as the starting part in the abstraction method, as required by state regulations — but instead has developed its own methodology to adjust the sales price through a complex formula.

"There is certainly no authority for that in the regulations," she said.

In addition, Fulstone says Clark County uses a method to value homes that fails to take into account the "full contributory value of improvements" such as soft costs and entrepreneurial profit, which results in higher land values, which ultimately lead to higher taxes.

"I think the general consensus among assessors is that those costs are too hard to calculate, so they just ignore that provision of the regulations," she said.

Clark County and Washoe County also use abstraction for different types of properties. Clark County, Fulstone said, uses abstraction for non-custom, subdivision tract homes, which is how it is generally used, according to appraisal textbooks. Washoe County, however, uses abstraction for custom homes in Incline Village and Crystal Bay, the Lake Tahoe communities at the center of the property-tax revolt.

Washoe County Assessor Josh Wilson said he's using abstraction combined with a mathematical tool called regression analysis to try to capture the full contributory value of improvements on the custom properties in Incline Village and Crystal Bay to reduce the chance the land values will be assessed too high.

Meanwhile, Douglas County Assessor Doug Sonnemann said he uses abstraction in limited cases for homes on the South Shore of Lake Tahoe, but never combines it with regression analysis.

The fact that abstraction is used differently in Washoe vs. Clark vs. Douglas counties — Nevada's three largest counties — is cause for serious concern that would likely lead the current Supreme Court to rule the methodology unconstitutional, Fulstone said.

"The Tax Commission needs to set standards not just for how abstraction is done but also for the circumstances under which it can be used," she said.

Schofield said Fulstone and others are "over-reading" the significance of the Bakst decision and trying to hamstring assessors from being able to fairly and equitably value property by seeking a rigid set of regulations that must be applied statewide.

The Bakst decision, he said, "doesn't say [the Tax Commission] has to totally define the method, but that it has to adopt the use of the method. How you define it, can be done in many, many different ways," he said.

Schofield's insistence that assessors have the power to determine how they deploy the methods approved by the Tax Commission will continue to be a flashpoint of contention that may ultimately be decided by the courts. And even then, the debate will likely continue as long as Nevada uses a non-market system to determine property-tax valuations.

"The assessors take any kind of limitation as an affront to their judgment, but it's really not," Fulstone said. "Absent an objective standard like full cash value, which Nevada does not have, there is essentially no way of achieving equality and uniformity if you rely on the judgment, however sound, of 17 different county assessors."

John Dougherty is the principal of InvestigativeMedia.com and has long been one of America's leading investigative reporters. He has been retained by the Nevada Policy Research Institute to report on critical issues of Nevada governance.

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Board of Equalization reschedules hearing

LAS VEGAS — Backing off a threat to issue subpoenas to the state's 17 county assessors — who had indicated they would refuse to attend a Dec. 3 hearing to discuss appraisal methodologies — the state Board of Equalization is delaying the hearing until early next year.

The highly anticipated session is expected to provide a rare window into the intricate and varied methods assessors use to appraise more than one million parcels statewide. The board called the hearing to gather information to determine whether state assessors are complying with a December 2006 Supreme Court order requiring them to only use appraisal methodologies that have been approved by the Nevada Tax Commission.

From the Nevada Policy Research Institute News BureauThe Nevada Assessors Association, on behalf of all county assessors, last week sent a letter rejecting the state board's Nov. 10 request to attend the Dec. 3 hearing, citing workload issues and lack of travel funds for assessors to make the trip to Las Vegas.

Board Chairman Tony Wren, a Reno appraiser, said Wednesday he asked the state Department of Taxation to reschedule the hearing for January. Wren said he was unaware that assessors faced a Dec. 18 deadline to mail valuation notices to taxpayers.

On late Tuesday the department notified all assessors that the hearing would "most likely" be rescheduled for early January in Northern Nevada, although at least one assessor said that also is a bad time.

In preparation for the hearing, the board sought written responses to pointed questions, a move that angered some assessors. Several of them said the board was intruding into the actions of elected officials and questioning policies that fall under the control of the Nevada Tax Commission. The board's questions were aimed, in part, at getting a better understanding of the methods assessors use to appraise property.

"We don't know what is being used and from my standpoint, the hearing is so we can find out," said SBOE board member and Las Vegas accountant Dennis Meservy.

The board requested assessors provide their answers in writing by Nov. 24. Only seven county assessors complied with the deadline: Carson City, Churchill, Douglas, Elko, Eureka, Humboldt and Pershing.

Clark County Assessor Mark Schofield said delaying the hearing is the "prudent" action and will give assessors and board members an opportunity to calm down before meeting next year. Schofield said holding the meeting in January, however, is problematic for assessors because they are preparing for appeals before their respective county boards of equalization.

Schofield, along with other assessors interviewed, said they are willing to provide information to the state board, but they insist that the board has limited authority over appraisal methodologies.

"I have no problem explaining methodologies to them so they clearly understand them," Schofield said.

At the same time, Schofield said the board has "no authority" to "change methodologies or to create regulations that must be followed in the assessment process. That's the job of the Nevada Tax Commission. Their authority is to equalize property."

Nevada Assessors Association President Michael Mears, the Eureka County Assessor, suggested that the board meeting be expanded to include members of the state tax commission and the department of taxation. Schofield also supports expanding the number of players involved. However, he wants to keep input from the public and legislators limited during the initial round of discussions.

Schofield also suggested that the department of taxation make a presentation to the board on the various methodologies used by the state's assessors rather than have assessors appear before the board in a formal hearing.

"The best approach would be to have the department of taxation gather this information and make a presentation to the state board on behalf of all the assessors," Schofield said.

Schofield said some assessors are wary of the board hearing, believing the board is setting a trap for assessors. Some "may feel that this is simply something designed to basically prove that there are inconsistencies in the applications of methodologies across the state," he said.

State records and interviews reveal there is wide variation in the types of methodologies used by assessors across the state. The looming debate centers over whether those variations conflict with state law, the Nevada Constitution and recent Supreme Court decisions.

"You have several methodologies that are available for your use and those methodologies are being used but they may not all be being used the same way," Schofield said. "It depends on the level of technology that each [of the] assessors have. … To me, I don't find that to be significant problem."

Using appraisal methodologies that have not been specifically approved by the Nevada Tax Commission has become a major problem for Washoe County.

The state Supreme Court has ruled that Washoe County violated the law by using unapproved methodologies on properties in the wealthy enclaves of Incline Village and Crystal Bay on the North Shore of Lake Tahoe. The rulings have resulted in property-tax rollbacks for a handful of property owners.

The Supreme Court rulings in Bakst vs. State Board of Equalization (2006) and State Board of Equalization vs. Barta (2008) are fueling a taxpayers' revolt that could result in more than $20 million in additional refunds to about 9,000 property owners. A Nevada state court judge last month ordered the Washoe County treasurer to issue the refunds.

Washoe County is appealing the ruling.

The possibility of a taxpayers' revolt spreading from the Lake Tahoe basin to across the state because assessors use appraisal methodologies not specifically approved by the state Tax Commission is a growing concern.

"That door has been opened, and we've seen those appeals," said Nevada Assessors Association President Mears.

John Dougherty is the principal of InvestigativeMedia.com and has long been one of America's leading investigative reporters. He has been retained by the Nevada Policy Research Institute to report on critical issues of Nevada governance.

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County assessors fight state request to appear

LAS VEGAS — In a sharp rebuke, Nevada's 17 elected county assessors yesterday refused a request by the state Board of Equalization to appear before a board hearing on Dec. 3 to provide detailed information of how they determine the valuation of 1 million parcels of property throughout the state.

Nevada Assessors Association President Michael Mears, the Eureka County Assessor, sent a letter early Thursday to the board rejecting its request to appear at the hearing that has been planned since last spring. Mears said the assessors discussed the issue Wednesday afternoon and voted in favor of the association notifying the board its members would not attend the hearing.

From the Nevada Policy Research Institute News BureauThe letter said assessors were too busy preparing valuation notices and that many were strapped for funds and could not afford to attend the hearing in Las Vegas. The association suggested the meeting be rescheduled for next spring, and that it be expanded to include the members of the Tax Commission and officials from the state Department of Taxation.

The assessors' refusal to appear before the equalization board comes as increasing public scrutiny into Nevada's property-tax-assessment system has revealed a systemic failure by the state Tax Commission and the state Department of Taxation to ensure that county assessors are using uniform methods for the appraisal of property. The state Supreme Court in December 2006 ruled that assessors must use only appraisal techniques that have been approved by the commission, per state law.

Las Vegas accountant and Board of Equalization member Dennis Meservy said Thursday that next month's hearing was to assist the board in determining whether property is being equally assessed throughout the state. He said the board is trying to "make sure" all of the counties "are doing things similar."

The assessors' refusal stunned Meservy, who in an earlier interview Thursday morning predicted all the assessors would attend the meeting. Meservy suggested that the board may issue subpoenas demanding the assessors' appearance. "We will have to talk to our legal counsel," he said.

Board chairman and Reno appraiser Tony Wren did not return repeated phone calls seeking comment. Board member Anthony Marnell III, chairman of the M Resort, declined to comment, citing the "sensitivity" of the matter in an e-mail.

The leader of a taxpayers group staging a long-running property tax revolt in the Lake Tahoe basin said it appears that assessors are staging their own "revolt" by refusing to appear before the state board to answer questions about how they conduct appraisals and make sure property within each county is fairly and equally taxed.

"Never before have they been held accountable for methods that they are using to obtain equalization," said Maryanne Ingemanson, president of the Village League to Save Incline Assets, Inc.

Ingemanson said the state board announced plans for the meeting with assessors last April. "They can't suddenly be surprised and not prepared," she stated in an e-mail. As for being strapped for cash, Ingemanson noted that the assessors gather annually for three- and-four-day seminars, "and that doesn't seem to be of concern financially."

The Village League's attorney, Suellen Fulstone, said the state equalization board has the authority to call the assessors to a meeting.

"The state board has an obligation, imposed by the Legislature and confirmed by the Supreme Court, to effect statewide equalization," she stated in an e-mail. "The only way to do that is to get the Assessors before them and make them account for their methodologies."

Fulstone said assessors don't want to be "held accountable" because they "think they are above the law."

Assessors Association President Mears said the assessors are more than willing to sit down and hold a broad discussion with the board of equalization. "There is definitely a willingness to discuss any issue with the state board," he said.

But Mears said assessors believe it would be more effective to have members of the state Tax Commission and bureaucrats from the tax department involved at the same time. "You need to have all players at the table," he said.

Lyon County Assessor Mike Glass said he and some other assessors were offended by the tone of the state board's Nov. 10 letter requesting their appearance at the December hearing. Glass said the state board has four new members and has yet to resolve serious issues with how it performs its duty, including the lack of regulations on how to perform statewide equalization.

"They don't even know what their statutory obligations are and now they want us to appear out of nowhere in Las Vegas so they can quiz us about what our statutory obligations are?" said Glass. "The whole thing kind of rubbed me the wrong way."

The state board's letter asked some detailed questions that cut to the heart of many of the problems with Nevada's property-tax system. In particular, the letter asked assessors to be prepared to describe what "standards of appraisal are in use," the "source of the standards," what standard "has been used in the past" and "why has it changed."

The state Tax Commission has not published a policies-and-procedures manual for assessors to follow for more than 10 years — a direct violation of state law. Without the manual to provide detailed instructions on how to apply complicated appraisal methodologies, county assessors have been left to go it alone.

The failure of the state Tax Commission to issue detailed appraisal methodologies, as required by the state Supreme Court in the Bakst v. State Board of Equalization ruling in December 2006, has made matters worse: County assessors have no uniform, state-sanctioned appraisal methodologies to use under the Supreme Court order.

The resulting lack of uniform methodologies from county to county raises serious doubts of whether statewide equalization is occurring, especially since the Tax Commission has not passed regulations on how the state Board of Equalization is supposed to perform this function — a duty mandated by state statute.

The breakdown in the property-tax system is leaving assessors and the state exposed to widespread litigation from taxpayers who no longer have to prove that their assessed values is too high, but only that the methods used by the county assessors were not approved by the Tax Commission.

"We know we are sitting on a powder keg of what ifs," said Tax Commissioner Hank Vogler.

John Dougherty is the principal of InvestigativeMedia.com and has long been one of America's leading investigative reporters. He has been retained by the Nevada Policy Research Institute to report on critical issues of Nevada governance.

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Nevada’s property tax shaft

CARSON CITY, Nev. — Last July, Nevada Department of Taxation appraiser Shannon Silva sent an e-mail to an Indiana property-tax official desperately seeking guidance on how to apply two common appraisal techniques used throughout the country.

Twenty-eight years after Nevada abandoned a market-based property-tax system and replaced it with a "taxable value" system that separately values land and improvements, Nevada still hadn't developed guidelines for the state's 17 elected assessors on how to use two appraisal techniques known as allocation and abstraction (see here for explanations of these terms).

Standard appraisal reference guides developed for market-based property-tax systems do not specifically address how to use the two techniques in Nevada's peculiar system. So, Silva turned to Indiana because it once had a property-tax system similar to Nevada's but scrapped it after the Indiana Supreme Court — in a series of decisions from 1996 to 1998 — found the system inequitable.

Nevertheless, Silva hoped Indiana could help Nevada develop a regulation so the state could comply with a 2006 Nevada Supreme Court order requiring the department to provide uniform appraisal methods to county assessors.

"I am hoping you may be able to help us," Silva wrote in the e-mail obtained under the Nevada Public Records Law. "Can you possibly provide us with any information on how you handled allocation and abstraction under your old system? And would you possibly know of any other states that used to be on a split system? Any assistance you can provide would be greatly appreciated!!!"

Indiana sent back a link to its website and some documents from 1995. While the information appears to have been helpful, according to Silva's e-mail to superiors, the department has not yet developed a regulation to address the use of the two methods that are used to determine land values when there are insufficient vacant land sales for comparison.

The decades-long failure of Nevada to promulgate regulations for how to apply common appraisal techniques such as allocation and abstraction provides a window into the difficulty the state faces in creating a fair and equitable property-tax system that passes constitutional muster for a non-market-based system. The state department of taxation is years behind in developing a comprehensive framework of regulations to ensure the state's assessors are appraising property uniformly.

The department, for example, has had a list of 26 "proposed topics for regulatory consideration" to address appraisal issues since 2007 and none have been passed, department records show. Among these topics are basic issues such as the definition of land and clarifying the meaning of "cost of replacement." Developing clear, technically sound definitions for abstraction and allocation are also on the to-do list.

Further complicating matters is mounting evidence that state regulators are misapplying basic appraisal principles. This is resulting in higher valuations than allowed by Nevada law, a leading appraisal expert said.

The lack of timely regulations defining appraisal methodologies and the incorrect application of appraisal principles has direct implications for taxpayers because assessors across the state are not using the same methods to determine the valuation of property, despite a 2006 Supreme Court order directing the state provide standard methodologies.

The patchwork of regulations and different valuation techniques used by different county assessors is disguised from taxpayers by a system that makes it virtually impossible for property owners to understand how their property is appraised.

"Most people who own residential property have no way of understanding the taxing system," said Barbara Smith Campbell, a former director of the state Tax Commission.

The root of the problem is the fact that Nevada is the only state in the nation that doesn't use a market-based system as the basis for developing valuations for property taxes. The entire U.S. appraisal industry and its major academic textbooks and reference guides are based on a market-based approach to appraisal.

The end result is Nevada's taxable-value system, property-tax experts said, inherently creates valuation inequities between similar properties — inequities at odds with the Nevada Constitution's requirement of "a uniform and equal rate of assessment and taxation."

"Once you go off market value, you've got issues where you are not going to be equal," said Carole Vilardo, executive director of the Nevada Taxpayers Association.

In 1981, the Nevada Legislature created a "bifurcated" property-tax system where land and improvements are valued separately and then added together. Under this "taxable value" system, land is valued at full cash value based on comparable sales. Improvements, which typically make up about 75 percent of the value of a residential property, are valued based on their replacement cost new, less 1.5 percent depreciation per year up to 50 years. The replacement cost is determined by using a manual of building costs complied by Marshal & Swift, a company that provides building cost data.

Retired University of Nevada, Reno economist Glen Atkinson has been intimately involved with state tax issues for more than 40 years. Atkinson said the state's method of valuing improvements based on replacement costs less depreciation creates a fairness issue because two properties that have the same market value could be taxed at different levels depending on the age of the improvements.

Depreciating for the age of the improvement, he said, creates situations where an older home with the same overall taxable value before depreciation as a newer home next door, will be taxed a lower rate depending on the age of the home.

For example, a new house with a land value of $100,000 and improvements valued at $100,000 will not receive any depreciation deduction, so it will have a taxable value of $200,000. But a 20-year-old house next door with the same land value of $100,000, and an equivalent improvement value of $100,000 will receive 30 percent depreciation, resulting in a taxable value of only $170,000.

"This raises an equity issue in that you are not treating all property uniformly and equally," Atkinson said.

Washoe County Assessor Josh Wilson said property of equal value should be taxed at the same level. "I truly feel that our forefathers envisioned a tax on value regardless of how old a property is or anything else," he said. "If your property is worth $5 and my property is worth $5, we are paying the same tax."

Suellen Fulstone, a Reno attorney representing Lake Tahoe basin taxpayers who have staged a seven-year property-tax revolt, said the state's taxable-value system is unworkable and vulnerable to a direct constitutional challenge. "It just cannot work, certainly not in the way it is presently set up," she said.

Fulstone said different counties are using different methodologies to determine taxable values of properties.

"We have a system that creates too many options" for assessors to use to determine property valuations, said Fulstone. "If you tell the assessor they can value property in one of five different ways, or any combination of the above, you absolutely cannot keep uniformity."

The tax department, meanwhile, has never determined whether the different approaches are resulting in equivalent valuations. "No one has ever done any studies to see if these different methodologies used in the different counties actually get to the same result," she said.

The problems will persist as long as the state stays on a taxable-value system, Fulstone said. "If the state would go back to a full-cash value system, a lot of this would simply go away," she said.

Richard Almy, a leading appraisal expert and former executive director of the International Association of Assessing Officers, said it is difficult to understand "what the rationale is" for Nevada's taxable-value system. He said the state could provide property-tax benefits for specific taxpayer groups — such as the elderly, so they don't get taxed out of their homes — in a market-based system.

"If you want to favor or penalize some taxpayer, you can do that with a market-based system," he said.

He also criticized the state's reliance on a costing manual developed by a private company that is used to determine the replacement cost of improvements. "It's a weak foundation for a tax system," he said. The cost manual only provides an estimate of the actual cost of replacement, added Almy.

In many cases, especially with custom-built homes, the manual underestimates the replacement cost, and so assessors shift value into the land — resulting in taxpayers paying higher taxes, he said.

Almy suggested that Nevada should seriously consider revamping its entire property-tax system. "I think I could safely recommend that it probably ought to be rethought if they really want to do it this way or not," he said.

State elected officials have ignored property-tax-equity issues for decades, despite high-profile warnings. In 1988, the Nevada Legislature commissioned a study of the fiscal affairs of state and local governments. This included an examination of the state's taxable-value system. The study found that the failure to tie the state's property-tax system to market value was a major issue that the legislature should examine for possible change.

"When the common tie between market value and assessed value is abandoned, the property tax essentially abandons its underlying theory," economist Robert D. Ebel wrote in the 1988 report A Fiscal Agenda for Nevada. "The tax ceases to be a tax on some objective measure of value (of accumulation of wealth) and becomes, instead, a somewhat arbitrary collection of exactions based on age and the like."

The legislature did not take action on the recommendation. Instead, as property-tax attorney Paul Bancroft notes in a 2008 article in Institute for Professionals in Taxation, Nevada has moved further toward an arbitrary property-tax system that is forcing the courts to intervene at an extraordinary level.

Without an "objective measure of value," Nevada's courts have repeatedly ruled over the last seven years in taxpayers' lawsuits that the state Tax Commission, in order to pass constitutional muster, must provide uniform appraisal methodologies to county assessors.

So far, the Tax Commission has failed to successfully implement detailed regulations as called for by the Supreme Court. In addition, the commission has also failed for more than a decade to publish a 350-page policies-and-procedures manual meant to provide detailed instruction to assessors — a direct violation of state law.

"No policies and procedures manual? That is not good," said Ebel last week in an e-mail.

A taxpayer revolt in the Lake Tahoe basin has uncovered reams of information related to the misapplication of state law by the Washoe County assessor's office and the state department of taxation on appraisal methodologies. Among the most egregious is an assertion by the tax department that the value of land is proportional to the value of the improvement.

In other words, according to the tax department, if three essentially identical parcels of land had progressively more-valuable houses on them, their land values would increase proportionately. In a sworn affidavit, Almy, the former executive director of the IAAO, called the department's methodology "surprising."

Other leading Nevada appraisal experts were shocked when they learned about the state's approach during an April 10, 2008 state Tax Commission advisory meeting. "This is a serious issue," Clark County Assessor Mark Schofield said during the daylong meeting of the advisory panel called the Blue Ribbon Commission. "Land values should be based on actual sales."

Nevada's taxable-value system was created by the legislature in 1981 to thwart a citizens' initiative to establish a property-tax system similar to California's controversial Proposition 13. Passed in 1978, the California measure limits property taxes to 1 percent of assessed value. It also limits annual increases in a property's assessed value to 2 percent, except when the property is sold, when the assessed value is reset to market value.

Seeking to avoid a similar measure in Nevada, the legislature abandoned its market-based property-tax system and replaced it with taxable value. The new system was supposed to shield homeowners from rising property taxes by removing improvements, which account for about 75 percent of the value of a typical residence, from sharply increasing market prices.

This bifurcated Nevada system of valuing land and improvements separately is the basis for many of the disputes between taxpayers and assessors, said Dino DiCianno, executive director of the state Department of Taxation.

"Where it gets complicated is trying to use a market-value process for the land separate from the improvements," DiCianno said.  The system "can break down," he said, "if you have discrepancies with the methodologies that are used."

Such discrepancies have provided the basis for a taxpayer revolt at Lake Tahoe spearheaded by the citizen nonprofit group Village League to Save Incline Assets, Inc.

Soon after the Village League was formed in late 2002, its attorneys zeroed in on the appraisal methods used by former Washoe County Assessor Robert McGowan, rather than protesting the actual taxable value. The Village League's legal attack on methodology confounded Washoe County, which, to this day, asserts that it has never over-valued property in Incline Village.

"The property was never over-appraised, and if anything, it was under-appraised," said McGowan. But as the courts would later determine, it doesn't matter what the value is, only whether it is computed based on methodologies approved by the Tax Commission.

McGowan also insisted that his office was using common appraisal practices — even though the Tax Commission had not approved some of the methods. His use of subjective appraisal methods that included increasing the value of a property based on its view of Lake Tahoe or the number and type of rocks on beaches of lake-front homes created deep and bitter animosity among taxpayers.

The struggle culminated with the Village League filing a civil action seeking criminal charges against McGowan. The case was dropped in April 2006, but the political damage had been done. McGowan retired as assessor in late 2006, ending his 24-year tenure.

Soon after, McGowan's protestation that Incline Village property was undervalued was rendered meaningless when a Village League lawsuit challenging McGowan's appraisal methodologies finally reached the Nevada Supreme Court in 2006. The lawsuit was filed by 17 property owners in 2003 and challenged four methodologies used by McGowan's appraisers.

In Bakst vs. State Board of Equalization, the Supreme Court ruled in December 2006 that since the four methods used by Washoe County had not first been approved by the state Tax Commission, they could not be used and were illegal.

Two years later, in State Board of Equalization vs. Barta, the Supreme Court reaffirmed its Bakst ruling in a case where taxpayers challenged the assessor's methods used to adjust property values in a year when the county assessor did not appraise properties, but used an estimate called "factoring" to determine taxable values.

In both cases, the court ordered that the Incline Village plaintiffs' property taxes be rolled back to 2002-03 levels.

In a major shift, the two Supreme Court rulings established that a taxpayer could challenge the methodology used to determine taxable value, regardless of whether that taxable value was greater than or less than market value of the property.

This fundamentally altered the state's tax-appeal system that has long relied on the premise that if a county assessor's taxable value didn't exceed market value, there was no justification for a taxpayer to appeal the assessor's valuation.

"A taxpayer does not need to present evidence of a value; the taxpayer need only show that there is an error in methodology," Bancroft wrote in the Institute for Professionals in Taxation.

Tax department director DiCianno concurs with Bancroft's assessment. DiCianno said that unless the assessor used department-approved methods to determine the taxable value, "then, in my mind, that value is not proper even if it doesn't exceed full cash value."

Washoe County Assessor Wilson, who faces reelection in 2010, said the bitter disputes over the taxable-value system have led him to consider whether it would be better to scrap the current system and move Nevada back to a market-based system.

"A pure market-based system distributes the tax burden more fairly among the citizens of a jurisdiction," he said. 

But Wilson, described by some as earnest but indecisive, is quick to add a caveat.

"Having said that, I didn't say I was in favor of it."

John Dougherty is the principal of InvestigativeMedia.com and has long been one of America's leading investigative reporters. He has been retained by the Nevada Policy Research Institute to report on critical issues of Nevada governance.

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For more than a decade, Nevada tax panel breaks law

CARSON CITY, Nev. — The Nevada Tax Commission has violated state law for more than 10 years by failing to issue a statutorily required tax-policy manual to ensure that the state's 17 county assessors uniformly and equally appraise property parcels across the state.

The lack of the tax manual has resulted in significant disparities among county assessors in how they value property for tax purposes, state records, court rulings and interviews with assessors show.

 The state constitution requires property to be equally and uniformly valued and the Nevada Supreme Court has ruled that county assessors must use state-approved methods when they assess any of the more than one million property parcels in the state.

The commission's failure to publish the tax policies and procedures manual for a decade is not its only major shortcoming. The commission has not yet promulgated a precise definition for "land," a fundamental element of property-tax assessment. The commission has also been reprimanded by the Nevada Supreme Court for "dereliction" of its duties to provide guidance to county assessors on how to conduct appraisals in complex situations.

The commission's violation of NRS 360.215(9), the provision requiring the policy manual, has played a central role in the ongoing property-tax revolt in Washoe County. North Lake Tahoe residents have won several Supreme Court cases over that county's illegal use of property-tax-assessment methods never approved by the state.

The Nevada Assessors Association has repeatedly requested the tax commission to issue the manual, but so far, nothing has happened. The result: Assessors must make seat-of-the-pants judgments on often-complicated property-tax issues, sometimes consulting with each other for guidance.

"The assessors are in limbo," said Dino DiCianno, executive director of the state Department of Taxation, the agency that implements regulations passed by the Tax Commission. "What we need to do is update the manual and incorporate it into our regulations."

So far, however, the department has given no indication it plans to begin the rule-making process to issue a new tax-policy manual.

DiCianno said the old policy manual was withdrawn from assessors in 1999 after the Nevada Legislature amended a law on administrative procedures. The revision required policies and procedures within the manual to go through the state's lengthy and cumbersome regulatory rule-making process. Ten years later, DiCianno said, that still has not happened.

Additionally, some counties are quietly pressing for no tax-policy manual to be issued, because they want to retain ultimate authority on how to implement state property-tax laws and regulations, a former state tax department official and a former tax commissioner said.

Joel Flamenbaum, a former tax department supervisor, said that after he was hired in 2001 to oversee the appraisal division he was ordered by superiors in the Guinn administration not to work on the tax manual. Flamenbaum said he later learned that the department decided not to reissue the tax policy manual in order to provide cover for elected county assessors and allow them to implement their own property assessment procedures without being held accountable for straying from state standards.

"If nothing is written down, then no one could be admonished," said Flamenbaum, who was fired from the department in 2006 after he leaked internal information to a taxpayers group.

Former state tax commission chairman Thomas Sheets said there is disagreement between taxpayers and some assessors over the need for the policy manual. Some taxpayer groups, he said, want a tax manual with "rigid instructions" to provide assessors with as much guidance from the state as possible.

But, Sheets said, some elected assessors don't want to be subjected to the state-mandated directives that would come with a policy manual. Instead, they want general guidelines within which they can flexibly deal with varied situations.

"You don't have unanimity of opinion among the county (assessors)," Sheets said during an August interview in his Las Vegas law office. "All of these things factor into why there is no manual at this point."

Sheets, who served as tax commission chairman for four years, was unaware at the time of the interview that the commission was required by state statute to issue the policy-and-procedures manual.

"Frankly, if the statutes say you should have a [manual], then shame on me for not making sure we have done that during my watch," he said.

Sheets resigned from the commission in September to accept a position as chief counsel for the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission. Gov. Jim Gibbons named tax commission member Robert Barengo as the panel's new chairman. Barengo did not return a phone call seeking comment on the lack of a tax manual.

A half-dozen assessors interviewed for this story from large and small counties from across the state said they would welcome a new tax-policy manual.

Josh Wilson, the Washoe County assessor and current president of the Nevada Assessors Association, said, "assessors across the state would like to see an updated manual." Wilson said the tax department had scheduled hearings in the summer of 2007 on preparing a new manual, but nothing ever came from the meetings.

Wilson said the old manual provided information on how to implement regulations passed by the tax commission. "We want guidance in carrying out the statutes and regulations consistently and appropriately," he said.

Douglas County assessor Doug Sonnemann said his staff still has a copy of the 1990s manual and he would welcome an updated version to assist in explaining to taxpayers how the assessor determined the value of their property. Douglas County includes high-end properties on the southeastern shore of Lake Tahoe.

"Nothing is better to me than to pull out the book and say, ‘Here is the law and the regulation,'" he said.

Lyon County Assessor Mike Glass said the lack of the manual has made his job increasingly more difficult because of the complicated tax regulations that have resulted in the last few years after the Nevada Legislature imposed the property-tax caps in 2005. The rapidly growing county is east of Carson City.

"It's been a bit rougher because the rules seem obscure and hard to follow," Glass said. "There's lot of things where we don't know what to do."

Glass said that he and many of his fellow assessors in the 14 rural counties would welcome a policy manual because it would help ensure uniformity in property-tax assessments across the state.

"It would be nice if all the assessors could get on the same page," he said. "It would be nice for the department to say this is what this means. We all want to do it the same way and that's been our goal forever."

Mark Schofield, the assessor of Clark County, which includes Las Vegas, said, "a manual certainly would have added some clarity, but it hasn't really impeded or hampered our ability to do our jobs. We do rely heavily on the [state] statutes and the Nevada Administrative Code."

At the same time, Schofield said he does not understand why the tax department has not requested that the tax commission begin hearings on a new manual. "Why haven't you taken the tax manual back to the commission for adoption?" Schofield asks. "Why?"

Barbara Smith Campbell was chairwoman of the tax commission in 1999 when the legislative changes were made and the commission withdrew the manual, which up to then had not been made generally available to the public.

She said the tax department even then couldn't keep up with a statutorily required, 10-year review of about 100 regulations each year, let alone put a 350-page policy-and-procedures manual through the regulatory process.

In addition, she said, opening the policy manual to public comment during required regulatory workshops would quickly get bogged down in a debate over how much discretion should be given to assessors.

Taxpayer groups, such as the Village League to Save Incline Assets, Inc., which is leading a seven-year tax revolt at Lake Tahoe, would push for policies and procedures that strictly limit the amount of discretion given to assessors to determine property values, she said.

And assessors would counter, she said, arguing that some degree of subjectivity is necessary in order to fairly and equally assess property.

"The two sides shall never come together," Campbell said. "Not in our state."

The fact that it would be a contentious and difficult series of hearings to approve a new tax manual is not a legitimate excuse for the tax commission to have ignored the law for more than a decade, said Norm Azevedo, a former attorney for the tax commission.

"They have a statutory duty to do it and they should do it," said Azevedo, who after leaving the commission represented Lake Tahoe taxpayers in litigation that led to several significant Nevada Supreme Court decisions. The rulings force Washoe County to issue property tax refunds because the assessor used valuation methods unapproved by the state.

In December 2006, the high court ruled in Bakst vs. the State Board of Equalization that county assessors must use appraisal methods approved by the state tax commission. In the same ruling, the court also said the tax commission had been derelict in its duty to provide detailed guidelines to assessors.

Now, three years later, the tax commission continues to ignore state law and the Supreme Court by failing to provide taxpayers and assessors a required policy-and-procedures manual that would help ensure that property across the state is being fairly and equitably assessed.

"From my perspective, that is the heart of the issue," Azevedo said. "You have to have a uniform system of valuation."

John Dougherty is the principal of InvestigativeMedia.com and has long been one of America's leading investigative reporters. He has been retained by the Nevada Policy Research Institute to report on critical issues of Nevada governance.

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The birth of a rebellion

INCLINE VILLAGE, Nev. — A Washoe County property-tax revolt that has already won court orders for more than $20 million in refunds and threatens to implode the state's entire property-tax system began with a single phone call.

In late 2002, retired state court Judge Leonard Gang called his friend and Carson City attorney, Norm Azevedo, and asked about an unusual description on his property-tax notice regarding the valuation of views from his home in this affluent town on the North Shore of Lake Tahoe. Judge Gang hadn't seen this particular view classification before on tax-appraisal reports, and was wondering why it was suddenly impacting the assessed value of his property so much.

 Azevedo was the right man to call. A former attorney for major accounting firms who later served as counsel to the Nevada Tax Commission for 10 years, Azevedo was an expert on state tax law. And looking at the methods being used by the Washoe County assessor to determine property values for the 2003-04 tax year, Azevedo reached a startling conclusion.

The county assessor, Azevedo discovered, was using the same comparable sales to determine valuations for property in the 2003-04 tax year as he did for the 2002-03 tax year, but with one big difference: The valuations for 2003-04 were much higher — in some cases more than 100 percent higher.

How could property values change so much from year to year, when the same comparable sales were used as a basis for the assessors' appraisal? The answer: The assessor simply changed the appraisal rules, with a specific goal in mind. "They changed the rules to derive a higher tax value," Azevedo said.

Making matters worse, discovered Azevedo, the assessor's new rules were not being used anywhere else in Washoe County — or anywhere else in the rest of the state.

"We found that none of the rules were contained in the (state Department of Taxation) regulations," Azevedo said. "None of the rules were supported by statutes."

Without a court order, however, the Washoe County assessor's appraisals were the ones North Shore residents were required to meet. Then, further investigation discovered that not even the rules that had been customized for the North Shore were being applied equally.

The assessor's office was ostensibly determining the value of views of Lake Tahoe from lakeside homes. But — Azevedo discovered — of the view valuations made by the assessor, approximately 39 out of 40 had been calculated incorrectly and later were adjusted during administrative appeals.

The astonishingly high error rate, said Azevedo, should have been a signal to the county that something was amiss.

"That's when someone should have leaped into action" to fix an obvious problem and address growing concerns among North Shore property owners that they were not being fairly taxed, he said. "They could have fixed it one year."

Instead, Washoe County and state tax officials refused to act, forcing property owners to band together and seek legal redress. Seven years later, and after more than $1 million in legal fees, the monumental effort finally paid off last Friday, Oct. 23. That was when Reno district court Judge Brent Adams issued an order requiring Washoe County Treasurer Bill Berrum to issue refunds to about 9,000 taxpayers. The order requires Washoe County to reduce the 2006/2007 valuations of all residential properties in Incline Village and Crystal Bay to their 2002/03 taxable values.

"It was a very simple case, but to go from there to here was a Herculean effort," Azevedo said.

Judge Adams' order requires Berrum to issue refunds to property owners for the 2006/07 tax year and subsequent tax years that are now impacted because of the 2006/07 rollback to 2002/03 values. The order also requires the county to pay 6 percent annual interest to property owners from the date the excess funds were collected to the date they are refunded.

The Village League to Save Incline Assets, Inc., a nonprofit taxpayers group spearheading the North Shore property-tax revolt, estimates the refund will total approximately $20 million. Berrum said that it will be several months before refunds will begin to be issued, and "it is very likely" that it will take at least a year for them all to be issued.

Judge Adams' order is most likely not the end of the struggle for North Shore property owners. Washoe County is expected to appeal the ruling and it will most likely end up, once again, before the Nevada Supreme Court, said Maryanne Ingemanson, president of the Village League.

The Village League's grueling and expensive effort not only discovered inequities in Washoe County, but has led to landmark Supreme Court decisions that have exposed fundamental constitutional problems with Nevada's unique and complex property-tax system that separately values land and improvements, a method used nowhere else in the country.

If Washoe County appeals Judge Adams' order, it will not be the first time the county or the state has appealed court decisions that ruled in favor of taxpayers. Appeals and administrative delaying tactics have consistently been the course of action followed by the state and county over the years, in what appears to be an effort to simply avoid paying refunds to taxpayers.

The ongoing legal haggling over the 2006/07 property tax assessments for Incline Village and Crystal Bay provides a snapshot of the difficulty that taxpayers face when they challenge county and state property tax authorities.

The root of the 2006/07 challenge goes back to late 2002, when the Washoe County assessor conducted the first mass appraisal of the two towns in five years. After taxpayers like Judge Gang became concerned about the sharp increases in their property valuations, the Village League filed its first lawsuit in October 2003 challenging the valuation methods used by then-Washoe County assessor Robert McGowan. But the Village League didn't stop there.

Its leaders also became actively involved in the development of new property-tax rules, attending dozens of Department of Taxation regulatory workshops and making recommendations. At the same time, the group began lobbying the Nevada Legislature for property-tax reforms and played a key role in passing a 2005 bill that strengthens the Department of Taxation's oversight of county assessors. The Village League also hired highly regarded appraisal experts to review the property valuation methodologies used by Washoe County.

The experts included Marvin L. Wolverton, professor emeritus and former distinguished professor of real estate at Washington State University, who has authored dozens of articles for academic and professional journals and real estate practitioner publications; and Richard Almy, former executive director of the International Association of Assessing Officers, an organization that sets standards for property valuations.

In September 2004, Wolverton presented a report to the Nevada Tax Commission based on his analysis of Washoe County's property valuations for Incline Village and Crystal Bay. Wolverton's study showed that Incline Village and Crystal Bay's tax values were systematically higher and less consistent when compared with Lake Tahoe properties in Douglas County on the south end of the lake. He also showed that Incline Village and Crystal Bay property values were out of equalization with each other and with the rest of Washoe County. His report provided powerful evidence from an outside expert that Washoe County was violating the Nevada Constitution's requirement for a uniform and equal rate of assessment and taxation.

Wolverton's report foreshadowed a crucial ruling by state court Judge William Maddox in January 2006. Judge Maddox ruled that Washoe County had not used state-approved rules to appraise Incline Village and Crystal Bay properties for the 2003/04 tax year. The court also ruled that the inconsistent application of the disputed appraisal methodologies "illustrates the high probability that the taxes were not assessed on an equal and uniform basis, as required by the Constitution."

The Maddox court reversed a state Board of Equalization ruling that earlier upheld the methods of Washoe County assessor McGowan. Maddox rolled back property valuations to 2002/03 levels and ordered refunds to taxpayers who had paid more than the 2002/03 amounts, plus interest. It was a major victory for the Village League, but any celebration was still premature. The Maddox decision was appealed to the Supreme Court, and there 17 taxpayers squared off against Washoe County, the Washoe County Assessor, the state Board of Equalization, the state Department of Taxation and the Nevada Tax Commission.

Two months after Judge Maddox's ruling eviscerated the valuation methodologies used by Washoe County, the Village League challenged the assessor's valuations for nearly 9,000 parcels for the 2006/07 tax year before the Washoe County Board of Equalization. Taking a cue from the Maddox ruling, the county board unanimously voted in March 2006 to roll back the Washoe County assessor's valuations for 9,000 properties for the 2006/07 tax year to 2002/03 tax levels. Rather than agree to the rollback, Washoe County would later appeal the decision to the state Board of Equalization.

Despite the Maddox and county board rulings in favor of the Village League, the property-tax battle was far from over, although a crucial turning point was coming. In December 2006, the Nevada Supreme Court issued a scathing opinion that stunned state and county tax officials. The high court ruled 6-0, upholding Judge Maddox's decision.

In the State Board of Equalization vs. Bakst decision, the Supreme Court ruled that four of the Washoe County assessor's appraisal methods were invalid because they were never approved in regulations passed by the Nevada Tax Commission. The court determined that the "2003-2004 valuations, that were based on these methodologies, are therefore unjust and inequitable." The Supreme Court also upheld the Maddox order to roll property taxes back to 2002-03 levels and stated that taxpayers were entitled to refunds for over-collected taxes, plus interest.

The Supreme Court ruling also focused on the failure of the Nevada Tax Commission to establish appraisal regulations adequate to guide county assessors in cases where determining property valuations are difficult. The court noted that the Tax Commission had failed to update appraisal regulations since 1983. Without guidance from the Tax Commission, county assessors "had to develop their own methods for assessing property values in their respective counties," the court stated. However, said the Supreme Court, county assessors "did not have the authority to create individualized valuation methodologies in 2002."

Nevada's high court placed the blame for the dilemma faced by county assessors — who were compelled to make decisions without sufficient regulations — squarely on the Tax Commission. Concluding its decision, the Supreme Court stated:

The Nevada Tax Commission failed to fulfill its statutory duty to update general and uniform regulations governing the assessment of property. Without uniform regulations from the Tax Commission, the Assessor, understandably, created the methodologies he deemed necessary to assess the properties in the Incline Village and Crystal Bay areas. Those methodologies are unconstitutional, however, because they are inconsistent with the methodologies used in other parts of Washoe County and the entire state.

The Supreme Court ruling still shocks former Washoe County assessor McGowan. McGowan, who served as assessor from 1983 through 2006, said in August that he believes that his office was following state regulations and did nothing wrong. He also asserts that his appraisers did not overvalue Incline Village and Crystal Bay properties, and, in fact, they were and remain undervalued for property-tax purposes. "Personally, I still think we were doing it right," he said. "But the Supremes, they get to make the final decision. I don't want to be too contradictory to the Supreme Court."

While McGowan doesn't like the Supreme Court ruling, the decision was an astounding victory for the Village League and signaled a significant turning point in the property-tax battle. Important as the decision was, the refunds only applied to the 17 taxpayers who had participated in the legal challenge. Village League leaders were determined to make sure all taxpayers in Incline Village and Crystal Bay were afforded the same property-tax relief. The best way to accomplish that goal was to enforce the March 2006 Washoe County Board of Equalization ruling that rolled back property valuations for 9,000 property owners to 2002/03 levels.

Washoe County, however, had other plans. In January 2007, the county appealed the county board ruling to the state Board of Equalization. But rather than make a ruling, the state board voted to send the case back to the county board for further review. The Village League filed an emergency appeal to the Nevada Supreme Court, and successfully halted the county board meeting scheduled for May 2007.

The Village League won another appeal before the Supreme Court in October 2008 when the court ordered the state board to rule on Washoe County's appeal of the county board's March 2006 ruling. In July 2009, the state board unanimously agreed to uphold the county board's ruling and rolled back valuations for the 2006/07 tax year for 9,000 property owners to 2002/03. The state board's decision set the stage for the Village League to seek the order from Judge Adams requiring the Washoe County treasurer to issue refunds.

The complex legal wrangling over the 2006/07 tax year is just one of about a dozen lawsuits filed by the Village League that are still pending on property-tax appeals and other property-tax-related matters, including a civil rights case filed against former members of the state board pending in the Nevada Supreme Court. Reno attorney Suellen Fulstone is representing the Village League in all of the pending cases and has become one of the state's leading experts on property-tax law.

Fulstone said the barrage of rulings stemming from the Village League lawsuits raise serious doubts about the constitutionality of the state's entire property-tax system. The root of the problem, she said, is the state's bifurcated valuation system — known as the "taxable value system" — where land is valued separately from improvements.

So far, the Village League has not filed a case aimed specifically at having the state's property-tax system declared unconstitutional. Fulstone said while there is a "pretty good case" to be made to challenge the state's taxable value system, "it is not the desire of the Village League to take down Nevada's property-tax system. It is just to get a fair tax for Incline Village."

But Fulstone said she has little doubt that if such a case is brought, it would succeed. The fundamental problem, she said, is that Nevada's property-tax system creates valuation differences with "no rational basis whatsoever."

While the Village League's effort is focused on gaining refunds and creating fair and equitable property taxes in Washoe County, the legal precedents set so far have laid the groundwork for a broad constitutional challenge to Nevada's taxable value system. And there is no sign that the Village League's pending litigation is about to end, increasing the likelihood that future Supreme Court rulings could further undermine the state's property-tax system.

Prior to the state board's July meeting, the Village League offered to drop all its pending litigation if Washoe County assessor Josh Wilson withdrew his appeal of the 2006 county board order to roll back valuations for 9,000 property owners to 2002/03. Wilson refused the offer and the state board subsequently ruled in favor of the Village League. Rather than ending the seven-year rebellion, the property-tax revolt and litigation continues.

After years of acrimony and bitter exchanges between the Village League and Washoe County officials, the revolt has become more than just a battle over money. "We are not making any money on this," says Incline Village resident and Village League member Les Barta. "This is a matter of justice. This is a matter of principle. We want to see this through to the end. We are confident we will win."

After serving as co-counsel with Fulstone on the 2006 Supreme Court Bakst case, Carson City attorney Azevedo is no longer involved in the day-to-day litigation on behalf Incline Village and Crystal Bay residents. To this day, however, Azevedo is deeply troubled about how the state and county continue to fight taxpayers every step of the way. "No taxpayer should ever have to go through … what those taxpayers went through to obtain uniform and equal valuation," he said.

And the fact that the state and county are still opposing efforts to equalize property tax valuations between the 17 plaintiffs that participated in the Bakst case and the remaining 9,000 residents who have been fighting for more than three years for equal treatment is equally galling, he said.

"It is impossible to reconcile how Dr. Bakst can be rolled back to 02-03 levels and his neighbors with properties adjacent to his remain taxed at a higher level," Azevedo said. "That makes no sense. I believe the state board and tax commission had a duty to address this."

John Dougherty is the principal of InvestigativeMedia.com and has long been one of America's leading investigative reporters. He has been retained by the Nevada Policy Research Institute to report on critical issues of Nevada governance.

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Coming soon: A more transparent Nevada

Nevada citizens and state officials both will soon know a good deal more about how Silver State government is spending taxpayer dollars.

Beginning October 6, all State of Nevada employees, to procure goods or services for their department from private vendors, must first fill out and sign highly taxpayer-friendly summaries of the contracts they are proposing.

By early next year, say state officials, the contract summaries will be a functional part of the Nevada Executive Budget System, and also — through the state open-records law — available to the public.

 TransparentNevada.com, an open-government website sponsored by the Nevada Policy Research Institute, has committed to aggregate the contract summaries and publish them online.

The change to the state budgeting process is part of the Open Government Initiative announced by the administration of Governor Jim Gibbons in March 2008.

Not only the basic facts of the contracts — name of agency, name of contractor, source of funds to pay the contractor, etc. — must be provided by state employees. Each purchase must also be justified, with an explanation of:

  • What conditions require that this particular work be done,
  • Why state employees are not able to do the work,
  • Whether or not quotes or proposals have been solicited, and
  • Why this particular contractor was chosen, rather than others.

Other questions on the contract summary include:

  • Is the contractor a consultant (providing information, an opinion or advice for a fee)?
  • Is the contractor a current employee of the State of Nevada?
  • Was the contractor employed by the State of Nevada within the past year?
  • Is the contractor currently employed by any of Nevada's political subdivisions or by any other government?
  • And, for contracts over $25,000 per fiscal year, "Is the contractor currently involved in litigation with the State of Nevada?"

To be completed, the contract summary must also provide:

  • The name and phone number of the state employee charged with monitoring performance under the contract,
  • The name and signature of the state manager approving the contract, and
  • The signature of the agency head.

Should any state employee not submit the electronic form with every slot filled out, says state Purchasing Administrator Greg Smith, the employee's spending proposal will go nowhere. That's because the contract summary is on the "front end" of the spending process, he explained.

The system now being replaced — in operation since 2003 — asks for the report on the "back end," after the letting of a contract, Smith said. That system was instituted under former Department of Administration head John "Perry" Comeaux, during the Kenny Guinn administration.

The weakness of executive-branch oversight on spending had become especially apparent when then-governor Guinn asked once at a Board of Examiners meeting, "How many contracts does the state have with IBM?"

Because the State of Nevada at the time had no central database of contract information, it took about two weeks of checking with different departments before the purchasing division could give the governor an answer, said Smith.

A major drawback of that system was that it has required many hours of wasteful "baby-sitting" of tardy state employees by purchasing division staff, he said.

While most state employees would get their contract-description reports in promptly, he said, another 10 or 15 percent would do so after a reminder from purchasing-division staff. But some state employees would have to be contacted again and again, and even then would not complete the contract descriptions.

Today, some state agencies still have significant backlogs and are working madly to catch up before January, said Smith. That is when the new system is scheduled to be in operation for the State Board of Examiners, which according to state law must approve "every claim for payment from the State Treasury." The governor, secretary of state and attorney general make up the board.

Now the pressure on state agencies to get their contract summaries up to date is real, says Smith, because if a previous contract is up for extension or a change order, but no summary of that contract is in the system, the board won't be able to pay it.

Smith noted that the new "front-in" process is part of Gov. Gibbons' Open Government Initiative, announced March 18, 2008. He said the administration lobbied the Nevada Legislature's Interim Finance Committee in the summer of 2008 to get permission to move some funds around, allowing development of the new approach.

In recent years NPRI has been a driving force in the push for open government in Nevada. In addition to hosting TransparentNevada as a public service, the Institute has repeatedly highlighted the need for greater government transparency, has released a detailed report on wasteful government spending in Nevada, and has published the findings of its in-depth investigation into the casual financial practices of the taxpayer-funded Las Vegas Convention and Visitors Authority. The Institute has also been active in multiple other government-transparency efforts.

Steven Miller is vice president for policy at the Nevada Policy Research Institute.

Stage set for property tax showdown

RENO — The seven-year, no-holds-barred, legal battle between Washoe County and Lake Tahoe property owners will reach a crucial turning point Tuesday.

Hanging in the balance isn't just the tens of millions in property tax dollars that the county doesn't want to refund to thousands of residents in the wealthy North Shore Communities of Incline Village and Crystal Bay.

The scorched-earth legal attack, experts say, has revealed serious, fundamental problems with the state's property tax system, raising the specter it is unconstitutional and will have to be scrapped.

The question before Washoe County District Court Judge Brent Adams, however, is whether to order the Washoe County Treasurer to immediately refund approximately $20 million in property taxes and interest to 8,700 North Shore property owners.

Tuesday's hearing is the latest chapter in a fierce $1 million legal war that began in December 2002 with a simple disagreement over a handful of property tax assessments that county and state officials subsequently ignored.

Faced with skyrocketing valuations in their property assessments, however, North Shore residents did not go away. Instead, they banded together and launched a flurry of lawsuits, winning several Supreme Court decisions, including the groundbreaking 2006 Bakst case.

The victories not only stunned and frustrated Washoe County and state tax officials, but have taken on statewide significance by exposing fundamental constitutional problems with Nevada's "taxable value" system, a unique and complex method for assessing property taxes.

The Supreme Court's Bakst decision, for example, exposed the longstanding failure of the Nevada Tax Commission to fulfill legislative and constitutional mandates to create uniform property tax assessment regulations for the state's 17 county assessors to use.

In the absence of uniform assessment methods, Nevada property owners have little protection against arbitrary variations in the methodologies used by county assessors to determine valuations of similar properties. Different methods may lead to wide differences in the valuation of the same property. The Nevada Constitution requires a "uniform and equal rate of assessment" of state and local taxes.

Suellen Fullstone, a Reno attorney who has represented North Shore residents in more than a dozen cases, says Incline Village and Crystal Bay are the "tip of the iceberg" of the problems with the state property tax system. The root issue, she says, is that despite the Supreme Court rulings, the state Tax Commission still "has not promulgated the kind of valuation regulations that are necessary to ensure constitutional property taxation in Nevada."

Ms. Fullstone says that the commission's failure to pass assessment regulations, combined with the complexity of the state's property tax system, leaves the state vulnerable to a constitutional challenge.

"Sooner or later, if the case is brought … the taxable value system itself will be determined unconstitutional," she says. "It just cannot work, certainly not the way it is presently set up."

Former Tax Commission Chairman Tom Sheets disputes Ms. Fullstone's assertion that the state has failed to pass sufficient regulations to guide county assessors. "My argument would be we have in fact given the assessors the methodology or the direction to use so they can be consistent from the top to the bottom of the state," says Sheets. He stepped down last month as commission chairman.

County assessors, however, say there has long been a lack of guidance from the state on how to implement property tax regulations. In interviews, several said they would welcome more direction from the state Department of Taxation, which implements regulations passed by the commission.

"We want guidance in carrying out these statutes and regulations consistently and appropriately," says Washoe County Assessor Josh Wilson.

The Nevada Legislature adopted the state's "taxable value" system in 1981 to thwart an effort by voters to pass an initiative similar to California's Proposition 13, which limits property taxes to 1 percent of the sales price of property, with annual increases capped at 2 percent.

Instead, the Nevada Legislature created a bifurcated property tax system in which land is valued separately from improvements. The formula was intended to provide a property tax break to residents of older homes to reduce the likelihood that rising property values would force them to sell their homes.

Nevada is the one state in the nation that still attempts to make the taxable value system work. Under it, land is supposed to be valued at market price, while buildings are valued at their replacement cost as determined by a manual of construction costs published annually by a private company. Once the replacement cost of the buildings or improvements is determined, that cost is then reduced by the age of the building multiplied by 1.5 percent depreciation per year.

County assessors then add the land value to the replacement cost minus the depreciation value to get the total taxable value of the property. Two more steps are required to determine the property tax. Taxable value is multiplied by 35 percent — a rate set by the Nevada Legislature — to calculate the property's assessed value. Finally, that assessed valued is multiplied by the local property tax rate to determine the overall property tax bill.

Tax experts say Nevada's use of the costing service manual published by the private firm Marshall & Swift is an unreliable way to determine the value of improvements. "Who is to say how accurate they are?" asks Richard R. Almy, former executive director of the International Association of Assessing Officers. "This is a weak foundation for a tax system."

Determining the value of land on which an improvement sits has also become more difficult. As Nevada's population has expanded and land has been developed, county assessors have fewer sales of undeveloped land parcels that can guide their land valuations. This shifts a great deal of discretion to the assessors who must still determine the fair market value of land.

In every other state in the country, assessors simply look at readily available comparable sales of property that include land and improvements. In Nevada, however, assessors frequently rely on complex valuation methodologies to determine the value of land separate from the improvements. These methodologies often vary from county to county, state Department of Taxation records reveal.

In Incline Village and Crystal Bay, the lack of undeveloped land sales became a crucial factor in the dispute between property owners and the Washoe County assessor.

The county would occasionally designate certain North Shore properties as "tear downs," when it expected that the purchaser of a property intended to replace the current home with a new structure. In these cases, the county assigned the full purchase price of the property to the land, thereby greatly increasing the land valuations for all property owners in the area. In some cases, the county designated a property a "tear down" even though the new owner had not leveled the home but was in fact living in it for years.

Incline Village resident Todd Lowe says he bought a lakefront property, never intending to tear it down. But four years later, because of asbestos contamination, he changed his mind. Nevertheless, says Lowe, years before the house was actually razed the county valued his house as a "tear down."

"They put an extra $2.3 million in value on the land," he says, dramatically increasing his and his neighbors' property taxes.

"I was appalled," Lowe says. "That first year they raised my property taxes 60 percent and they raised all my neighbors'."

The experience led Lowe to join the Village League to Save Incline Village Assets, a nonprofit group of North Shore homeowners that has spearheaded the property tax revolt.

Beginning in the multi-million mansions along Lakeshore Drive, that revolt is now poised to spread throughout the rest of the state.

Tuesday's court hearing will focus on the Village League's demand for immediate payment of a portion of the property taxes residents already paid for 2006-07. After a protracted, three-year legal struggle with the State Board of Equalization, which included intervention by the Supreme Court, the League won a crucial ruling before the board last July 20.

In a 5-0 decision, the state board upheld a 2006 ruling by the Washoe County Board of Equalization that ordered the Washoe County assessor to roll back property assessments for 8,700 Incline Village and Crystal Bay property owners to 2002-03 levels.

In August, the Village League demanded tax refunds from Washoe County Treasurer Bill Berrum. However, Berrum ignored the refund demand, leading the Village League to file another lawsuit seeking a court order directing the treasurer to issue the refunds. This case will be heard Tuesday before Judge Adams.

The state Board of Equalization, meanwhile, has not yet issued a written notice of decision from the July 20 hearing explaining its legal reasoning for approving a rollback of the assessments on parcels in one of the wealthiest enclaves in the nation. The board is violating state regulations requiring the notice to be published within 60 days of the hearing.

In a separate attempt to block implementation of the state board's July 20 vote, Washoe County assessor Wilson appears poised to appeal the state board's written decision, once issued. Wilson says that while he would like to settle the case, he's going to follow the legal advice of his attorneys. If history is any guide, that means appealing the state board's written ruling in hopes a court will overturn the board's July decision and allow the county to keep the $20 million.

Village League officials vow to continue to fight until all Incline Village and Crystal Bay taxpayers receive tax refunds. League leaders say if the county refuses to comply with the state board's decision to roll back property assessments and issue refunds, the League will pursue other legal options that could increase the county's potential tax-refund liability by an additional $40 million.

"The county wishes I would die or move," says Village League president Maryanne Ingemanson, who has maintained strict vigilance over a complex series of legal maneuvers during the last seven years.

"I intend to do neither," says Ingemanson, a former concert pianist and prominent commercial real estate investor.

The possibilities of arbitrarily different assessment practices within, and between, counties are not the only source of concerns that Nevada's entire state property tax system does not meet the "uniform and equal" constitutional standard. Also raising questions is the state board's decision to roll back property tax assessments to 2002-03 levels for 8,700 residents in one of the wealthiest communities in the country while all other Nevadans carry the burden of much higher, recent property tax assessment levels.

"If you were to say the whole state is out of equalization, that's the worse-case scenario," says former state Tax Commission chairwoman Barbara Smith Campbell. She chose not to speculate on whether that is in fact the case but acknowledged that it is "a very good question."

The Village League property tax revolt has provided a rare window into the murky world of property tax assessment in Nevada. Not only has it raised serious questions about the inherent fairness and constitutionality of the state's taxable value system, but the upheaval has triggered quiet discussions among state property tax experts of whether it is time to replace taxable value with a market-based system.

Over the next several months, InvestigativeMedia.com and the Nevada Policy Research Institute will report on the roots of the tax revolt, the systemic problems that tax officials face when they attempt to assess Nevada property taxes, the impact of the 2005 property tax abatement and the political implications of fundamental property tax reform.

John Dougherty is the principal of InvestigativeMedia.com and has long been one of America's leading investigative reporters. He has been retained by the Nevada Policy Research Institute to report on critical issues of Nevada governance.

Read more:

Axing the public’s lawyer

Assembly Speaker Barbara Buckley worked energetically in both the 2007 and 2009 Legislatures to kill the ability of the Clark County District Attorney to represent the public interest when children are being abused, a review of legislative minutes reveals.

Significant evidence also suggests Buckley was the primary mover behind an associated — but controversial and apparently badly written — section of the state's 2009 appropriations law that has triggered a request from the state Health and Human Services Department for a Nevada Attorney General legal opinion.

 Attorney General Catherine Cortez Masto has asked Clark County DA David Roger to submit his office's own research and analysis on the matter. Legislative Counsel Brenda Erdoes — responding to a request from Assembly Democrats Debbie Smith and April Mastroluca — has also submitted a legal analysis.

The provision in question is Section 54 of AB 562, the 2009 appropriations bill. The paragraph would deny some $86 million over the next two years to the state's Division of Child and Family Services unless the Clark DA stops obeying a mandate in NRS 432B.510. That provision requires the district attorney to not only see and countersign all petitions that allege a child is in need of protection, but to also "represent the interests of the public in all subsequent proceedings."

In May of 2007, according to minutes of the Legislature's Joint Subcommittee on K-12/Human Services, Buckley sought to frame the issue as merely one of limited state dollars, which — under a reigning state-county child welfare integration agreement — were to be used to fund the county's child welfare agency.

"If the Office of the District Attorney wants to represent the public, they cannot do it with our dollars," she said. "…[W]e do not have funds for the Office of the District Attorney to do extra general public representation."

In her 2007 remarks, Buckley did not address the fact that, technically, all dollars are state dollars, since Nevada is a Dillon's Rule state, i.e., one without home rule. Nor did Buckley address the mandate in state law requiring that the district attorney "shall represent the interests of the public [emphasis added]" in subsequent proceedings and giving the DA's office no choice in the matter.

In 2009, however, Buckley and her lieutenants — Sheila Leslie and Debbie Smith (Assembly majority whip and assistant majority whip, respectively) — went after the Clark County District Attorney on both fronts: funding and legal authority. Unfortunately for their cause, however, other lawmakers disagreed with them and the legal mandate requiring the DA to represent the interest of the public continues in force.

The very first version of the 2009 appropriations bill that appears on the Legislature's website attempts to remove funding, should the DA continue obeying NRS 432B.510. Section 54 of the bill was written to assert that "all funds, whether state or local," must be used "in a manner such that the child welfare agencies are the sole client of the district attorneys" whenever the DA's office "is serving as the attorney for a child welfare agency."

Of course, if the county child welfare agency must be "the sole client" of the DA in every case of child protection, the DA's office cannot continue doing what it does now in some of those cases: appoint another attorney to represent the public's interest in the child-abuse case.

The attempt by Leslie and Smith to nullify the state law requiring the district attorney's office to represent the interest of the public did not occur until May 27, 2009 — the last week of the session.

It was an Assembly Ways and Means committee hearing with Buckley present but silent. Smith offered an amendment to Senate Bill 293, which State Senator Barbara Cegavske had sponsored. That bill sought to reform the process through which psychotropic drugs get administered to state foster-care children.

Smith's amendment, however, had another agenda entirely. It was the attempt to change the official position of the state, as embodied in state law NRS 432B.510, to officially declare that "[a]n agency which provides child welfare services shall represent the best interests of the child in all proceedings," and that district attorneys must "represent the interests of the child welfare agency in all proceedings."

That there might be a difference between "the interests of the child welfare agency" and the interests of a child in need of protection was never acknowledged by Buckley, Leslie or Smith in the May 27 hearing. Yet the amendment, if it had become law, would have essentially given county child welfare agencies veto-power over district attorney activities in abused-child cases.

Unfortunately, such agencies, in Nevada and around the U.S., have regularly, over the years, faced major public scandals over chronic failures to protect abused children.

Nevertheless, Assemblywoman Kathy McClain moved for passage of the Smith amendment and Leslie seconded the motion. According to hearing minutes, the measure passed. If any members of Ways and Means voted no, their votes were not recorded.

Two days later, when the Senate took up the amended SB 293, Senator Terry Care told his colleagues that the change was unacceptable, say other senators. Care, an attorney and chairman of the body's judiciary committee, subsequently told the Nevada Policy Research Institute that District Attorney Roger had flown up to Carson City to explain the problems with the Assembly measure.

The Senate's subsequent disapproval of what the Assembly had attempted was unanimous and bipartisan. Senate Majority Leader Steven Horsford moved to not concur with the Assembly and Senator Dennis Nolan seconded the motion.

Notwithstanding the dramatics, however, Nevada lawmakers had still gotten crosswise with themselves. In passing into law the session's major appropriations bill, AB 562, they had also — almost all of them unwittingly — passed into law the ban on funding for continued reform of child welfare services, should the Clark County DA continue representing the public under NRS 432B.510, in cases where the office also represented the county welfare agency.

It is that failure of legislative coordination that last week led the state Department of Health and Human Services to ask the Nevada Attorney General's Office for a legal opinion on how to interpret Section 54 of the appropriations bill, the exact text of which is:

The appropriation of all of the sums appropriated by section 20 of this act to the Division of Child and Family Services of the Department of Health and Human Services for expenses incurred by Clark County and Washoe County for the integration of child welfare services are [sic] dependent upon all funds, whether state or local, being used in a manner such that the child welfare agencies are the sole client of the district attorneys in each case in which the District Attorney or Deputy District Attorney is serving as the attorney for a child welfare agency.

Specifically, the AG asked the Clark County DA to explain whether the section prohibits "the State Division of Child and Family Services from passing funds through to Clark County when the District Attorney also performs the statutory duty, required by NRS 432B.510, to ‘represent the interest of the public in all proceedings'".

The DA's brief answer: "No. The rules of statutory construction, as well as previous Attorney General Opinions, make it clear that Appropriation Bills are not to be interpreted in a manner that changes the substantive or general laws of the State and must be read in harmony with existing statutory obligations."

Next the AG asked, "What effect, if any, does the failure of the 2009 Legislature to pass SB 293 have in interpreting Section 54 of the 2009 Appropriations Bill (AB562)?"

The DA's answer: "The Legislature's failure to adopt SB 293, along with its approval of Appropriations Bill (AB 562), indicates that the Legislature intended for the District Attorney to represent the interests of the public in 432B.510 proceedings, as well as to serve as the attorney for the child welfare agency. The Legislative acts must be read in harmony with one another so as to effectuate to both."

Finally, the AG asked, "Is the Interlocal Agreement between Clark County and the State terminable in the event the Attorney General interprets Section 54 of the 2009 Appropriations Bill (AB 562) to prohibit the State Division of Child and Family Services from passing funds through to Clark County?"

The DA's answer: "Yes, Pursuant to Section 4 of the Interlocal, the Interlocal immediately terminates upon any cessation or reduction in funding. After the termination, the Interlocal provides that the parties have up to 180 days to develop an alternative child welfare services delivery plan that insures the fiscal and programmatical responsibility of the State and Clark County be proportional to the level of responsibility of each entity prior to the integration of child welfare services."

The full text of the Clark County DA's response to the Attorney General can be read here.

Steven Miller is vice president for policy at the Nevada Policy Research Institute.

NPRI’s Transparency Project on the LVCVA: May 19, 2009 update

Original Dec. 3, 2008 report
Feb. 4, 2009 update
Feb. 16, 2009 update
 Apr. 9, 2009 update
• Apr. 20, 2009 update  

Las Vegas Convention & Visitors Authority Vice Chairman Keith Smith is refusing to answer questions about the authority's long-standing policy of advancing millions of dollars in interest-free operating funds to Airwave Productions, an affiliate of the authority's advertising firm, R&R Partners.

There is no provision in the current agreement for the LVCVA to provide advance payments to R&R or any of its subsidiaries or affiliated companies, including the advertising firm's production arm, Airwave Productions. The LVCVA has routinely advanced millions of dollars to Airwave since at least 2005.

Smith, who is also president and chief executive officer of Boyd Gaming, has direct oversight of the LVCVA's contract with R&R as chairman of the authority's audit committee. The committee is reviewing a proposed three-year contract with R&R that will be presented to the full LVCVA board next month for approval. R&R has controlled the LVCVA contract since 1980. The LVCVA board voted in April to extend the R&R advertising agreement rather than open the contract up to competitive bidding.

The Nevada Policy Research Institute approached Smith minutes after the LVCVA monthly meeting concluded last week and attempted to interview the high-profile gaming official about the authority's cash advances to Airwave. But Smith's public relations assistant at Boyd Gaming, Rob Stillwell, repeatedly attempted inside the convention center to physically interpose himself to disrupt the interview. Smith declined to comment on the LVCVA's advance payments to Airwave and whether the practice will continue in the future.

Smith is a highly respected gaming official who in January was appointed to a three-year term as a director of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco. He is also vice chairman of the American Gaming Association and chairman of the Nevada Resort Association. R&R is a lobbyist for the Nevada Resort Association.

Smith's reticence to discuss LVCVA issues related to the advertising agreement and the advances is mirrored by a refusal of every member of the 14-member LVCVA board to accept NPRI's request for a sit-down interview. Only one board member, Wynn Resorts president Andrew Pascal, returned calls and messages requesting an interview, and Pascal declined. LVCVA board chairman and Las Vegas Mayor Oscar Goodman initially agreed to an interview last week, but his public affairs spokesman later called and said Goodman was too busy for an interview but that NPRI was welcome to ask questions at his weekly press conference.

The advance payments to Airwave Productions have raised serious questions about the propriety of the relationship between the authority and Las Vegas lobbyist and advertising executive William Vassiliadis, who controls both R&R and Airwave. State law forbids a public agency from providing gifts to a private company.

Vassiliadis is the CEO of R&R, which has the lucrative advertising contract with the LVCVA that is worth $89 million in fiscal 2009. Airwave is a separate corporate entity that was created in 1986 and is 100 percent owned by Vassiliadis. Airwave's offices are located at R&R's South Pavilion Center Drive headquarters in Las Vegas.

The Nevada Policy Research Institute uncovered the longstanding practice where the LVCVA routinely advances millions of dollars to Airwave in connection with the production of television and radio ads for the authority's advertising campaigns. The LVCVA provides the cash advances to Airwave with scant documentation, LVCVA records reveal.

The issue of the advance payments to Airwave has simmered for months since it was first reported by NPRI in December. Vassiliadis has denied that Airwave Productions has benefited from the advance payments, but he has acknowledged that he does not have a sufficient line of credit from private lenders to cover the costs associated with producing advertisements for the authority without the assistance of the LVCVA advances.

The refusal by Smith and other board members to discuss the LVCVA's relationship with Airwave Productions and R&R comes as the authority is facing its most serious financial crisis in its 50-year history. The LVCVA's budget has been in free-fall in 2009, as officials were forced to repeatedly slash estimated bed-tax revenue from $243 million in May of 2008 to the latest estimate of $179 million released last week.

The $64 million plunge in the authority's primary revenue source, which comes from a share of the 13 percent tax on Clark County hotel and motel rooms, has forced the LVCVA staff to slash spending across the board, except for advertising. The LVCVA will spend $89 million with R&R on advertising in fiscal year 2009, up 2 percent from 2008. Advertising spending is projected to decline 4 percent next year, to $86.5 million.

The advance payments to Airwave Productions were discovered during NPRI's yearlong review of LVCVA public records. The advances range from million-dollar-plus payments for major television productions to relatively small advances of less than $50,000, LVCVA records show. In some cases, the advances were made many months before the ads were produced.

LVCVA officials state that the advances were issued to Airwave to cover deposits and up-front costs demanded by third-party vendors before work could begin on making advertisements. But the authority routinely issued far more cash to Airwave than was sought by Airwave's subcontractors for deposits, records show.

In addition, the authority has not explained why it is necessary for the LVCVA to cover any of Airwave's production costs and how the public benefits from this arrangement. Airwave receives a financial benefit, as it need not borrow money and incur the expense of interest charges while it operates.

Airwave also charges the LVCVA a 17.65 percent commission on most of the work it passes through to third-party vendors. Once the work is completed, Airwave submits a final invoice to R&R, which forwards it to the LVCVA for payment. The final R&R invoice to the authority factors in the advance payments previously made to Airwave by the LVCVA. The advance payment scheme requires the LVCVA staff to devote time to tracking the advance payments and reconciling invoices, records show.

State and county officials have told NPRI that public agencies rarely make advance payments to private vendors. Kimberly Tarter, deputy administrator of the Nevada Purchasing Division, says the state "does not make advance payments" to vendors for goods and services.

"I know vendors sometimes ask to be paid in advance, but a payment in advance runs many risks," Tarter said. "We are not willing to take that risk."

Smith was also audit committee chairman in 2007 when the LVCVA internal audit staff concluded that the LVCVA advertising agreement with R&R was in "breach of contract" for more than seven years.

The LVCVA audit concluded that the breach constituted an "actual or likely violation of laws, regulations or control deficiencies that could result in significant loss to the Authority or result in bad publicity."

The audit found that an R&R subsidiary, R&R Live, violated numerous provisions of the Advertising Agreement and operated without LVCVA oversight.

Despite the audit findings, the LVCVA never determined how much it had been overcharged by R&R Live.

NPRI’s Transparency Project on the LVCVA: Apr. 20, 2009 update

Original Dec. 3, 2008 report
Feb. 4, 2009 update
Feb. 16, 2009 update
 Apr. 9, 2009 update
May 19, 2009 update  

Millions of dollars in advance payments from the Las Vegas Convention and Visitors Authority to a company owned by R&R Partners CEO William Vassiliadis would not be allowed under state procurement regulations, a state purchasing official said Wednesday.

And, contrary to published statements by the LVCVA and Vassiliadis that more than $4 million in cash advances to Airwave Productions were immediately passed through to third-party vendors requiring upfront deposits for the costs related to advertising production, authority billing records reveal that the LVCVA has advanced far more money to Airwave than was needed to pay Airwave's subcontractors seeking deposits.

The LVCVA advances exceeded the upfront deposits required from Airwave's subcontractors by more than $300,000 on two occasions in 2007 and provided as much as 95 percent of the total cost of producing the advertisement. Furthermore, there is no indication from LVCVA records that the cash advances paid to Airwave that were then used to cover deposits sought by third-party vendors resulted in any savings for the authority.

LVCVA records also show that the authority frequently makes relatively small cash advances of less than $100,000 to Airwave, contrary to published statements by the LVCVA and Vassiliadis that the advances are required to pay Airwave's subcontractors that are seeking substantial deposits.

The LVCVA cash advances provide evidence that the authority has been providing money that was used to cover at least some, if not all, of Airwave's operating expenses. The state Constitution prohibits a public agency such as the LVCVA from providing gifts or loans to a private company.

Airwave is used by R&R Partners to manage radio and television advertising production. Airwave, however, is a separate corporate entity from R&R Productions and is 100 percent owned by Vassiliadis. Airwave was created in 1986.

The LVCVA has no contract with Airwave, although the authority does regularly make advance payments directly to the company.

The LVCVA on Tuesday awarded R&R Partners a three-year extension on its $90-million-a-year advertising contract. The LVCVA board voted unanimously to extend the contract rather than seek competitive bids. R&R Partners has held the LVCVA advertising contract since 1980.

In an interview Thursday, Vassiliadis said that the LVCVA advances were not being used to cover Airwave's operating expenses. "No, no, no, they are really not used for that," he said.

He also said that Airwave does not receive a financial advantage from the advances, such as earning interest on the money before it is used. "We don't operate with our client's (LVCVA) money," he said. "We don't put the money in short term money market accounts or purchase CDs. It just not the way we do business."

Vassiliadis said the advances are needed to cover upfront expenses that can run millions of dollars for major productions. He said his $1.5 million credit line is insufficient to cover the upfront expenses. "I don't have $1.5 million available just for the convention authority" account, he said.

Vassiliadis declined to answer questions concerning specific LVCVA advance payments to Airwave.

Vassiliadis is quoted in the April 13 edition of the Las Vegas Review-Journal saying the LVCVA advance payments to Airwave are immediately passed through to subcontractors requiring upfront payments and deposits for producing advertisements for the authority. "They (LVCVA) send us the check, we send the check to the companies," Vassiliadis told the Review-Journal.

The LVCVA also states that it provides the advance payments to allow Airwave to cover major, upfront costs. "Due to the substantial upfront production costs payable to third parties, Airwave Productions issues an advanced billing to cover these costs," the LVCVA said in a statement last December after the Nevada Policy Research Institute first revealed the advanced payments.

The LVCVA declined to respond to questions regarding its policy concerning advance payments to vendors and whether any other vendors receive similar advance payments from the $290 million agency.

The LVCVA advance payments to a private company would not be allowed under state procurement regulations, says Kimberly Tarter, deputy administrator of the Nevada Purchasing Division. The state, she says, "does not make advance payments" to vendors for goods and services.

"I know vendors sometimes ask to be paid in advance, but a payment in advance runs many risks," Tarter said Wednesday. "We are not willing to take that risk."

Tarter said the state procurement policy doesn't apply to political subdivisions such as the LVCVA, which falls under a different state statute for procurement. However, she said that it is good fiscal policy for any government agency to avoid making advance payments to vendors.

Making advance payments, she said, "could open up quite a Pandora's box if you really think about it." If the state, for some reason wanted to make an advance payment to a vendor, it would require "the Attorney General reviewing the contract," Tarter said.

In Clark County, the "general rule is that the receipt of goods or services must occur prior to payment," said county spokeswoman Jennifer Knight, in an e-mail. "This is part of county accounts payable procedures." However, she added, exceptions exist, such as for buses and fire trucks, where the county makes deposits and completes payment after delivery.

"These are infrequent and the payment terms and conditions are well defined in the contracts," said Knight.

Washoe County acting purchasing administrator Michael Sullens said that county, which includes Reno, does not have a "hard and fast policy" regarding advances to vendors. Sullens said the county will consider an advance to a vendor if it results in a substantial discount or savings to the county. "We typically would not extend a bunch of money," he said. "We want to limit our exposure."

NPRI obtained Airwave's billing records from the LVCVA under the Nevada Public Records Law as part of the Institute's transparency in government initiative. The records show the LVCVA advanced more than $4.1 million to Airwave between July 1, 2007 and Oct. 20, 2008.

LVCVA records show the authority advanced $1.717 million to Airwave on Feb. 12, 2007 for advance production costs for a new commercial for the "What Happens Here, Stays Here" campaign. Airwave received $1.4 million in invoices from three vendors seeking advance payments by Feb. 16, 2007. The largest vendor was Hungry Man Inc., a New York-based production company that submitted four separate invoices requesting $1.253 million in advance for "production services." Two other vendors requested upfront fees totaling $108,000.

Presuming Airwave immediately issued checks to the three vendors, Airwave retained $356,000 from the LVCVA advance payment. LVCVA records indicate that no other vendor asked for advance payments, and that fieldwork on the television advertisement did not begin for several more weeks.

Between Feb. 28 and March 7, 2007, filming for four television ads was done in Las Vegas, according to Airwave's billing records. In March, April and May, other subcontractors submitted invoices to Airwave, eventually bringing the total of the invoices over the balance remaining from the Feb. 12 advance payment.

On May 31, 2007, Airwave submitted a new invoice to the LVCVA for an additional $608,000 to cover expenses above the authority's $1.7 million advance payment. Included in the May invoice were $301,000 in commissions payable to Airwave. The LVCVA advance payment of $1.7 million covered 85 percent of the production's $2 million in expenses, not including the Airwave commission.

The LVCVA paid Airwave the $608,000 on July 30, 2007. It is unknown when Airwave paid its vendors.

In another example, LVCVA records show that the authority issued a "partial advance billing" of $1.5 million to Airwave on June 12, 2007 for a commercial for the "Your Vegas Is Showing" campaign. On that same date, Airwave received two invoices totaling $1.046 million from Smuggler, a New York production company. The Smuggler invoices stated they were for the "total production contract" for an advertisement called "Your Vegas is Showing."

Assuming Airwave immediately paid Smuggler the $1.04 million, Airwave continued to hold $453,967 from the LVCVA advance. On June 25, 2007 — 13 days after receiving the LVCVA advance payment — billing records state that Los Angeles-based Rock Paper Scissors submitted an advanced billing request for $92,379 for post-production work.

If Airwave immediately paid Rock Paper Scissors, Airwave still had $361,588 remaining from the LVCVA advance. Records indicate no other subcontractor sought an advance payment.

On Oct. 30, 2007 — more than four months after receiving the advance payment — Airwave submitted its final invoice to the LVCVA seeking an additional $317,010 to cover costs that exceeded the $1.5 million advance. The additional costs included $245,457 in commissions due to Airwave.

The LVCVA advance payment of $1.5 million covered all but $71,553 of the production expenses, or 95.5 percent of the productions costs, not including Airwave's commission.
The LVCVA paid Airwave on Dec. 14, 2007. Without Airwave's canceled checks, it's impossible to know when the company paid its subcontractors.

Billing records also show the authority advanced funds to Airwave for relatively small production expenses, months before the money was needed to pay outside producers.

The LVCVA advanced $57,000 to Airwave on June 21, 2007 and $41,500 on Sept. 24, 2007 for a total of $98,500 for an advertising campaign for Mesquite. Although Airwave received the first LVCVA advance in June 2007, the production was not filmed until October 2007.

Records show that primary subcontractor Cosmic Pictures Inc. submitted an invoice seeking $69,760 in advance pay on Oct. 4, 2007. The ad was filmed Oct. 8-11. Cosmic submitted a final bill on Dec. 6, 2007 for a balance owed of $23,253.

On Dec. 31, 2007, Airwave submitted a second invoice seeking an additional $32,738 above the initial LVCVA advance and in February 2008 sought additional fees bringing the grand total to $125,200 in expenses.

The LVCVA advance to Airwave covered 79 percent of the entire cost of the production. Airwave received an additional $17,800 commission.

The billing records indicate that the LVCVA regularly advances cash to Airwave with minimal information or documentation detailing the purpose of the upfront money. On Oct. 20, 2008, for example, the LVCVA forwarded $917,305 for a "partial advance billing" to Airwave with virtually no information. The one-page invoice submitted by Airwave requesting the advance stated: "backup to follow later."

NPRI’s Transparency Project on the LVCVA: Apr. 9, 2009 update

Original Dec. 3, 2008 report
Feb. 4, 2009 update
Feb. 16, 2009 update
Apr. 20, 2009 update
May 19, 2009 update  

The Las Vegas Convention and Visitors Authority will gather Tuesday to hear the marketing and lobbying firm R&R Partners explain why it believes its expiring $92 million-a-year advertising contract should be extended.

Yet, after many years, a crucial question still remains unanswered: What is the actual impact of R&R Partners' advertising campaign on the Las Vegas economy?

While there is no debate that advertising plays an important role in driving visitation to Las Vegas, no independent, rigorous financial analysis of the magnitude of the impact of the LVCVA's advertising campaign on the local economy has ever become public. In short, no one knows how much bang for the buck the regional economy is receiving from the massive, collective advertising program.

The LVCVA's primary mission is to drive tourists to southern Nevada. Without an objective measure of the impact of advertising on the economy, it is impossible to determine whether the LVCVA and R&R Partners are accomplishing their goal cost-efficiently for the Nevada public.

Determining the relationship between advertising spending and the regional economy is not an easy task, but it can be done. "In order to do that kind of analysis you need to have money to do it and the time and information," says Keith Schwer, director of the Center for Business and Economic Research at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas. "I don't have that."

The CBER is the most likely candidate to conduct an objective study on the economic value of LVCVA advertising. The analysis would be a daunting task, economists say, because of the number of variables involved and the blanket nature of advertising. But, they say, valuable information could be obtained that would help guide the authority's advertising spending decisions. "I think it would be a great thing to do," says Robert Potts, assistant director at the CBER.

It's unknown whether the LVCVA has conducted such detailed economic analysis. If it has, the authority has refused to release that data despite multiple formal public-records requests for such information from the Nevada Policy Research Institute. Researchers at UNLV also have been rebuffed in their attempts to conduct a fundamental study of the relationship between advertising spending and the local economy.

Billy Bai, UNLV associate professor of tourism and conventions, says the LVCVA has turned down requests by his department to do an empirical analysis of the relationship of advertising and key economic indicators. Bai says the LVCVA told the university that it conducts studies on the effectiveness of advertising but doesn't release the details. "As a marketing professional, I am concerned where we spend the dollars and want to see that the dollars spent generate the numbers desired," Bai says.

What is known is that the LVCVA has adopted a policy that spending on advertising is good, and more spending is better. Through its contract with R&R Partners, the LVCVA in the last six years has spent close to $500 million on advertising. When visitors pack the Strip and casino coffers are full, LVCVA credits its advertising campaign for the boom. When the Las Vegas tourism economy goes into the tank, the LVCVA says even more advertising is needed.

It's the best of both worlds for R&R Partners. The company is not only Nevada's biggest advertising agency, but also the most powerful lobbying firm in Carson City. R&R Partners has held the LVCVA advertising contract for an astounding 29 years and the LVCVA has not sought public bids on the advertising contract since 1999.

R&R Partners' contract has come under increased public scrutiny since last December, when NPRI released a detailed report on the relationship between the authority and the firm. Among the findings, NPRI found that LVCVA internal auditors determined in 2007 that the authority had allowed R&R Partners to operate for more than six years in breach of the advertising agreement. The NPRI investigation uncovered numerous examples of LVCVA steering money to R&R Partners with lax oversight.

This pattern continues. Not even a stunning $53 million drop in room-tax collections that provides 80 percent of LVCVA revenue has blunted the authority's enthusiasm for pumping more money into the R&R advertising campaigns. The 22 percent decline in room taxes forced the authority to slash spending across the board halfway through its 2009 fiscal budget. The exception was advertising, which instead was increased 5 percent, to $92 million. This prodigious spending on the R&R campaigns is in addition to the $33 million the LVCVA spends through its internal marketing department.

At the same time that the LVCVA upped the ante with R&R Partners, the authority shelved its $890 million convention center remodeling project. It also got the state Department of Transportation to delay its call for the LVCVA to fulfill a 2007 agreement with the state and issue bonds as part of its $300 million obligation to fund state highway construction projects. Rather than focus its increasingly scarce resources on "shovel ready" projects, the LVCVA is doubling down on its long-term stance that its near-$100-million annual external advertising budget is essential to the Las Vegas economy.

But where is the proof? Where is the statistical analysis that provides decision-makers with the tools needed to make informed decisions on how to best spend taxpayer funds? Does it make sense to increase advertising at time when consumers are increasing savings and reducing consumption? If so, by how much? NPRI requested interviews with the relevant LVCVA and R&R officials on this subject, but those requests were declined.

Instead of hard-boiled econometric analysis that attempts to determine, as best as possible, how much each dollar of advertising contributes to the overall Las Vegas economy and when is the best time to deploy advertising dollars, the LVCVA focuses its public effort on tweaking its advertising message and congratulating itself for the latest clever pitch.

The authority last spring finally abandoned its "What Happens Here, Stays Here" campaign, which R&R Partners' own internal research revealed had been relatively ineffective since 2004. R&R Research found that more than 70 percent of respondents to its internal monthly tracking poll said the campaign had no impact on their decision on whether to come to Las Vegas. The remaining 30 percent were split, with about 15 percent saying the ad campaign gave them a positive image of Las Vegas and 15 percent saying it left them with a negative perception.

R&R Partners has launched a new campaign urging financially stressed consumers to "Take a Break" by heading to the Strip. The campaign is reminiscent of the McDonald's "You deserve a break today" campaign of the early 1980s, when the economy was also in a deep downturn. But instead of grabbing a Big Mac, R&R Partners urges visitors to satiate their emotional hunger by going to "Vegas Now." So far, nearly a year into the new campaign, there is no indication that recession-weary consumers are biting.

The Clark County Tourism Index published monthly by UNLV's CBER continues to erode at a precipitous rate, exceeded in the last 14 years only by the months immediately following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. The Index, which measures air passengers at McCarran International Airport, Clark County hotel occupancy rates, and Clark County gross gaming revenue, fell every month in 2008 when compared to 2007.


The immediate outlook for southern Nevada's overall economy is also bleak. The CBER's March index of leading economic indicators, which does not include advertising spending among its 10 variables, declined 4.09 percent from 2008, and the index is at a level last reached in 2001. There's no indication it's about to turn positive any time soon, as Las Vegas faces its worse economic conditions since the 1930s.

What impact, then, is the LVCVA advertising campaign having on tourism and the local economy? Would the plunge in the tourism and leading economic indicators indices be even worse if there were no LVCVA advertising? If so, how much? Would the Las Vegas economy receive more benefit from the LVCVA increasing spending on the $300 million in transportation projects it must finance under a 2007 law rather than diverting funds to advertising?

There may not be a definitive answer to these questions, says Jeremy Aguero, a principal with Applied Analysis, a Las Vegas economic consulting firm frequently used by the LVCVA. "For every one dollar spent on advertising, how many visitors are going to come to Las Vegas" is a question that is "very difficult to measure," he says. "I don't know if there is any answer to that."

Aguero is preparing a report on the economic impact of advertising that will be presented at Tuesday's board meeting. But the report is not expected to be a definitive measure of LVCVA advertising's contribution to the regional economy. Aguero noted last month that data has been difficult to acquire.

While the economic impact of advertising on the Las Vegas economy remains unknown, there is some useful data that can provide insight into what drives visitors to come to Las Vegas. "There is a very close relationship between a strong economy and visitation to a destination," says UNLV professor Bai.

Indeed, the rate of change of visitation to Las Vegas has closely tracked changes in the overall health of the U.S. economy for decades. The only notable exceptions occurred in 1990, 1994 and 1999, when the visitation rate to Las Vegas deviated significantly from the overall economy. The sharp spikes in Las Vegas visitation rates in those years appear to be related to the opening of new resort properties on the Strip.

These deviations offer an opportunity for a detailed economic analysis of the impact of marketing by individual resort operators to promote their properties compared to the LVCVA's advertising expenditures focused on promoting Las Vegas in general. What has more impact on tourism, sharp increases in marketing by individual operators promoting their resorts or the LVCVA's steady campaign that keeps the Las Vegas brand in the public arena? Is it necessary for the LVCVA to continue spending upwards of $100 million a year, or is the private sector more effective in driving tourism to Las Vegas?

Preliminary data supports the contention that marketing by individual resorts can have a powerful impact on visitation. For example, visitation jumped 15 percent in 1990 as the national economy was slowing. The Mirage, with 3,049 rooms, opened in Nov. 1989 and the Excalibur, with 4,032 rooms, opened in June 1990, marking the first major expansion on the Strip since 1980. The novelty of the new resorts was likely a driver for increased visitation in 1990 that reached 20.9 million, up from 18.1 million in 1989. The increase in visitation, however, slowed dramatically in 1991 to 1 percent, or 360,000 additional visitors.

The next major visitation spike occurred in 1994, with a 20 percent jump in visitation. This occurred following four years of steady national economic expansion. Visitation jumped to 28.2 million, up from 23.5 million in 1994, as three major resorts opened on the Strip: Treasure Island (2,900 rooms, Oct. 1993), the Luxor (4,407 rooms, Oct. 1993) and MGM Grand (5,044 rooms, Dec. 1993). But once again, the rate of increase in visitation dramatically slowed the next year, increasing only 2.8 percent in 1995.

A third spike in the visitation rate came in 1999 following five years of strong national economic growth, with the opening of four casino hotels. Visitation jumped 10.5 percent to 33.8 million, up from 30.6 million in 1998, as the Bellagio (3,000 rooms, Oct. 1998), Mandalay Bay (3,700, March 1999), The Venetian (4,049 rooms, May 1999) and Paris (2,916, Sept. 1999) opened their doors. The visitation boom carried over into 2000 with a 6 percent increase in visitors to 35.8 million.

Since then, changes in the rate of visitation to Las Vegas have closely tracked changes in the national economy — with one fundamental difference. Unlike 1990, 1994 and 1999, when a surge in new resorts help spur sharp increases in visitation, the addition of more than 10,000 hotel rooms in the last year has only served to further depress the market, driving down occupancy rates and forcing deep discounting. Meanwhile, it is impossible to know what impact the LVCVA's advertising campaign is having on driving visitation because there is no credible econometric model measuring the impact. "It might very well be that marketing dollars is a very big deal," says CBER's assistant director, Robert Potts. But, he emphasizes, no one knows for sure.

What is certain is that a continuing decline in average daily room rate this year — it's already off 23 percent from February 2008 to February 2009 — will further erode the LVCVA's key source of revenue from the room tax. If this trend continues, it will seriously threaten to wipe out the authority's meager general-fund cash reserves, now perilously close to zero.

The next shoe to drop would be evaporation in cash reserves needed to repay more than $368 million in debt – an event that could put the LVCVA in default on $73 million in general-obligation bonds and $198 million in special-revenue bonds. The authority is also carrying $31 million in commercial paper that was borrowed to finance preliminary work on the postponed convention center expansion project. And this doesn't include the authority's obligation to pay for $300 million in transportation improvements required by the 2007 legislation.

"These numbers threaten our very essence," Las Vegas Mayor and LVCVA Board Chairman Oscar Goodman said during the March LVCVA board meeting after hearing the dismal economic forecasts that forced the board to shelve the convention center expansion project for at least a year.

The LVCVA is facing an unprecedented financial crisis as it celebrates its 50th anniversary this month. It only makes sense that the 14-member board of directors has the best information available to make the crucial decisions that lay ahead. The most important arrow missing in its quiver is a sophisticated econometric tool to measure the impact of advertising spending on the Las Vegas economy. Obtaining that tool and measuring the value of LVCVA advertising to the regional economy should be done before, not after, any new advertising contract is extended to R&R Partners, or any other advertising firm.

LVRDA tries to scam the public

The Las Vegas Redevelopment Agency currently finds itself locked in a court battle with the Culinary Union. The lawsuit is the result of a recent vote by Las Vegas city officials to exclude two referenda items proposed by Culinary from the June ballot. The two ballot initiatives would require (1) voter approval for all lease-purchase agreements by the city, and (2) a revocation of the city's redevelopment plan and voter approval for all future redevelopment projects.

City officials decided that these ballot initiatives were "legally defective" because they would take power away from the LVRDA – even though the legal process of qualifying the initiatives had been satisfied. Culinary responded by bringing the lawsuit that's currently before the Nevada Supreme Court.

Now, the very merits of the LVRDA have come under debate. Culinary Union research director Chris Bohner rightly recognizes that, "The redevelopment agency is taking a skim off the top of the property taxes that would be going to the schools, the police and these other entities." The Nevada Policy Research Institute has highlighted that fact at length. Redevelopment agencies in Nevada are essentially corporate welfare schemes that allow local officials to take money away from legitimate government services in order to give it to their friends in real estate development.

City officials contend that downtown development would not have occurred in Las Vegas without the provision of such subsidies. They also claim that the tax revenue diverted away from other government services to the LVRDA would not exist if the LVRDA were not deploying taxpayer subsidies to lure development downtown. Development that results from the subsidies, they claim, boosts property values and, hence, leads to an increase in property-tax revenue.

As evidence, city officials point to two specific developments receiving subsidies from the LVRDA: the World Market Center and Allure Condominiums. They argue that both properties pay much more in property taxes, now that they are home to completed projects, than they did in 2005 when the lots were vacant.

This argument is extremely misleading. In examining the fiscal impact of the subsidies, one cannot look at the property taxes paid by two parcels in isolation. More than half of the property taxes paid by all property owners within the redevelopment zone are currently diverted to the LVRDA to provide corporate welfare incentives – and to fund government projects like a proposed $267 million city-hall monument to the mayor. While these two newly developed parcels now pay more in property taxes to fund local government services, this does not offset the fact that less of the property taxes paid by all other parcels is going to fund government services. Indeed, more than half of the taxes paid by the majority of property owners in the redevelopment zone are being used to pay for that new development.

Moreover, because many homeowners within the redevelopment zone are low-income families, this diversion of property-tax dollars to large-scale real-estate developers amounts to a regressive wealth transfer.

Bill Robinson, an economics professor at UNLV, recently noted that a successful redevelopment plan should "create actual market opportunities for businesses so that they don't have to sell the business on the idea of being there. The businesses look at what's going on and are automatically attracted to it."

Robinson is right on the money by pointing to the creation of "market opportunities." Of course, the redevelopment model used by the LVRDA is inherently anti-market as it is driven by the arbitrary decision of government officials to bestow artificial advantages onto certain businesses. Instead of encouraging private development, this method creates a disincentive for developers to invest in the redevelopment zone if they cannot receive taxpayer subsidies. To do so, they would be forced to subsidize their competition. Often, this recognition can lead to rent-seeking behavior and corruption.

NPRI recently released an in-depth study that critiques the redevelopment model used by the LVRDA and other redevelopment agencies in Nevada. The study shows that while urban revitalization is often a worthwhile goal, the methods used by redevelopment agencies in Nevada unnecessarily burden taxpayers – especially low-income families – and can foster corruption. The study shows how the goal of redevelopment can be accomplished without such adverse consequences.

In light of the indefensible and controversial claims recently asserted by the LVRDA, evidence grows even stronger for the reforms recommended by NPRI. Policymakers at state and local levels should give those reforms serious consideration.

Geoffrey Lawrence is a fiscal policy analyst at the Nevada Policy Research Institute.

NPRI’s Transparency Project on the LVCVA: Feb. 16, 2009 update

Original Dec. 3, 2008 report
Feb. 4, 2009 update
• Apr. 9, 2009 update
Apr. 20, 2009 update
May 19, 2009 update  

The Las Vegas Convention and Visitors Authority is attempting to redefine its legal identity and that of its top official in the wake of the Nevada Policy Research Institute's disclosures of improper spending, ethics violations and a longstanding breach of contract by the authority's advertising agency.

No longer is the LVCVA a "political subdivision" of Clark County, according to Luke Puschnig, the authority's attorney. Instead, claims Puschnig, the LVCVA is "an independent government entity," exempt from all county rules and regulations.

At the same time, Puschnig also claims that LVCVA President and CEO Rossi Ralenkotter—who is paid more than $320,000 a year and has the authority to spend up to $100,000 without board approval—is not a "public officer" and therefore is exempt from filing personal financial disclosure statements with the state Commission on Ethics and the Secretary of State.

The record suggests the LVCVA attorney is wrong on both counts.

Puschnig's sweeping claims that the LVCVA is a power unto itself comes at a time the authority is facing increasing public scrutiny and sharply declining revenue. A sharp downturn in the number of visitors and conventions has triggered an 11 percent decrease in hotel room taxes.

Puschnig's statements contained in a Feb. 5 letter to NPRI raise the question of whether it is an effort to ward off any independent financial and operations audit of the authority by an outside entity, such as Clark County. Puschnig's assertion that Ralenkotter is not a public officer also appears an attempt to shelter his boss from a potential state Ethics Commission investigation.

Rather than circling the wagons around the LVCVA and Ralenkotter, the authority would better serve the Nevada public by welcoming an independent financial and operations audit that would bring transparency to LVCVA operations. Given the severe recession faced by the public and elected officials, such an arms-length review would allow informed decisions on how best to allocate approximately $200 million in taxpayer funds now dedicated to the LVCVA.

Authority records that have already surfaced reveal deeply entrenched and systemic problems—many of them located with the authority's $92 million-a-year contract with R&R Partners. The powerful advertising and lobbying firm has held the contract for 29 years. The current contract, which was last put to bid in 1999, expires June 30.

The cozy relationship between the LVCVA and R&R Partners is starkly symbolized by the LVCVA's willingness to provide R&R Partners the authority's actual rubber stamp for approval of expenses above $500. The stamp, LVCVA internal auditors discovered in 2007, was put to frequent use, approving at times more than $20,000 a month in travel for R&R employees without prior consent by the LVCVA—a gross violation of the contract between the two entities.

The authority also allowed an R&R subsidiary, R&R Live, to operate outside the terms of the advertising agreement for more than seven years. Then, once the LVCVA board learned of the breach of contract through a 2007 internal audit, it failed to determine how much the public authority had been overcharged.

The close-knit LVCVA-R&R Partners relationship continues. Between July 2007 and December 2008 the LVCVA loaned, in advance payments, more than $4.1 million in public funds to a company owned by R&R Partners President Billy Vassiliadis, LVCVA records show.

These payments appear to directly violate Article 8, Section 9 of the State of Nevada Constitution, which states: "The State shall not donate or loan money, or its credit" to any private "company, association, or corporation." The company receiving the public loan, Airwave Productions, is a separate legal entity from R&R Partners and has no contract with the LVCVA, the loaning agency.

Nevertheless, the LVCVA acts as Airwave's private banker by advancing funds, interest free, for Airwave to use to oversee the production of television and radio ads.

Airwave funnels most of the LVCVA advances to subcontractors, including Las Vegas-based Red Agency, where a top executive is married to an Airwave executive. Airwave paid Red at least $187,000 from March 2007 through February 2008. Airwave also charged the LVCVA at least $30,000 in commissions in connection with the Red subcontracts.

Airwave's advance billings have become so casual that the LVCVA issued one advance payment of $917,305 to Airwave based on a one-page invoice with no documentation other than a notation stating: "backup to follow later."

The LVCVA not only spends $92 million a year ($398.4 million between 2004 and 2008) on advertising with R&R Partners, it also operates an internal marketing department that has 136 employees with an $8.2 million payroll. Overall, the LVCVA budgeted $126 million this year, or 42 percent of its budget, for advertising and marketing.

Despite the massive internal marketing arm, the LVCVA doesn't rely on it to land big-time clients. For example, the LVCVA instead shelled out a $55,697 commission to R&R Partners for securing a $315,000 LVCVA sponsorship of the Chicago Cubs. Nor did Ralenkotter turn to his own marketing department to produce an elaborate budget presentation he made to the LVCVA board. Instead, he spent $141,000 with R&R Live.

The natural question is: Why should it cost $141,000 to give a report to the board of directors?

A review of LVCVA spending strongly suggests that Ralenkotter steers as much money as possible to R&R Partners. Sharply declining bed tax revenue has forced the LVCVA to reduce spending across the board, except for spending on R&R's advertising contract, which has increased to $92 million this year, up from $87 million a year ago. The authority has until March 1 to extend R&R Partners' contract another five years.

The LVCVA board sidestepped the issue at its Feb. 10 monthly meeting. Board Chairman Oscar Goodman rushed through the agenda item calling for discussion of the advertising agreement and, instead, formed a committee, without board approval, to review the board's options.

Goodman named Clark County Commissioner Lawrence Weekly, Henderson Mayor James Gibson, Boyd Gaming CEO Keith Smith, MGM Mirage executive Charles Bowling, Las Vegas Chamber of Commerce CEO Kara Kelly and himself to the unofficial LVCVA committee.

Conflicts of interest abound with several members of Goodman's ad hoc committee. Bowling and Smith both have ties to R&R Partners through their respective companies' membership in the Nevada Resort Association, which has hired R&R Partners as its lobbyist in Carson City.

Gibson, during the board's 2003 advertising contract discussions, expressed strong support for R&R Partners and successfully added the clause, now coming into play, allowing the board to extend R&R Partner's contract without going to public bid. Goodman, meanwhile, acknowledged in 2003 that Vassiliadis advised one of his sons on a business matter.

Given the evidence of too-intimate relationships between LVCVA's management, some members of its board and R&R Partners, Clark County would be the most logical government to commission an independent, top-to-bottom audit of the authority. It was the county, under powers granted by the state, that in 1955 created the LVCVA under the name of the "Clark County Fair & Recreation Board."

The board changed its name to the "Las Vegas Convention and Visitors Authority" in 1967. Since then, it has largely abandoned its original mandate to support recreation in Clark County and instead has focused almost exclusively on increasing tourism for the benefit of the gaming and hotel industry and operating the convention center.

Attempting to distance the LVCVA from Clark County, LVCVA attorney Luke Puschnig stated in his letter to NPRI that the LVCVA "is not a subdivision of Clark County." Puschnig's assertion comes after the LVCVA had responded to more than 20 NPRI public records requests since last March where NPRI described the LVCVA as "a publicly funded subdivision of Clark County, NV." Puschnig never objected to the description, until now.

Puschnig also has now declared that neither the "administrative provisions of the Clark County Code nor the administrative regulations" apply to the authority.

Puschnig's attempt to secede from Clark County is undermined by the LVCVA's own descriptions of itself in multiple legal documents. NPRI's use of the term "subdivision of Clark County" in its public records requests was based on the LVCVA's own description of itself in its 1999 contract with R&R Partners. In the preamble of its current advertising agreement with R&R Partners, the LVCVA explicitly identified itself as a "political subdivision" of Clark County.

Even more definitive is the legal description the LVCVA provided to investors for more than $250 million in outstanding tax-free, municipal bonds. "The authority is an instrumentality of Clark County," the LVCVA states in its 2007 official statement in connection with the sale of $50 million in bonds to finance the purchase of eight acres adjacent to the convention center (emphasis added).

The bonding document also states that the LVCVA had previously issued more than $73 million in general obligation bonds "on behalf of Clark County."

Thus, not only is the LVCVA a "political subdivision" and an "instrumentality" of Clark County, the authority is also dependent on Clark County for the use of powers that only a truly independent government entity can exert. The LVCVA has no independent taxing authority and can not change the room tax or gambling receipts tax rates that provide most of its funding. Nor can the LVCVA exercise the power of eminent domain without the assistance of the Clark County Commission.

Not only is Puschnig attempting to isolate the LVCVA from possible county oversight, he also is attempting to shield its president, Ralenkotter, from provisions of Nevada's Ethics in Government law, claiming Ralenkotter is not a "public officer" as defined by that law.

However, the state Commission on Ethics has already determined that the occupant of a parallel position, the office of president and CEO of the Reno-Sparks Convention and Visitors Authority (RSCVA), is a "public officer" under state ethics laws. In an April 2002 opinion regarding an investigation of improper use of RSCVA credit cards by then-president and CEO J. Phillip Keene III, the commission stated as a conclusion of law that Keene was a "public officer."

The Ethics Commission opinion could spell trouble for Ralenkotter. Not only has he failed to file personal financial disclosure statements as required for all public officers, he has also accepted travel expenses from companies doing business with the authority, which state law prohibits government employees from doing.

Further, Ralenkotter used authority funds to benefit himself personally when he cut an LVCVA check for $25,000 to a Denver-based nonprofit hospital that had no business with the LVCVA but intended to honor Ralenkotter as its 2008 "humanitarian" of the year. He also encumbered the LVCVA for expenses of $1,125 for airfare for himself and his wife to travel to Denver to visit the National Jewish Hospital and an overnight stay at the Denver Ritz Carleton, at taxpayer expense.

Puschnig's attempts to insulate the LVCVA and Ralenkotter from independent oversight appear legally specious. If the principles of public accountability regularly professed by Clark County Commissioners and the state Ethics Commission mean anything, both of these agencies should now weigh in.

The fundamental issue is the public's right to know how its money is being spent by a troubled public agency—particularly during hard times of financial uncertainty.

NPRI’s Transparency Project on the LVCVA: Feb. 4, 2009 update

Original Dec. 3, 2008 report
• Feb. 16, 2009 update
• Apr. 9, 2009 update
Apr. 20, 2009 update
May 19, 2009 update

R&R Partners Advertising Agreement in Limbo

The Las Vegas Convention and Visitors Authority's 14-member board of directors will face a crucial decision at its next meeting on Feb. 13: Whether to extend R&R Partners' $87 million-a-year advertising contract for another five years.

The LVCVA has the option to extend the advertising agreement expiring June 30 for another five years, but it must do so in writing by March 1. The LVCVA will post its agenda for the Feb. 13 meeting on Thursday, Feb. 5.

If the LVCVA board doesn't extend the contract by March 1, indications suggest that the lucrative advertising contract R&R Partners has controlled since 1980 will go out to public bid for the first time in 10 years. Over the last five fiscal years the LVCVA has paid R&R $398 million to manage advertising.

The LVCVA's relationship with R&R Partners has come under intense media scrutiny the last two months after the Nevada Policy Research Institute obtained and published an internal LVCVA audit of R&R Partners' advertising agreement that found serious violations of the contract.

The Sept. 12, 2007 audit discovered "actual or likely violations of laws, regulations or control deficiencies that could result in significant financial loss to the Authority or result in bad publicity."

NPRI published its report on Dec. 3. One day earlier, an NPRI public records request revealed, the LVCVA sent a draft contract to R&R Partners to extend the advertising agreement another five years. In a Dec. 2 e-mail to R&R attorney Morgan Baumgartner, LVCVA attorney Luke Puschnig said he had attached a "very rough draft of an agreement to extend the R&R contract."

Puschnig suggested that the two parties "get the legal aspects done then we can get the business people to draft the other part later." Puschnig indicated that the business side of the agreement would be "coming up in about two months."

Puschnig's e-mail gave no indication that any other party was under consideration for the advertising contract. The draft contract expands the scope of service beyond advertising to also include "branding and communications."

On Jan. 21, 2009, however, Puschnig sent another e-mail to Baumgartner attempting to remove any impression that the LVCVA had made a decision to extend the R&R contract.

"My previous (Dec. 2) e-mail in no way indicates that R&R will be awarded the contract," Puschnig states in the e-mail. "The draft of the advertising agreement is a general template that may be used for advertising contracts regardless of the vendor," Puschnig explained.

The cover page of the draft agreement, however, identifies the vendor as "R&R Partners, Inc." rather than leaving the space blank so that it could be circulated to other prospective bidders.

Puschnig's subsequent Jan. 21 e-mail put R&R on notice "that neither Rossi (LVCVA president Rossi Ralenkotter) nor the LVCVA Board of Directors have made any decision regarding the advertising contract."


LVCVA records confirm Ralenkotter accepted payment of travel expenses by LVCVA client

LVCVA president Rossi Ralenkotter's acceptance of travel expenses from one of the authority's major vendors appears to violate the state Ethics in Government law.

Ralenkotter accepted airfare, hotel and professional football tickets from mega-builder HNTB when he visited the firm's headquarters in Kansas City, Kan., in October 2007, LVCVA travel expense records show.

HNTB Nevada, Inc. signed a $56.6 million contract with the LVCVA on July 10, 2007 to provide architectural services for the remodeling and expansion of the Las Vegas Convention Center. HNTB Nevada is an affiliate of HNTB.

The state Ethics in Government law (NRS 281A.400) prohibits a "public officer or employee" from accepting any "salary, retainer, augmentation, expense allowance or other compensation from any private source for the performance of his duties as a public officer or employee." (emphasis added)

The statute defines a public officer as a person appointed or elected to a position established by the state Constitution or statute and which involves the exercise of "public power, trust or duty."

Ralenkotter appears to fit the definition of both a "public officer" in his role as president and chief executive officer of the LVCVA, and of a public employee. The LVCVA is a political subdivision of Clark County and was created by state statute as the Clark County Fair & Recreation Board. The LVCVA is primarily funded by a hotel room tax that generated about $220 million for the authority last year. The LVCVA board has delegated to Ralenkotter the authority to approve up to $100,000 in LVCVA expenses without board approval.

Ralenkotter's trip to Kansas City was for official LVCVA business. In a Nov. 2, 2007 internal memo, Ralenkotter states that the purpose of his trip was "to review our project and meet with the LVCVA/HNTB design team."

Ralenkotter's expense report-released in response to NPRI's Dec. 12, 2008 public records request-states that the "client provide (sic) airfare & lodging."

The expense report differs from an earlier copy of the report that the LVCVA provided to NPRI after a July 3, 2008 public records request. The earlier version of the travel expense report did not include the statement about the client paying certain expenses but did indicate that Ralenkotter incurred no charge for airfare and hotel.

According to the latest expense report, HNTB paid for Ralenkotter's $188 roundtrip airfare on Southwest Airlines and for two nights in the Sheraton Hotel in Kansas City. Ralenkotter's only meal expenses charged to the LVCVA were for breakfast on Oct. 13 and 14. It is unknown who paid for Ralenkotter's other meals.

Ralenkotter also received a ticket to an NFL football game. He states in an internal memo that "HNTB hosted me at the Kansas City Chiefs football game" on Oct. 14.

The LVCVA redacted portions of seven pages of e-mails between HNTB and the LVCVA discussing plans for Ralenkotter's trip to Kansas City. NPRI has requested that the LVCVA provide the complete e-mails between Ralenkotter's secretary and an administrative assistance for HNTB.

Ralenkotter has denied violating any laws related to receiving improper travel expenses from LVCVA clients.

The state Ethics Commission can impose civil penalties not to exceed $5,000 for the first willful violation of the law and can institute court action to remove an official from office if more than three willful violations have been committed. The commission rarely initiates an investigation unless it first receives a formal, written complaint.


Ralenkotter approved LVCVA payment for his wife's airplane ticket on junket to Denver

LVCVA president Rossi Ralenkotter approved authority payment of his wife's $189.50 roundtrip plane ticket to accompany him on a trip to Denver last year to tour the National Jewish Medical and Research Center.

The April 10-11 Denver trip came a month before Ralenkotter and his wife, Mary Jo, were honored by National Jewish as its 2008 Humanitarians of the year at a gala dinner at the Four Seasons Hotel in Las Vegas.

Ralenkotter approved an LVCVA donation of $25,000 to National Jewish Hospital as part of the event that honored the couple. The LVCVA contribution was the largest single donation received by National Jewish during its 2007-08 fundraising campaign in southern Nevada.

The hospital has no direct business with the LVCVA.

The LVCVA "travel authorization" form Ralenkotter signed directing the LVCVA to pay for his wife's plane ticket requires the attachment of an "approved spouse/companion travel memo." However, none was attached.

The LVCVA paid $1,125 in expenses for the Ralenkotters' trip to Denver including: $379 for two airplane tickets; $486 for other transportation of which only $175 is accounted for with receipts; $355 for a room at the Denver Ritz-Carlton, $54 for in-room dining; and $175 in miscellaneous expenses with no receipts.

The state Ethics in Government law (NRS 281A.420(7)) prohibits a public officer or employee from using "government time, property, equipment or other facility to benefit his personal or financial interest."

NPRI’s Transparency Project on the LVCVA

Detailed report
• Supporting documentation
Feb. 4, 2009 update
• Feb. 16, 2009 update
• Apr. 9, 2009 update
Apr. 20, 2009 update
May 19, 2009 update

The Nevada Policy Research Institute has made the issue of government transparency a top priority in 2008, as the issue has grown in prominence nationally and as the need for more transparency here in Nevada has become clear.

As a result of the issue's growing prominence, state-based think tanks all over the country – including NPRI – have been able to obtain national funding to pursue transparency initiatives at state and local levels.

The Las Vegas Convention & Visitors Authority is the recipient of approximately $227 million a year in hotel taxes generated in Clark County. The revenue is projected to increase to more than $305 million annually by 2012 as thousands of new hotel rooms are completed.

While the growth rate in tax collections will be tempered by the recession that is already impacting Las Vegas, the taxing mechanism is in place for the LVCVA to receive hundreds of millions of dollars in additional revenue over the next decade.

The hotel tax revenue dedicated to the LVCVA has triggered vigorous policy debate about whether a portion of future LVCVA revenue should be reallocated to other public uses. The ballot initiatives that were rejected by the Nevada Supreme Court on technical grounds are likely to be the first in a series of attempts to tap into this revenue.

Given the central role the LVCVA plays in Southern Nevada's economy, the Nevada Policy Research Institute decided to take a close look at the LVCVA's finances and operations. NPRI hired investigative reporter John Dougherty (InvestigativeMedia.com) to obtain and conduct an analysis of LVCVA internal records. Over the course of eight months, NPRI filed 16 public records requests seeking more than 60 different items. More than 10,000 pages of internal LVCVA documents have been reviewed, including line-item expenditures, internal audit reports and working papers, e-mails, travel expense reports, bonding documents and correspondence.

The investigation to date has focused exclusively on the acquisition and review of public documents. No interviews with LVCVA personnel have been conducted, beyond cursory discussions with LVCVA's attorney over the scope of the records requests. The LVCVA has provided most, but not all of the records requested. The LVCVA has not charged NPRI for the documents or for the time it has allocated to gathering, and in some cases, heavily redacting records.

LVCVA records that have been obtained reveal a pattern of extravagant spending, lax accounting, shoddy oversight and a disturbingly cozy relationship with major contractors. Internal LVCVA documents also raise serious doubt about the overall effectiveness of the $123 million-a-year advertising and marketing campaign. There is also evidence that state "Ethics in Government" laws have been violated on several occasions, and there is evidence of violations of the Advertising Agreement between R&R Partners and the LVCVA.

The LVCVA is a political subdivision of Clark County but operates as if it is a Fortune 500 corporation. LVCVA top officers travel in first-class luxury and its president, Mr. Rossi Ralenkotter, is paid $320,000 in salary and bonus incentives. State and county travel regulations require employees to minimize travel costs – a policy that is ignored by the LVCVA for its top executives. For example, LVCVA Vice President of Marketing Terry Jicinsky in April spent more than $11,500 for a weeklong trip to Dubai, including $9,000 in first-class airfare.

Mr. Ralenkotter also enjoys frequent first-class travel, including a trip last spring to Maui. Of greater concern is Mr. Ralenkotter's willingness to accept free travel from companies that have business with the LVCVA. For example, Mr. Ralenkotter may have accepted airfare and hotel expenses from HNTB, a Kansas City design and construction company that has a contract to remodel the convention center. Accepting travel expenses from a company that has business with a public agency violates the state Ethics in Government law.

Extravagant spending and cozy relationships with contractors set the stage for more serious issues, particularly in the LVCVA's relationship with its largest subcontractor, R&R Partners. The powerful public affairs and advertising firm has received $398 million from the LVCVA over the last five fiscal years. R&R Partners' five-year contract expires June 30, 2009. The contract can be extended by five years on written approval by the LVCVA prior to March 1, 2009. R&R Partners has had the LVCVA advertising contract since 1980.

R&R Partners is the largest non-governmental beneficiary from the room tax. The LVCVA will pay R&R Partners approximately $87 million in FY2009 for its advertising campaign and other services. This is equal to the combined room tax revenue received by Clark County, Las Vegas, Boulder City, Henderson, North Las Vegas and Mesquite and significantly more than the $76 million received by the Clark County School District.

A September 2007 LVCVA internal audit discovered R&R Partners breached its contract by having a subsidiary, R&R Live, bill the LVCVA outside of the terms of R&R Partners' 1999 agreement. The internal audit found widespread billing problems and concluded that R&R Live was operating without oversight. The LVCVA did not expand the audit to determine how much money R&R Live had overcharged the LVCVA since it was founded in 2000.

The failure to review R&R Live's billing practices is not surprising given the overall relationship between the LVCVA and R&R Partners. The LVCVA appears to have turned over the keys to the safe to R&R Partners. Indeed, literally, the LVCVA provided the rubber stamp of its finance director to R&R Partners to approve expenses above $500 without review by the LVCVA – another violation of the LVCVA's contract with R&R Partners.

Mr. Ralenkotter has also steered questionable work to R&R Live – work that could have been handled in-house. For example, Mr. Ralenkotter had R&R Live prepare his comments and a presentation to the LVCVA board of directors at a cost of nearly $142,000.

The LVCVA has also quietly entered into no-bid contracts for R&R Partners to provide a host of additional services paid through a monthly retainer that has nearly doubled since 2000 to $46,000. Meanwhile, William Vassiliadis, R&R Partners CEO, is steering millions of dollars of LVCVA-related business, including television advertisement production, to a company he owns called Airwave Productions. In December 2005, the LVCVA issued a $424,130 payment to R&R Partners based on a one-page invoice submitted by Airwave Productions seeking "Partial Advance Billing."

The troublesome nature of the intertwined relationship between LVCVA executives and subcontractors, particularly R&R Partners, is amplified by the extraordinary contract between R&R Partners and its largest subcontractor, Initiative Worldwide Media. This relationship appears to be in direct violation of the Advertising Agreement between the LVCVA and R&R Partners because of its secretive nature.

R&R Partners pays IWM approximately $40 million a year to purchase airtime on broadcast and cable television and radio stations. R&R Partners adds a 17.65 percent commission to IWM's cost when R&R Partners submits its invoice to the LVCVA. The troublesome part of this scenario is that IWM redacts its actual costs on invoices provided to LVCVA, making it impossible for LVCVA to know if R&R Partners is properly charging its commission.

Section 3.07 of the Advertising Agreement requires that "copies of all outside production invoices to Agency will accompany the bill to the Client. Each invoice will itemize time spent and charged during the month by agency function, media cost, production cost, taxes and all other items being charged against each project."

In addition, R&R Partners has other corporate clients that do business with IWM, posing a potential conflict of interest for R&R Partners when it represents the LVCVA's interests with IWM.

Properly charging commissions on invoices submitted to the LVCVA has been an ongoing problem for R&R Partners. LVCVA internal auditors discovered that R&R had been overcharging commissions for outdoor advertising – for years. R&R Partners was using the improper commission rate – a higher rate that had been lowered – and was basing the commission on gross rather than net. It is unknown how much money R&R Partners overcharged the LVCVA.

NPRI's review of the 2007 LVCVA internal audit of R&R Partners discovered problems with the audit itself. The audit stated it took a sample of R&R Partners' invoices greater than $500,000 from July 2005 through mid-March 2006. However, NPRI discovered that the audit excluded invoices from mid-December through mid-January. The LVCVA on Nov. 21 provided documentation of $978,000 in billings for December 2005 in response to NPRI public records request. The documentation included Airwave Productions' $424,130 invoice for future work cited above.

Problems at the LVCVA extend beyond its relationship with R&R Partners. The LVCVA's decision to purchase commercial real estate in 2006 and 2007 at the height of the real estate market raises questions of judgment. But setting aside the crystal ball on the direction of real estate values, there is clear evidence that the LVCVA paid well above market value on at least two purchases, including a $50 million deal to buy property that had sold for $33 million 18 months earlier.

In addition to the free trips and expensive travel cited above, Mr. Ralenkotter also appears to have used LVCVA funds for a banquet that had no direct connection to the LVCVA beyond bestowing an honor on Mr. Ralenkotter. A Denver research hospital selected Mr. Ralenkotter as the 2008 "Humanitarian" of the year.

The annual award is used as an excuse to host a fundraising dinner for the hospital, which included a Las Vegas showgirl paid for by the LVCVA. Mr. Ralenkotter used thousands of dollars of LVCVA funds to prepare for the dinner and allocated $25,000 in LVCVA funds as a sponsor for the event that benefited an out-of-state organization. At the very least this appears to be a serious ethical lapse, if not a violation of the state Ethics in Government law.

There also is evidence the LVCVA board of directors held a meeting outside of normally posted public meetings when a conference call was scheduled in March to discuss the hotel tax initiatives. Mr. Ralenkotter invited six of the 14 board members as well as one alternate to participate in the March 20 conference call. The LVCVA has not provided records related to who participated in the call and what was discussed.

Finally, there is substantial evidence that the LVCVA's much ballyhooed marketing campaign (What Happens Here, Stays Here) has had little impact on increasing tourism to Las Vegas. While the slogan has gained national fame, R&R Partners' internal monthly tracking surveys show it has had virtually no impact since 2005 – and in fact, appears to leave more people with a negative impression of Las Vegas than a positive one.

The findings above need to be placed in the overall context of the LVCVA's spending. The LVCVA spent $123 million on marketing and advertising in FY 2008, approximately 40 percent of its budget. Of this, $87.2 million was funneled through R&R Partners. LVCVA's operation of the convention center and the Cashman Center accounts for only 16 percent of the LVCVA's expenditures at $45.2 million.

Declining revenue projections have already forced the LVCVA to scale back its $890 million remodeling project for the convention center. The LVCVA has also been forced to curtail capital projects because of the impact of the $300 million in state transportation projects the LVCVA must fund at a rate of about $20 million a year.

A detailed outline of NPRI's major findings follows this introduction. Each chapter of the outline is supported by links to documentation obtained from the LVCVA. The outline and records provide a solid foundation to continue an investigation into the LVCVA's operations.

The inquiry could profitably be expanded to look at the relationships between R&R Partners and the municipalities that also receive funding from the room tax. That would allow the public to more fully understand the political structure that now controls the collection and allocation of a tax that will soon reach $500 million a year.

Detailed report
• Supporting documentation
NEW: Feb. 4, 2009 update